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1
Dorondo, D. R. "A comparative study of Bavarian federalism 1918-1933, 1945-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384066.
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Sycher, Alexander. "The Nazi Soldier in German Cinema, 1933-1945." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1428959799.
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3
Osborne, Thomas W. (Thomas William). "The Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations : 1933-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23731.
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This thesis examines and assesses the Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations from 1933 to 1939. The first chapter outlines the Peace Treaties of Versailles, Trianon and St. Germain and their effect upon the increased German minority in Europe. This body of Germans in countries outside Germany, Austria and Switzerland are referred to as the Volksdeutsche. The policies of the Weimar Government towards the German minorities in Europe are then examined. The second chapter outlines the minority policy of the National Socialist Party and various prominent National Socialist leaders. Chapter three outlines the major non-National Socialist and National Socialist Germandom organizations. Particular emphasis is given to the Verein fur Deutschtum im Ausland or the VDA, the Volksdeutscher Rat or the VR, Auslandsorganisation der NSDAP or AO, the Buro Kursell and the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle or VoMi. Chapters four through six deal with the events that lead to the Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations. Although the non-National Socialist Germandom organizations maintained a degree of independence from Nazi influence from 1933 until 2 July 1938, there was never any doubt that eventually the National Socialist Germandom organizations would gain ascendancy over them. In late 1936, the National Socialist Germandom organizations began to achieve lasting power and influence. By 1938, the non-National Socialist Germandom organizations were virtually impotent. The Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations, therefore, mirrors the Gleichschaltung that occurred on all levels of society in Germany following Adolf Hitler's appointment as Chancellor on 30 January 1933.
4
Megargee, Geoffrey P. "Triumph of the null : the war within the German high command 1933-1945 /." The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148795356776923.
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5
Calvert, Hildegund M. "Germany's Nazi past : a critical analysis of the period in West German high school history textbooks." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/517188.
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The question of how to deal with the legacy of the National Socialist dictatorship and how to teach the period in West German schools has been and continues to be a controversial issue in the Federal Republic of Germany. During the 1950s and early 1960s history textbooks were severely criticized for their inadequate coverage of National Socialism, particularly regarding the persecution of the Jews and the Holocaust. Such criticism combined with a number of anti-Semitic incidents in 1959 led authorities to initiate major reforms on how schools should teach the Nazi period and consequently brought about major textbook revisions.The objective of this study was to determine how adequately textbooks used in the 1980s cover this period and whether what they are teaching is accurate and sufficient to deal with the enormity of the events and policies of that time. The study in four chapters analyzes textbooks regarding their coverage of such topics: I, Hitler's early life, his beginnings in politics to his nomination as chancellor; II, the consolidation of power and of social and political control; III, the treatment of the Jews; and IV, National Socialist foreign policy before and during World War II. Each chapter was divided into two parts, with the first part recommending material textbooks should include, and the second part analyzing this coverage based on criteria established in the first part.Findings showed that textbooks satisfactorily covered the majority of the topics examined and found them to be much improved, especially concerning the treatment of the Jews and the Holocaust.Despite marked improvements, areas of concern nevertheless remain, and coverage of some topics needs to be corrected and/or expanded in future textbook editions. Most topics on which coverage was weak or nonexistent concerned issues which are painful and embarrassing for German people to deal with. Among these issues were the German treatment of prisoners of war, German occupation policies in western Europe, forced relocations from areas such as Alsace and Lorraine, Nazi reprisal actions and the killing of hostages, activities of the SS Einsatz units, documentation concerning deportations and ghettos, medical experiments, and the role German industry played in the mass murder of innocent people.One of the more disturbing findings was that no changes had been made between the 1966 and 1978 (1983 printing) editions of one text and between the 1968 and later undated [1983?] editions of another text. It is strongly recommended that those responsible for the publication of German history textbooks take the necessary steps to correct these still existing errors and omissions before a new wave of criticism at home or from abroad forces them once again to do so.
6
Magas, Gregory. "Nazi crimes and German reactions : an analysis of reactions and attitudes within the German resistance to the persecution of Jews in German-controlled lands, 1933-1944, with a focus on the writings of Carl Goerdeler, Ulrich von Hassell and Helmuth von Moltke." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30187.
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This thesis is broadly concerned with how individuals within German society, the German Resistance to Hitler and the German military reacted to persecution of Jews in Germany before the start of the Second World War and also to reports of German atrocities within German-controlled areas of Europe during the conflict.<br>The specific focus of this study is an examination of the personal sentiments contained in the writings of Carl Goerdeler, Ulrich von Hassell and Helmuth von Moltke and the recorded reactions to the various and intensifying stages of Nazi persecution of Jews within German-controlled territory. These particular individuals were chosen, as a significant portion of their writings, in the form of diary entries, letters and memoranda have been published and offer a glimpse of personal sentiments and thoughts unaltered by the censors of the Nazi regime. In addition, this study examines the reactions of two German officers, Johannes Blaskowitz and Rudolf-Christoph von Gersdorff, to German atrocities committed in German-occupied Eastern Europe. Their reactions to and courageous protests against Nazi crimes are also a significant part of the overall context of German reactions to Nazi crimes. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
7
Reynolds, Kenneth W. ""Der Richter ist konservativ.": the German Reichsgericht and the Reichstag Fire Trial of 1933." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61064.
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For almost sixty years the Reichstag fire of 27 February 1933 and the events that followed have been the subjects of historical inquiry. The criminal trial against those accused of starting the fire was held before the German Supreme Court, the Reichsgericht.<br>This thesis examines the conduct of the Reichsgericht during the Reichstagsbrandprozess of September to December 1933. It shows that the trial was conducted by an independent but conservative Supreme Court which managed the proceedings according to its own historical antecedents and precedents. The evidence is based on published government documents and other primary and secondary sources.
8
Ihrig, Stefan. "Nazi perceptions of the new Turkey, 1919-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610471.
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9
McWhorter-Schade, R. W. "The leading edge : Women in the German youth movement, 1905-1933." Thesis, University of York, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353585.
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10
Morris, Judith J. White. "Albert Speer, the Hitler years : views of a reich minister." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/497010.
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The rationale for this study is Albert Speer's unique value as a source of information concerning the Third Reich and Adolf Hitler. Although there is a wealth of information available on Nazi Germany and Hitler, the observations of this intelligent man who was an important official of the regime and a close associate of Hitler himself carry weight that no other report can match. He was a well-educated, intellectual, and articulate man who left behind three comprehensive books and many articles and interviews. In addition to such publications, there are, in the National Archives in Washington, D.C., many records of interviews with Speer conducted by Allied personnel immediately following the war. Those documents have been used extensively in this study.There is no attempt either to indict or to vindicate Speer, as many authors have done, but rather the purpose is to present in narrative form an analytical study of the relationship between the two men. The central focus throughout examines Speer and Hitler in juxtaposition and forms conclusions on the nature of their complex and compelling attachment. In the process, historical events form the backdrop as Speer describes them for us. It is always Speer, not Hitler, with whom the primary interest lies.The question of how anyone of Speer's background and intelligence could have given his life to a regime devoted to gutter politics, conquest of a continent, and genocide always arises in any study of Speer. The strange hold the Nazis exert on the world's imagination seems to ebb and flow, but does not die out, nor does the awful suspicion that something similar could happen again. Speer used his writings to describe the process and warn against its resurrection, especially in light of the tremendous leap in technology we have seen. Do not look for monsters, he counseled, for monsters are easily identified and avoided. Beware the manipulators who orchestrate on a national scale those policies which bring harm to whole populations, men who loudly proclaim their humanness and ordinariness.This inquiry is not an attempt to prove a predetermined hypothesis, since it embodies a historical approach rather than an experimental one. Information is drawn from the books and papers of Speer, as well as official documents, but secondary works to corroborate the basic sources are cited at times. There is still no definitive biography of Speer, although he appears as a central figure in many works. Perhaps one of the reasons for this is that the Speer family has put his personal papers in Heidelberg beyond the reach of anyone until 1999, probably as a result of his negative treatment in various publications.The technical papers from the Ministry of Armaments and War Production are housed in the Bundesarchiv at Koblenz, but were not pertinent to this study. The Institut fur Zeitgeschichte in Munich houses official papers, as does the Berlin Document Center, while the Washington has the transcripts of Library of Congress in Hitler's Table Talks, some parts of which are used in this study. Speer's books and published material give an extensive look at his part in the Third Reich, his relationship with Hitler, and his own feelings and observations concerning both. The International Military Tribunal records from Nuremberg are both extensive and enlightening. One may also view the collection of Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitler's personal photographer, in the Special Collections section at Bracken Library.Chapter I deals with Speer in the pre-war years as he rose to fame and became part of Hitler's inner circle, while Chapter II views the war years through Speer's experiences. In Chapter III the early relationship between Speer and Hitler is developed, and in Chapter IV the war, the collapse of the Third Reich, and the attendant disasters are covered.
11
Heikaus, Ulrike. "Deutschsprachige Filme als Kulturinsel : zur kulturellen Integration der deutschsprachigen Juden in Palästina 1933-1945." Universität Potsdam, 2008. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/1705/.
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Im sechsten Band der Reihe Pri ha-Pardes untersucht Ulrike Heikaus die deutschsprachigen Filme, die zwischen 1933 und 1945 aus Mitteleuropa nach Palästina importiert und einer breiten Öffentlichkeit vorgeführt wurden. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse steht die Bedeutung und Repräsentation dieser deutschsprachigen Filme in der palästinensischen Filmkultur, ihre Wahrnehmung und Rezeption, vor allem durch die deutschsprachigen Einwanderer selbst.
Mehr als zweihundert deutschsprachige Filme wurden in den palästinensischen Kinotheatern während der Jahre 1930 bis 1945 in Palästina zum Teil über Jahre hinweg regelmäßig aufgeführt. Doch wie sehr waren diese Filme tatsächlich in der hebräischsprachigen Öffentlichkeit präsent? Wie wurde für sie geworben? Und wie wurden diese Filme von den deutschsprachigen Einwanderer wahrgenommen? Antworten dazu geben dabei vor allem die in Palästina in den dreißiger und vierziger Jahren erschienenen Zeitungen in deutscher Sprache, die den Neueinwanderern als Mittel zur sozialen Kommunikation und Plattform für gesellschaftliches, kulturelles und soziales Leben zur Verfügung standen. Untersucht werden ferner Materialien israelischer Archive, die über den Aspekt des deutschsprachigen Filmimports und die Vermarktung der Filme im Kontext der frühen Kinokultur im damaligen Palästina Aufschluss geben.<br>The focus of this study are the numerous German-speaking films, which were imported to Palestine from Europe between 1933 and 1945 and screened for a broad public.
The importance and representation of these films for the young film culture of Palestine, their perception and reception, especially by the German-speaking Jews, will be investigated and analysed in this thesis.
12
Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.
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This regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
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Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.
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Doctor of Philosophy<br>This regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
14
Reichman, Alice I. "Community in Exile: German Jewish Identity Development in Wartime Shanghai, 1938-1945." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/96.
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Between 1938 and 1940 approximately 18,000 Jews from Central Europe went to the Chinese city of Shanghai to escape Nazi persecution. While almost every nation in the world refused to accept these desperate refugees, thousands found refuge in Japanese occupied Shanghai, which was an open port and one could immigrate there with no visa or passport. In an incredibly short period of time the refugees were able to develop a vibrant Jewish community. Relying primarily on the testimony of former refugees, this thesis seeks to address three main questions: What did exile in Shanghai feel like for the refugees? How did they handle and react to the circumstances of their new surroundings? In what ways did their common exile unite the group and bring about changes in personal identity?
15
Bresinsky, Aiko N. "Baltic German Exodus, 1939-1945: Settlement, Adaption and Disappearance." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3195.
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The resettlement of Baltic Germans from Estonia and Latvia to the Polish territories initiated the dissolution of the Baltic German community and its unique identity, largely causing hardship and suffering throughout the occupation in Poland. The subsequent escape from the Red Army and deportations by the Poles at the end of World War II completed the disbanding. It brought innocent families, as well as Baltic German soldiers, to and beyond the limits of their ability to endure pain and suffering. Yet, throughout the process, Baltic Germans’ reaction to the opportunities and crisis varied greatly. The following study will uncover the diverse fates Baltic Germans endured and reveal the range of Baltic German’s culpability and victimhood throughout the resettlement process and the subsequent migration west.
16
Jantzen, Kyle. "Protestant clergymen and church-political conflict in national socialist Germany : studies from rural Brandenburg, Saxony and Wurttemberg." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36959.
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This dissertation is a comparison of local church conditions in three German Protestant church districts during the National Socialist era: the Nauen district in the Brandenburg Church Province of the Old Prussian Union Church, the Pima district in the Saxon Evangelical Lutheran Land Church and the Ravensburg district in the Wurttemberg Evangelical Land Church. It focuses on the attitudes and roles of the pastors, curates and vicars who served in the primarily rural parishes of these districts, analyzes the effect of the 'national renewal' that accompanied the National Socialist seizure of power upon the church conditions in their parishes, and probes their own attitudes toward the prevalent religious nationalism of the day. Following a comparison of the controversies surrounding pastoral appointments in Nauen, Pima and Ravensburg, the study examines the nature and intensity of church-political conflict in each of the districts during the National Socialist era. Finally, the study closes with a consideration of clerical attitudes toward the National Socialist euthanasia programme and the antisemitism that led to the Holocaust. Drawing on official church correspondence at three levels (parish, district and land church), parish newsletters, accounts of meetings throughout the period, the study concludes that while these Protestant clergymen generally shared a common conservative nationalist outlook, the manifestation of the church struggle in their parishes took diverse forms. Parishioners in Nauen and especially Pima (but not Ravensburg) displayed a high level of interest in their churches in 1933, in part an effect of the strength of the national renewal in their regions. In Nauen, the church struggle was channelled into the quest for control of pastoral appointments. In Pima, the church struggle mirrored the course of events in Saxony as a whole, and included extreme 'German Christians,' radical members of the Confessing Church and a moderate movement for church
17
Mispelkamp, Peter K. H. (Peter Karl Heinz). "The Kriegsmarine, Quisling, and Terboven : an inquiry into the Boehm-Terboven affair, April 1940-March 1943." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63255.
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Carlson, Verner Reinhold 1931. "The impact of Hitler's ideology on his military decisions." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277049.
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Hitler claimed to have studied Clausewitz and Machiavelli, but violated the tenets of both by permitting ideology to override strategy. Hitler's ideology is revealed from documentary sources: Mein Kampf, his speeches, and Tischreden (table talks.) Operation Sea Lion, the planned 1940 invasion of England, was cancelled because the Fuhrer regarded the British as nordic cousins. Operation Citadel, the 1943 Battle of Kursk, was conceived because he decided the racially inferior Slav must be subdued. Doomed from the outset, Hitler nevertheless launched Citadel and squandered most of Germany's remaining armor and elite troops. A general staff officer is interviewed as witness to the period. His background, training, and opinions of the Fuhrer are presented. Thesis conclusion: flawed ideology brought disastrous decisions.
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Koontz, Christopher N. (Christopher Noel). "The Cultural Politics of Baldur von Schirach, 1925-1940." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278546/.
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Veal, Stephen Ariel. "The collapse of the German army in the East in the summer of 1944 (Volume 1)." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4301.
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The collapse of the German Army in the East in the Summer of 1944 is analyzed and determined to be the result of the following specific factors: German intelligence failures; German defensive doctrine; loss of German air superiority; Lend-Lease aid to the Soviet Union; German mobile reserves committed in the West; Soviet numerical superiority; and Soviet offensive doctrine and tactics. The collapse of Army Group Center, the destruction of the XIII Army Corps, and the collapse of Army Group South Ukraine in Romania during the Summer of 1944 are examined in detail. The significance of the collapse of the German Army in the East is compared to events occurring on the Anglo-American fronts and the German losses on both theaters of military operations are compared. The Soviet contributions to the defeat of the German Army during the Summer of 1944 are examined and the views of Soviet historiography and American historiography compared.
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Veal, Stephen Ariel. "The collapse of the German army in the East in the summer of 1944 (Volume 2)." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4302.
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The collapse of the German Army in the East in the Summer of 1944 is analyzed and determined to be the result of the following specific factors: German intelligence failures; German defensive doctrine; loss of German air superiority; Lend-Lease aid to the Soviet Union; German mobile reserves committed in the West; Soviet numerical superiority; and Soviet offensive doctrine and tactics. The collapse of Army Group Center, the destruction of the XIII Army Corps, and the collapse of Army Group South Ukraine in Romania during the Summer of 1944 are examined in detail. The significance of the collapse of the German Army in the East is compared to events occurring on the Anglo-American fronts and the German losses on both theaters of military operations are compared. The Soviet contributions to the defeat of the German Army during the Summer of 1944 are examined and the views of Soviet historiography and American historiography compared.
22
Bernheim, Robert B. "The Commissar Order and the Seventeenth German Army : from genesis to implementation, 30 March 1941-31 January 1942." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85128.
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An essential and critical component of the orders German front-line formations received in the ideological war against the Soviet Union was the Commissar Order of 6 June 1941. This order, issued by the High Command of the Armed Forces prior to the German invasion of the Soviet Union, required that front-line military formations, as well as SS and police units attached to the Army, immediately execute Soviet political commissars among prisoners of war. Soviet political commissars were attached to the Red Army at virtually every operational level, and were viewed by both Hitler and the High Command as the foremost leaders of the resistance against the Nazis because of their commitment to Bolshevik ideology. According to the Commissar Order, "Commissars will not be treated as soldiers. The protection afforded by international law to prisoners of war will not apply in their case. After they have been segregated they will be liquidated."<br>While there is no paucity of information on the existence and intent of the Commissar Order, this directive has only been investigated by scholars as a portion of a much greater ideological portrait, or subsumed in the larger context of overall Nazi criminal activities during "Operation Barbarossa."<br>Examining the extent to which front-line divisions carried out the charge to shoot all grades of political commissars is necessary if we are to understand the role and depth of involvement by front-line troops of the Wehrmacht in a murderous program of extermination during the German attack and occupation of the Soviet Union. Such an examination has simply not taken place to-date. My dissertation seeks to address this issue. The result is both a narrative on the genesis of the Commissar Order and its attendant decrees and agreements between the Army leadership and the SS ( SD) and Security Police, and a quantitative analysis of how many commissars were reported captured and shot by the front-line forces of the 17th Army over a seven month period.
23
Walvoord, Kreg A. (Kreg Anthony). "Czechoslovakia's Fortifications: Their Development and Impact on Czech and German Confrontation." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500554/.
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During the 1930s, the Republic of Czechoslovakia endeavored to construct a system of modern fortifications along its frontiers to protect the Republic from German and Hungarian aggression and from external Versailles revisionism. Czechoslovakia's fortifications have been greatly misrepresented through comparison with the Maginot Line. By utilizing extant German military reports, this thesis demonstrates that Czechoslovakia's fortifications were incomplete and were much weaker than the Maginot Line at the time of the Munich Crisis in 1938. The German threat of war against Czechoslovakia was very real in 1938 and Germany would have penetrated most of the fortifications and defeated Czechoslovakia quickly had a German-Czech war occurred in 1938.
24
Phelps, Thomas Edward. "The German peasant family, 1925-1939 : the problems of the republic and the impact of national socialism." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720350.
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Rural society during the German National Socialist movement has been overlooked by most historians. Instead the urban elements are stressed. I have chosen to study the impact of National Socialism upon peasant families.Three major limitations exist for this project. First, only the peasant family itself is reviewed. Second, this project is concerned only with the years from 1925 through 1339. Third, this project limits its review to only that territory comprising Germany after World War I. This was done to allow for a more equal comparison of agricultural statistics.The construction of this project remains simple. Three major chapters exist. Chapter One reviews the Republic: its politics, economy, and the problems of the peasant family. The remaining chapters then review these problems as they were resolved by the National Socialists. Chapter Two reviews the family itself: family size, health, inheritance, and social status. Chapter Three reviews farm-management: production, mechanization, labor, and prosperity. Both chapters are divided into two parts: part one reviews the new policies; part two reviews the impact.The findings of this project were different than expected. I had expected to find minimum improvement in the condition of peasant families. Instead, I discovered that, in general, these policies failed in their objectives. The reasons for these failures differed. But much of the blame rests in faults of the laws themselves. Final results, however, were mixed. Farm-management improved slightly, but the family itself witnessed reduced health. The average family was not destitute, but neither did it prosper.<br>Department of History
25
Thériault, Mark J. "Art as propaganda in Vichy France, 1940-1944." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112592.
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The French government under Philippe Petain, based at Vichy, simultaneously collaborated with the Germans and promoted French patriotism. French artists and designers produced an abundance of posters, paintings, sculptures and other objets d'art, examples of which are included here, to promote the values of the "new order." Although Christian symbols were common, fascist symbols among the mass-produced images support the idea that the Vichy regime was not merely authoritarian, but parafascist.<br>The fine arts were purged of "foreign" influences, yet the German Arno Breker was invited to exhibit his sculptures in Paris. In the spirit of national redressement, traditional French art was promoted; however, Modern art, which Hitler condemned as cultural Bolshevism, continued to be produced. With reference to the words of Petain, Hitler, French artists and art critics, and a variety of artworks, this thesis shows how art was used to propagate the ideology of the Vichy regime.
26
Martin, Caroline. "Memoir and memory : the papers of a pre-war German - Alfred Huhnhäuser, 1885 to 1950." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/24389.
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The personal archive of Dr Alfred Huhnhäuser (1885-1950), a German civil servant, is examined with regard to this thesis. The archive consists of an unfinished personal memoir, Aus einem reichen Leben, five chapters of a political memoir concerning Huhnhäuser's time in Norway during the German occupation, publications edited by Huhnhäuser and other personal documents. A full catalogue of the contents of the archive has been included in this thesis. An attempt has been made to identify the significance of the Huhnhäuser archive within a literary framework and, therefore, a brief analysis of the study of autobiographical writings has been undertaken. The importance of the archive within the context of social history has also been stressed, for Huhnhäuser was an "ordinary" German and not one of the Great and the Good. The personal memoirs operate on three levels - personal, worldstage and cultural- and extracts from the archive have been used to illustrate this. A brief historical summary of events in Norway prior to and immediately after the German occupation is given in order to place the events described by Huhnhäuser in context. The contents of the personal and political memoirs are summarized and analyzed in this thesis. Recurring themes are identified and examined. Perhaps the most significant is Huhnhäuser's repeated claim that he is an inherently ''unpolitisches We sen". Evidence has been obtained from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin which proves that Huhnhäuser joined the NSDAP on 1 May 1933. Huhnhäuser does not refer in the memoirs to his membership of this party, claiming instead that he has never voluntarily been involved in party politics. A second volume of materials has been included in this thesis in order to provide more detailed information as regards to the composition and contents of the archive. Extracts from the memoirs and letters have also been selected.
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Soria, Charlotte. "Le Premier Mai, lieu et temps de la fabrique sociale de la "Communauté du peuple" nationale socialiste (1933-1939)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL086.
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Le 1er mai, fête éminemment politique du mouvement ouvrier socialiste et devenue avec la célébration du 1er mai 1933 une fête officielle du régime national-socialiste, une incarnation de son projet social communautaire, la "Volksgemeinschaft". Mais ces rituels politiques ont-ils réellement contribué à fabriquer un ordre social ou n’étaient-ils que le reflet trompeur de la communication du régime ? De fait, la journée du 1er mai - jour férié et journée festive depuis 1933/34 - était un dispositif de pouvoir(s), d’inclusion et d’exclusion, qui visait à cette fabrique sociale par des fêtes politiques et officielles mais aussi par le développement d’activités de loisirs au sein des entreprises. Elle contribua alors à l’émergence d’un nouvel ordre social, inégalitaire et raciste par des mécanismes classiques d’inclusion et d’exclusion voire d’ascension sociale au profit des >Volksgenossen< et >Volksgenossinnen< ainsi définis, non seulement par la contrainte mais aussi dans un processus constant de négociations. Le dispositif festif et médiatique eut en effet des résultats décevants, les organisateurs (Joseph Goebbels) ne réussissant pas réussi à implanter au cœur de la société allemande le modèle de mobilisation partisan hérité du NSDAP. Aussi, s’ajouta à ce modèle mis en valeur tout particulièrement dans les médias, la création de droits sociaux nouveaux, le droit aux congés - assuré par ce jour férié entre autres - le droit aux loisirs et au tourisme, ainsi qu'un accès à la consommation de « services communautaires » dont les soirées festives organisées partout au profit du DAF de Robert Ley. Dans un même mouvement, de ces droits « communautaires » furent exclus, difficilement les Allemands juifs. Par cette exclusion, la « Communauté du Peuple » fut alors clairement délimitée, tandis que son sens resta sujet à débat entre "Communauté de l’action » par la participation, « Communauté de l’effort » par des processus de distinction, mais aussi "Communauté des loisirs"<br>May Day, an eminently political holiday of the socialist workers' movement, became with the celebration of May Day 1933 an official holiday of the National Socialist regime, an embodiment of its social community project, the "Volksgemeinschaft". But did these political rituals really contribute to the creation of a social order or were they merely a deceptive reflection of the regime's communication? In fact, May Day - a public holiday and festive day since 1933/34 - was a device of power(s), of inclusion and exclusion, which aimed at this social fabrication through political and official celebrations but also through the development of leisure activities within enterprises. It contributed to the emergence of a new, unequal and racist social order through classical mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion or even social ascension for the benefit of the >Volksgenossen< and >Volksgenossinnen< thus defined, not only through coercion but also in a constant process of negotiation. The festive and media arrangements had disappointing results, as the organisers (Joseph Goebbels) did not succeed in implanting the partisan mobilisation model inherited from the NSDAP in the heart of German society. In addition to this model, which was particularly highlighted in the media, new social rights were created: the right to holidays - guaranteed by this public holiday, among others - the right to leisure and tourism, as well as access to the consumption of "community services", including the festive evenings organised everywhere for the benefit of Robert Ley's DAF. At the same time, Jewish Germans were excluded from these "community" rights with difficulty. This exclusion clearly defined the "People's Community", while its meaning remained open to debate between "Community of action" through participation, "Community of effort" through processes of distinction, and "Community of leisure"
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Koontz, Christopher N. "The Public Polemics of Baldur von Schirach: A Study of National Socialist Rhetoric and Aesthetics, 1922-1945." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4363/.
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This dissertation examines the political writings and speeches of Baldur von Schirach, a leading figure of the National Socialist German Worker's Party, and the means by which he chose to transmit his beliefs in totalitarianism, racism, and militarism. Schirach's activities serve as a case study of the Third Reich's artistic and cultural programs and the means by which these programs served as conduits for propaganda and public education. Throughout his career as the leader of the National Socialist Student's League, Reich Youth Leader, and Gauleiter of Vienna, Schirach promulgated a political theory which interpreted the rise of the Third Reich as an expression of an innately superior German culture. He put this theory forth through the use of artistic means, including his own poetry and prose, and theoretical exegeses of artistic and literary works that explained them within a fascist, totalitarian idiom. The dissertation discusses Schirach's personal adherence to Nazism and its roots; the ways in which he interpreted fascist philosophical tenets, symbols, messages, and archetypes; his concepts of youth and adult education; his attempts to mold the artistic community of Vienna into an aesthetically progressive, yet politically coherent, means of propaganda; and his role in the destruction of the Jews of Vienna and his explanation of this act as a cultural contribution to the Third Reich. The dissertation is based upon Schirach's own speeches, poems, and published writings dealing with education and politics, as well as unpublished archival sources housed in the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv in Vienna and the National Archives in Washington, DC.
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Watt, Mary R. "The 'stunned' and the 'stymied' : The P.O.W. experience in the history of the 2/11th Infantry Battalion, 1939-1945." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1996. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/966.
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Stimulated by a pronouncement of Joan Beaumont that prisoners of war are a neglected subject of historical inquiry this thesis undertakes an empirical and analytical study concerning this topic. Within the context of the prisoner of war experience in the history of the 2/11th Infantry Battalion during the Second World War, it puts a case for including non-operational strands of warfare in the body of Australian official military history. To facilitate this contention the study attempts to show the reasons for which historians might study the scope and range of the prisoner of war experience. Apart from describing the context and aims of the study, the paper utilizes Abraham Maslow's theory of a hierarchy of needs to highlight the plight of prisoners of war. Amongst the issues explored are themes of capture, incarceration and recovery. Suggestions are made to extend the base of volunteer soldiers curriculum in favour of a greater understanding of the prisoner of war and an awareness that rank has its privileges. In addition to the Official Records from the Australian War Memorial, evidence for the study has been drawn mainly from the archive of the 2/11th Infantry Battalion, Army Museum of Western Australia, catalogued by the writer as a graduate student, December 1992, and military literature that were readily available in Perth. At every opportunity the men are allowed to speak for themselves thus numerous and often lengthy quotations are included.
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Wustefeld, Sylvie. "La « gestion autonome » à l’épreuve du national-socialisme : Politique communale et opposition (1933 – 1945) : Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, Arthur Menge, Karl Strölin." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20092.
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L’auteur s’interroge sur la validité de la thèse de l’État double du juriste Ernst Fraenkel pour l’administration communale dans l’Allemagne national-socialiste. Il cherche à mettre en évidence l’existence d’un réseau de sociabilité entre trois maires de grandes villes ayant été impliqués dans l’action du mouvement du 20 juillet 1944. Le lien entre l’implication des trois maires dans leur travail dans l’administration communale et leurs motivations pour se détourner du régime hitlérien est analysé. Une place particulière est accordée au principe de la « gestion autonome », base de l’administration communale allemande au début du XXe siècle<br>The author analyzes the validity of the theory of the dual state from the jurist Ernst Fraenkel for the municipal administration in Nazi Germany. She tries to prove the existence of a network of sociability between three big city mayors who have been involved in the Movement of the 20th of July 1944. The link between the involvement of the three mayors in their daily work in the municipal administration and their motivation to turn the back on the Hitler regime is shown. Particular attention is paid to the principle of "self-government", the basis of German municipal administration in the early twentieth century
31
Lagleize, Maxime. "Heinrich Mann et l’exil en France. 1933 – 1940." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040253.
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Chassé par l'arrivée au pouvoir des nazis en Allemagne, Heinrich Mann a presque soixante-deux ans lorsqu'il émigre en France, le 21 février 1933. Comment Heinrich Mann a-t-il pu concilier la continuité de son engagement intellectuel avec la situation même de l'exil et dans quelle mesure son engagement fut-il redéfini par cette situation? Heinrich Mann a compris très vite qu'il lui fallait réadapter les objectifs de son engagement pour pouvoir le poursuivre en terre étrangère ; c'est ce qu'il fit dès les premiers mois passés en France, par les essais qu'il publia. La ville de Nice, où il s'établit, est le lieu de l'écrivain, Paris reste le lieu de l'engagement intellectuel. L'historiographie sur cette époque n'a souvent retenu du personnage qu'une certaine naïveté, et son instrumentalisation par le parti communiste, point qui mérite d'être relativisé. Le roman d'Henri IV, écrit pendant l’émigration, reste l'un des plus grands textes produits par la communauté allemande en exil<br>After the Nazis had come to power in Germany, Heinrich Mann at the age of almost sixty-two years old had to go into exile to France on February 21th, 1933. How could he adapt his intellectual commitment to the new status of exile and to what extend was his commitment in France redetermined by the life in exile? Heinrich Mann understood quickly that he had to readjust the objectives of his commitment in order to continue in exile. He implemented it already in the first months he spent in France in the essays and texts he published. The city of Nice was the place where he lived and wrote, Paris remained the place for the intellectual commitment. The historiography of this period has often imputed to him a kind of naivety of character and the exploitation by the German communist party, but this point has to be relativised. Young Henry of Navarre, written during his stay in France is one of the most beautiful texts produced by the German community in exile
32
Auger, Martin F. "Prisoners of the home front a social study of the German internment camps of southern Quebec, 1940-1946 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48127.pdf.
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Bingel, Karen J. (Karen Jane). "Ernst von Weizsäcker's diplomacy and counterdiplomacy from "Munich" to the outbreak of the Second World War." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65474.
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Lagleize, Maxime. "Heinrich Mann et l’exil en France. 1933 – 1940." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040253.
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Chassé par l'arrivée au pouvoir des nazis en Allemagne, Heinrich Mann a presque soixante-deux ans lorsqu'il émigre en France, le 21 février 1933. Comment Heinrich Mann a-t-il pu concilier la continuité de son engagement intellectuel avec la situation même de l'exil et dans quelle mesure son engagement fut-il redéfini par cette situation? Heinrich Mann a compris très vite qu'il lui fallait réadapter les objectifs de son engagement pour pouvoir le poursuivre en terre étrangère ; c'est ce qu'il fit dès les premiers mois passés en France, par les essais qu'il publia. La ville de Nice, où il s'établit, est le lieu de l'écrivain, Paris reste le lieu de l'engagement intellectuel. L'historiographie sur cette époque n'a souvent retenu du personnage qu'une certaine naïveté, et son instrumentalisation par le parti communiste, point qui mérite d'être relativisé. Le roman d'Henri IV, écrit pendant l’émigration, reste l'un des plus grands textes produits par la communauté allemande en exil<br>After the Nazis had come to power in Germany, Heinrich Mann at the age of almost sixty-two years old had to go into exile to France on February 21th, 1933. How could he adapt his intellectual commitment to the new status of exile and to what extend was his commitment in France redetermined by the life in exile? Heinrich Mann understood quickly that he had to readjust the objectives of his commitment in order to continue in exile. He implemented it already in the first months he spent in France in the essays and texts he published. The city of Nice was the place where he lived and wrote, Paris remained the place for the intellectual commitment. The historiography of this period has often imputed to him a kind of naivety of character and the exploitation by the German communist party, but this point has to be relativised. Young Henry of Navarre, written during his stay in France is one of the most beautiful texts produced by the German community in exile
35
Roche, Helen Barbara Elizabeth. "Personal and political appropriations of Sparta in German elite education during the 19th and 20th centuries : with a particular focus on the Royal Prussian Cadet-Corps (1818-1920) and the Nationalpolitische Erziehungsanstalten (1933-1945)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610857.
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Doherty, M. A. "German wireless propaganda in English : an analysis of the organisation, content and effectiveness of National Socialist radio broadcasts for the UK, 1939-1945." Thesis, University of Kent, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245723.
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Atkins, Elizabeth. ""The prisoners are not hard to handle" cultural views of German prisoners of war and their captors in Camp Sharpe, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1211135474.
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Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.
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Williams, Nicholas J. "An ‘evil year in exile’? The evacuation of the Franco-German border areas in 1939 under democratic and totalitarian conditions." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040209.
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Entre fin août et début septembre 1939 entre 700 000 et un million de civils sont évacués de la Sarre, du Palatinat et du pays de Bade vers le centre de l’Allemagne. En Moselle et en Alsace, environ 600 000 civils sont transportés vers le sud-ouest. Cette mesure est le résultat d’un long développement, influencé par les guerres napoléoniennes et la Grande Guerre. Ce travail analyse les étapes qui aboutissent à ces évacuations dans le cadre de la défense passive pendant l’entre-deux-guerres en France et en Allemagne. Il étudie, principalement de manière comparative, l’exécution des évacuations dans les deux pays en se concentrant sur les exemples de la Moselle et de la Sarre. La totalisation de la guerre à travers l’érection de lignes fortifiées puis l’évacuation des civils apparaît alors être un phénomène indépendant des systèmes politiques et des cadres nationaux : elle est un phénomène transnational. De plus, certains aspects des mouvements de réfugiés ne peuvent être contrôlés par les États. C’est ainsi que des pillages sont observables des deux côtés de la frontière. Cependant, la Troisième République arrive, également grâce à ses expériences avec les réfugiés pendant la Grande Guerre, à mieux organiser et encadrer les réfugiés. Leur administration et le soutien qu’ils reçoivent sur place sont organisés d’une manière plus cohérente par rapport à l’Allemagne nationale-socialiste, où des prétentions idéologiques et la dualité entre les administrations civiles et le parti nazi empêchent l’exécution efficace du programme d’évacuation<br>Between the end of August and early September 1939, between 700,000 and one million civilians were evacuated from the Saarland, the Palatinate, and Baden to the centre of what was then Germany. From the Moselle and Alsace, around 600,000 civilians were evacuated to south-west France. Those measures were the result of a long development, the origins of which can be traced back the Napoleonic Wars and the Great War. The present thesis analyses the developments which led to those evacuations within the framework of civil defence policies during the interwar period in France and Germany. It explores the execution of the evacuation programme in both countries from a comparative perspective, concentrating on the Moselle and the Saarland. What results is that the totalisation of warfare, in this case as seen in the erection of fortified defence lines and the evacuation of civilians later resulting therefrom, are phenomena independent of any given political systems or national frameworks, and therefore transnational ones. Moreover, the movements of refugees are only to a certain degree controllable on either side of the border, and looting likewise occurs on both sides. Nevertheless, the Third Republic managed, in part due to the experience the country had with refugees during the First World War, to organise and look after their refugees more efficiently than Germany did. The French administration and support system for refugees was more efficiently organised, compared with their German counterparts, where ideological constraints and the duality of civilian administrations and the National Socialist party greatly hampered efficiency in the execution of the evacuation programme
40
Abrams, Scott D. ""By Any Means Necessary:" The League for Human Rights Against Nazism and Domestic Fascism, 1933-1946." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1334708389.
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Williams, Nicholas J. "An ‘evil year in exile’? The evacuation of the Franco-German border areas in 1939 under democratic and totalitarian conditions." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040209.
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Entre fin août et début septembre 1939 entre 700 000 et un million de civils sont évacués de la Sarre, du Palatinat et du pays de Bade vers le centre de l’Allemagne. En Moselle et en Alsace, environ 600 000 civils sont transportés vers le sud-ouest. Cette mesure est le résultat d’un long développement, influencé par les guerres napoléoniennes et la Grande Guerre. Ce travail analyse les étapes qui aboutissent à ces évacuations dans le cadre de la défense passive pendant l’entre-deux-guerres en France et en Allemagne. Il étudie, principalement de manière comparative, l’exécution des évacuations dans les deux pays en se concentrant sur les exemples de la Moselle et de la Sarre. La totalisation de la guerre à travers l’érection de lignes fortifiées puis l’évacuation des civils apparaît alors être un phénomène indépendant des systèmes politiques et des cadres nationaux : elle est un phénomène transnational. De plus, certains aspects des mouvements de réfugiés ne peuvent être contrôlés par les États. C’est ainsi que des pillages sont observables des deux côtés de la frontière. Cependant, la Troisième République arrive, également grâce à ses expériences avec les réfugiés pendant la Grande Guerre, à mieux organiser et encadrer les réfugiés. Leur administration et le soutien qu’ils reçoivent sur place sont organisés d’une manière plus cohérente par rapport à l’Allemagne nationale-socialiste, où des prétentions idéologiques et la dualité entre les administrations civiles et le parti nazi empêchent l’exécution efficace du programme d’évacuation<br>Between the end of August and early September 1939, between 700,000 and one million civilians were evacuated from the Saarland, the Palatinate, and Baden to the centre of what was then Germany. From the Moselle and Alsace, around 600,000 civilians were evacuated to south-west France. Those measures were the result of a long development, the origins of which can be traced back the Napoleonic Wars and the Great War. The present thesis analyses the developments which led to those evacuations within the framework of civil defence policies during the interwar period in France and Germany. It explores the execution of the evacuation programme in both countries from a comparative perspective, concentrating on the Moselle and the Saarland. What results is that the totalisation of warfare, in this case as seen in the erection of fortified defence lines and the evacuation of civilians later resulting therefrom, are phenomena independent of any given political systems or national frameworks, and therefore transnational ones. Moreover, the movements of refugees are only to a certain degree controllable on either side of the border, and looting likewise occurs on both sides. Nevertheless, the Third Republic managed, in part due to the experience the country had with refugees during the First World War, to organise and look after their refugees more efficiently than Germany did. The French administration and support system for refugees was more efficiently organised, compared with their German counterparts, where ideological constraints and the duality of civilian administrations and the National Socialist party greatly hampered efficiency in the execution of the evacuation programme
42
Croley, Pamela. "American Reeducation of German POWs, 1943-1946." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2233.
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The United States held almost 500,000 enemy combatants within her borders during World War II. Out of those 500,000 men, 380,000 were from Nazi Germany. Nazi POWs were confined to camps built near small rural towns in almost every state. It was not something that was well known to the American public. Even less known was the American Military's effort, through reeducation, to introduce Hitler's soldiers to a new political ideology-democracy. This thesis will explore how the reeducation program was formed; examine the people, both German and American, who participated in it, and make a determination on whether or not it was successful. While Special Projects did not completely win over the majority of the German POWs, it was my finding that for the Americans to have done nothing when faced with such a situation would have been foolish.
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Luce, Alexandra Isabella. "British intelligence in the Portuguese world, 1939-1945 : operations against German Intelligence and relations with the Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado (PVDE)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608984.
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Lavastrou, Marc. "La réception du cinéma allemand par la presse cinématographique française entre 1921 et 1933." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00793003.
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Avant même la première distribution d'un film allemand en France, la presse spécialisée s'emploie à dénigrer les productions de l'ennemi héréditaire qui sont réduites à des œuvres de propagande. Ce n'est qu'à la fin de l'année 1921 que Louis Delluc parvient à projeter un premier film germanique. Aux réactions chauvines et nationalistes succèdent rapidement des commentaires plus réfléchis. Ces analyses sont construites sur des stéréotypes issus d'une vision romantique de l'Allemagne telle que Madame de Staël a pu la décrire. Pour les critiques, le succès mondial du cinéma d'outre-Rhin montre la supériorité des cultures européennes sur la " jeune " civilisation américaine. Dès lors, les productions allemandes deviennent un modèle pour le cinéma hexagonal. Avec Les Nibelungen ou Faust, le 7ème art allemand apparaît aux yeux de la critique comme l'archétype de la culture européenne. Ces longs métrages sont représentatifs de l'identité allemande mais dépassent les cadres nationaux pour atteindre une forme d'universel qu'atteste les réussites économiques des productions du milieu des années 1920. L'apparition du cinéma parlant renouvelle les relations franco-allemandes. Les collaborations sont désormais le lot commun des réalisations du début des années 1930 ce que symbolise la production de versions multiples. De part et d'autre du Rhin, les professionnels coopèrent à l'édification d'un cinéma européen sans pour autant perdre de vue l'indispensable ancrage national des films. Des transferts culturels franco-allemands seront multiples jusqu'en janvier 1933. Toutefois l'émigration allemande ne trouvera pas un accueil favorable dans les studios parisiens.
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Schram, Laurence. "La caserne Dossin à Malines, 1942-1944: histoire d'un lieu." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209094.
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Le 27 juillet 1942, la Sipo-SD de Bruxelles ouvre le camp de rassemblement pour Juifs, établi dans la caserne Dossin à Malines. La fonction de ce camp est génocidaire :elle consiste à rassembler en ce lieu les victimes des persécutions raciales en vue de leur « évacuation » à l’Est, c’est-à-dire leur déportation à Auschwitz-Birkenau.<p>Entre le 4 août 1942 et le 31 juillet 1944, 25.000 déportés juifs et 350 Tsiganes de Belgique et du nord de la France sont déportés à Auschwitz-Birkenau, qui est à la fois un centre de mise à mort et un complexe concentrationnaire. En 1945, seuls 1.252 de ces déportés raciaux ont survécu. Avec Drancy et Westerbork, la caserne Dossin constitue l’un des rouages essentiels de la mise en œuvre de la « Solution finale de la Question juive » (en Allemand, Endlösung der Judenfrage), le programme nazi d’élimination systématique et totale des Juifs d’Europe. <p>Bien que ce lieu ait été l’antichambre de la mort, son histoire est très mal connue. Pour la première fois, elle est étudiée dans sa globalité. <p>Après avoir donné un aperçu des persécutions raciales sous l’occupation allemande en Belgique et dans le nord de la France, l’auteur examine comment et dans quel contexte le camp de Malines est organisé par la Sipo-SD. <p>Le camp nécessite un personnel SS très restreint :une dizaine d’Allemands et quelque 80 auxiliaires flamands suffisent. Les rôles et les parcours individuels de plusieurs d’entre eux sont abordés plus en détail, afin d’en dégager des profils particuliers. Pour faire fonctionner le camp, les SS utilisent des travailleurs juifs détenus. Leurs tâches vont de l’entretien quotidien du camp à l’administration de la déportation, l’enregistrement sur les listes de transports et la spoliation. L’implication forcée des détenus dans la destruction de leur propre communauté est analysée. Le fonctionnement du SS-Sammellager est comparable à celui du système concentrationnaire. À la caserne Dossin, des détenus juifs endossent des fonctions privilégiées, similaires à celles des Kapos dans les camps de concentration, mais évidemment à des degrés de violence très éloignés. <p>Les SS, maîtres absolus, règnent par la terreur que les internés subissent dans tous les aspects de leurs conditions de détention :le règlement intérieur, les horaires, l’hygiène déplorable, la promiscuité dans les chambrées, l’insuffisance du ravitaillement, l’exploitation de leur travail. <p>L’arbitraire, renforcé par l’impunité dont jouissent les SS, débouche sur de nombreux mauvais traitements, exactions, et sévices. Certains épisodes, plus violents que d’autres, qui ont marqué l’histoire du camp, sont analysés en profondeur. Le nombre extrêmement restreint de décès survenus au camp doit cependant être souligné.<p>Devant tant de violences, confrontés à l’inacceptable, les internés adaptent leurs comportements aux circonstances, jouant sur un vaste registre allant de la collaboration avec leurs persécuteurs jusqu’à la résistance. Cette résistance, multiforme et diffuse, se développe à l’intérieur du camp, tout en n’aboutissant jamais à la mise sur pied d’un réseau organisé. <p>Mais au sein des détenus, une catégorie particulière n’aura jamais l’occasion de résister, pas plus que celle de se mêler aux internés juifs. Dès leur enfermement dans la caserne Dossin, les Tsiganes sont encore plus mal lotis que les Juifs. Leur sort, tout à fait exceptionnel et ne se confondant pas avec celui des Juifs, est présenté dans un chapitre qui leur est exclusivement consacré. <p>Dans la nuit du 3 au 4 septembre 1944, le SS-Sammellager est abandonné par les SS, en pleine débâcle. La plupart des Juifs qui s’y trouvent encore sont livrés à eux-mêmes. Leur « libération » ne suscite pas de grand intérêt. Pour leur part, la liesse s’éteint rapidement devant le constat de leur monde ravagé par la Shoah. Presque aucune famille n’est sortie indemne de ces deux années de déportation.<p>Vingt-sept transports juifs et un transport tsiganes ont été dirigés à Auschwitz-Birkenau. Trois convois exceptionnels partent aussi pour Buchenwald, Ravensbrück et Bergen-Belsen et deux petits groupes d’internés sont envoyés de Malines à Vittel. <p>L’histoire de chacun de ces transports permet de relater la façon dont leur effectif a été rassemblé, de suivre le sort des déportés, des évadés, des assassinés dès la descente du train, des forçats ainsi que des rares survivants. <p>Aussi l’auteur replace-t-il la caserne Dossin dans son contexte européen en mettant l’accent sur sa fonction génocidaire.<p>La mise en œuvre de la Shoah en Belgique, en France et aux Pays-Bas est présentée et une comparaison entre les camps de rassemblement de ces pays, Dossin, Drancy et Westerbork est réalisée. <p>Tout au long de son développement, cette thèse met l’accent sur la mission génocidaire du camp, maillon entre les SS l’Office central de Sécurité du Reich de Berlin et Auschwitz-Birkenau, le lieu de l’extermination des Juifs de l’Ouest. Le SS-Sammellager für Juden est replacé dans le contexte de la Shoah en Europe, en particulier à l’Ouest, dans le triangle formé par Westerbork, Drancy et Dossin.<p><p><p><p><p><br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Lavastrou, Marc. "La réception du cinéma allemand par la presse cinématographique française entre 1921 et 1933." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOU20136.
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Avant même la première distribution d'un film allemand en France, la presse spécialisée s'emploie à dénigrer les productions de l'ennemi héréditaire qui sont réduites à des œuvres de propagande. Ce n'est qu'à la fin de l'année 1921 que Louis Delluc parvient à projeter un premier film germanique. Aux réactions chauvines et nationalistes succèdent rapidement des commentaires plus réfléchis. Ces analyses sont construites sur des stéréotypes issus d'une vision romantique de l'Allemagne telle que Madame de Staël a pu la décrire. Pour les critiques, le succès mondial du cinéma d'outre-Rhin montre la supériorité des cultures européennes sur la « jeune » civilisation américaine. Dès lors, les productions allemandes deviennent un modèle pour le cinéma hexagonal. Avec Les Nibelungen ou Faust, le 7ème art allemand apparaît aux yeux de la critique comme l'archétype de la culture européenne. Ces longs métrages sont représentatifs de l'identité allemande mais dépassent les cadres nationaux pour atteindre une forme d'universel qu'atteste les réussites économiques des productions du milieu des années 1920. L'apparition du cinéma parlant renouvelle les relations franco-allemandes. Les collaborations sont désormais le lot commun des réalisations du début des années 1930 ce que symbolise la production de versions multiples. De part et d'autre du Rhin, les professionnels coopèrent à l'édification d'un cinéma européen sans pour autant perdre de vue l'indispensable ancrage national des films. Des transferts culturels franco-allemands seront multiples jusqu'en janvier 1933. Toutefois l'émigration allemande ne trouvera pas un accueil favorable dans les studios parisiens<br>Just after the first World War, French critics commented German film like an industrial or propaganda product. It was until the end of 1921, that Louis Delluc showed a first German movie in France. After some nationalists reactions, critics built around stereotypes an romantic vision of German films. These romantics visions maded by Madame de Staël in the beginning of 19 century. For French critics, the german production worlwide success proved the suporiority of European culture to the “ young “ american civilization. With The Nibelungen or Faust, these features represented German identity. But these film beyond nationalist space to acceded universal signification. Germans productions became the archetype of European Culture in the middle of the 1920s. In the beginning of the 1930s, talkies transformed French-German relations. There were a lot of collaboration on both side of the Rhine: of course, in Babelsberg studios – the most important in European space – and Parisians studios too. For example, Georg Wilhelm Pabst realized three differents versions of Die Dreigroschenoper : the first in german language, a second in french and the third in english. Pabst worked with differents actors and differents technincian. French and German works together – in some case English – to build European cinema without losing national identity. Until January 1933, the French German cultural transfers were multiple. However, the German Emigration didn't find acceptance in the Parisan studios<br>Schon vor der ersten Aufführung eines deutschen Films in Frankreich setzt sich die französische Fachpresse dafür ein, die Produktionen des Erbfeinds als reine Propagandawerke herabzuwürdigen. Erst Ende des Jahres 1921 gelingt es Louis Delluc einen deutschen Film in Frankreich zu zeigen. Auf chauvinistische und nationalistische Reaktionen folgen schnell besonnenere Kommentare. Diese Analysen basieren auf Stereotypen, die einer romantischen Vision Deutschlands entspringen, wie sie Madame de Staël beschrieben hat. Die Kritiken stellen den Welterfolg des deutschen Kinos, als Überlegenheit der europäischen Kulturen über die „junge“ amerikanische Zivilisation, dar. Von jetzt ab werden die deutschen Produktionen zu einem Model für das französische Kino. Mit „Die Nibelungen“ oder „Faust“ erscheint die deutsche Kinokunst den Kritikern wie eine Urform der europäischen Kultur. Diese Filme repräsentieren zwar die deutsche Identität, reichen aber über nationale Grenzen hinaus, um eine universelle Form zu erreichen, die durch die wirtschaftlichen Erfolge der Produktionen Mitte der 20er Jahre bezeugt wird. Das Erscheinen des Tonfilms führt zu einer Erneuerung der deutsch-französischen Beziehungen. Zusammenarbeit ist von nun ab ein Kennzeichen der Filmproduktion des Beginns der 30er Jahre. Dies wird durch Herstellung von verschiedenen Versionen deutlich. Auf beiden Seiten des Rheins kooperieren die Filmemacher bei der Erschaffung des europäischen Kinos, ohne dabei die wichtige national Verankerung des Films zu vernachlässigen. Bis zum Januar 1933 gibt es einen mannigfaltigen deutsch-französischen Kulturaustausch. Dennoch findet die deutsche Emigration in die Pariser Studios keinen wohlwollenden Empfang
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De, Santiago Ramos Simone C. "Dem Schwerte Muss Der Pflug Folgen: Űber-Peasants and National Socialist Settlements in the Occupied Eastern Territories during World War Two." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3681/.
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German industrialization in the nineteenth century had brought forward a variety of conflicting ideas when it came to the agrarian community. One of them was the agrarian romantic movement led by Adam Műller, who feared the loss of the traditional German peasant. Műller influenced Reichdeutsche Richard Walther Darré, who argued that large cities were the downfall of the German people and that only a healthy peasant stock would be able to ‘save' Germany. Under Darré's definition, “Geopolitik” was the defense of the land, the defense with Pflug und Schwert (plow and sword) by Wehrbauern, an ‘Űberbauer-fusion' of soldier and peasant. In order to accomplish these goals, new settlements had to be established while moving from west to east. The specific focus of this study is on the original Hegewald resettlement ideas of Richard Walther Darré and how his philosophy was taken over by Himmler and fit into his personal needs and creed after 1941. It will shed some light on the interaction of Darré and Himmler and the notorious internal fights and power struggles between the various governmental agencies involved. The Ministry for Food and Agriculture under the leadership of Darré was systematically pushed into the background and all previous, often publicly announced re-settlement policies were altered; Darré was pushed aside once the eastern living space was actually occupied.
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Bruce, Gary. "Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.
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The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.<br>This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).
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Lak, Marizanne Zoe. "Why the righteous resist? : towards understanding Dietrich Bonhoeffer's resistance." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79977.
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Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although Bonhoeffer is hailed by some as a type of Protestant saint, there is certainly also a plea for the realisation of the paradox in his story; Bonhoeffer consciously associated himself with a plot against the life of another man. What lead this young theologian, known for pacifistic ideals and full of promise, to participate in such a violent plot? How did Bonhoeffer, and the scholars who studied his life and work, justify his decision? How should we, as theologians and Christians in the twenty-first century, attempt to understand Bonhoeffer’s resistance and its relevance for us today?
According to Bonhoeffer himself:
“Christianity stands or falls with its revolutionary protest against violence, arbitrariness and pride of power and with its apologia for the weak. I feel that Christianity is rather doing too little in showing these points than too much. Christianity has adjusted itself to the worship of power. It should give much more offence, more shock to the world, than it is doing. Christianity should take a much more definite stand for the weak than to consider the potential moral right of the strong.” (Bonhoeffer, DBWE Vol 13, 2007:403) By outlining the life of Bonhoeffer and selectively focusing on his resistance with both theological and sociological lenses, aided by his own writings, as well as the work of Bethge, Mataxas, Schlingensiepen, Rogers and an array of other authors, this thesis attempts to move towards understanding this remarkable man’s steadfast struggle to not sit passively in the midst of the reign of the Third Reich in Germany and be blinded to the inhumane treatment of fellow Germans, regardless of their race or religion.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel Bonhoeffer deur sommige as ‘n soort Protestante heilige beskou word, is daar verseker ook ‘n pleidooi vir die besef van die teenstrydigheid in sy verhaal; Bonhoeffer het homself bewustelik geassosieer met ‘n komplot om die lewe van ‘n ander man te beeïndig. Wat het aanleiding gegee dat hierdie jong teoloog, bekend vir sy pasifistiese ideale en potensiaal, in so ‘n geweldadige komplot betrokke geraak het? Hoe het Bonhoeffer, en die geleerdes wat sy lewe en werk bestudeer het, sy besluit regverdig? Hoe sou ons, as teoloë en Christene in die een-en-twintigste eeu, Bonhoeffer se verset en die relevansie daarvan vir ons lewe vandag verstaan?
Bonhoeffer sê self: “Die Christendom staan of val met die revolusionêre protes teen geweld, willekeur en magstrots, en met sy voorspraak vir die swakkes. Ek voel dat die Christendom eerder te min as te veel doen om hierdie aspekte te weerspieël. Die Christendom het tot die aanbidding van mag aangepas. Dit moet baie meer aanstoot gee, die wêreld meer skok, as wat dit tans doen. Die Christendom moet ‘n baie meer defnitiewe standpunt vir die swakkes inneem, eerder as om die potensiële morele reg van die sterkes te beskerm.” (Bonhoeffer, DBWE Vol 13, 2007:403)
Deur Bonhoeffer se lewe uit te lê en selektief, met beide teologiese en sosiologiese lense, op sy verset te fokus, bygestaan deur sy eie geskrifte, asook die werk van Bethge, Mataxas, Schlingensiepen, Rogers en ‘n verskeidenheid ander outeurs, poog hierdie tesis om tot ‘n verstaan te kom van hierdie merkwaardige man se standvastige stryd om nie slegs passief tydens die strikbewind van die Derde Ryk te bly nie, maar ook om nie blind vir die onmenslike behandeling van mede-Duitsers nie, ongeag hulle ras of godsdiens, te wees nie.
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Staley, David John. "In whose image? : knowledge, social science and democracy in occupied Germany, 1943-1955 /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487848531364928.
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