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1

Babayan, M. E. "The Phenomenon of Cultural Genocide: History and Modernity". EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, n.º 3 (18 de outubro de 2020): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2020-3-99-111.

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The article is dedicated to the study of the «cultural genocide» concept as one of the forms of the genocide crime in order to establish the content of culture as the object of the genocide crime. For this, the historical legal method and the method of case study were used (in particular the practice of destroying the culture of the peoples of the Ottoman Empire. Sri Lanka and Tibet for comparison with the possibility of designating them as a crime of cultural genocide, acting as an element of the genocide crime, or as a separate crime with a meaning different from physical and biological genocide). It is concluded that cultural genocide is not a new component of the genocide crime, but an integral part of genocidal policy, and may constitute the phases of pregenocide or postgenocide or act as a separate crime requiring early warning and suppression.
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Malkidis, Theofanis S. "The Greek Genocide and Smyrna’s Catastrophe: An Overview". International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 8, n.º 1 (30 de maio de 2023): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0040.

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Genocide is a crime against humanity which should be universally condemned. Regardless of the time that passes or the scope of the crime itself, there should be no reduction of the importance of a crime against humanity or the responsibility of those who commit genocide. The 20th century is, without a doubt, an era where the crime of genocide appeared and reappeared consistently. The Armenian, Greek, and Assyrian Genocide and the Holocaust, constituted important genocides perpetrated by illiberal governments that violated numerous human rights, taking millions of lives and eliminating the history and civilization of cities dating backthousands of years. From World War II onwards, “genocide” was coined as a criminal form of behaviour that constitutes one of the most violent crimes one could be charged with. The Greek Genocide, one of the first genocides of the 20th century, is one of the big crimes against humanity that remains unpunished to this day since a large part of a nation that lived on the territory of the Ottoman Empire was murdered. The Smyrna Catastrophe of 1922 constituted the symbolic end of the Greek Genocide.
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3

Strauss, Ekkehard. "Reconsidering Genocidal Intent in the Interest of Prevention". Global Responsibility to Protect 5, n.º 2 (2013): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00502002.

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Early establishment of evidence for genocidal intent would allow responses in the context of R2P, targeted specifically at the prevention of genocide and focus scarce resources and limited political will. This article is an attempt to develop an interpretation of genocidal intent that supports the application of the obligation to prevent genocide in future situations. Past examples, including the situations in Rwanda and Darfur, demonstrated that the interpretation of genocidal intent has important implications for the application of the obligation to prevent genocide under the Convention. While some of the challenges can be traced back to the drafting history of the Convention, a review of the Travaux Preparatoire reveals very limited cross-references between the discussions on intent and considerations of the obligation to prevent genocide. Since the drafting of the Convention there have been significant developments in the interpretation and application of genocidal intent by national and international courts, and in the development of methodology and institutions for early-warning and early action to respond to situations at risk of genocide. International and national courts would have to acknowledge their role in assisting national and international entities in implementing the obligation to prevent and punish genocide by opting for a ‘prevention-friendly’ interpretation and ensuring punishment as early as possible during unfolding events of genocide through the application of genocidal intent. The interpretation of intent must be opened to subsume relevant precursors of genocide into the definitions of article II and III of the Convention. The interpretation of intent has to evolve over time to link well-established risk factors with the acts of genocide spelled out in the Convention.
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Bruneteau, Bernard. "Génocide. Origines, enjeux et usages d'un concept". Journal of Modern European History 5, n.º 2 (setembro de 2007): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2007_2_165.

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Genocide. Origins, Challenges, and Applications of the Concept After a long period of intellectual formation, the concept of genocide was introduced by Raphael Lemkin in 1944. It suffers, however, from the vagueness of the official definition established by the UN Convention in 1948. That is why this category of crime has been instrumentalized by widely different groups trying to be acknowledged as historical victims, whether these rights were real or not. Despite increasing controversy about problems of collective memory, the field of «genocide studies» has proven to be especially dynamic since the 1990s. The notion of «genocidal process» has become a focus of attention that allows the combination of anthropological, sociological and historical approaches. The question about the relation between genocide and war, which has become increasingly significant for historians, permits the conclusion that the First World War and the «minority question» led to a new sense of justice regarding «crimes against humanities». Although it may seem that Lemkin was influenced by the tragic fate of the Armenian and Jewish peoples, it is nonetheless necessary to discuss the genocidal character of other events, like colonial massacres, Stalinist policy, or ethnic cleansing.
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SHAW, MARTIN. "Britain and genocide: historical and contemporary parameters of national responsibility". Review of International Studies 37, n.º 5 (29 de novembro de 2011): 2417–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001245.

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AbstractThis article (originally given as the Annual War Studies Lecture at King's College, London, on 25 January 2010) challenges the assumption that Britain's relationship to genocide is constituted by its ‘vigilance’ towards the genocide of others. Through a critical overview of the question of genocide in the historical and contemporary politics of the British state and society, the article suggests their wide-ranging, complex relationships to genocide. Utilising a conception of genocide as multi-method social destruction and applying the interpretative frames of the genocide literature, it argues that the British state and elements of identifiably British populations have been involved directly and indirectly in genocide in a number of different international contexts. These are addressed through five themes: the role of genocide in the origins of the British state; the problem of genocide in the Empire and British settler colonialism; Britain's relationships to twentieth-century European genocide; its role in the genocidal violence of decolonisation; and finally, Britain's role in the genocidal crises of the post-Cold War world. The article examines the questions of national responsibility that this survey raises: while rejecting simple ideas of national responsibility as collective guilt, it nevertheless argues that varying kinds of responsibility for genocide attach to British institutions, leaders and population groups at different points in the history surveyed.
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6

Marsoobian, Armen T. "Genocide by Other Means: Heritage Destruction, National Narratives, and the Azeri Assault on the Indigenous Armenians of Karabakh". Genocide Studies International 15, n.º 1 (1 de agosto de 2023): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi-2023-0009.

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The propaganda efforts of the authoritarian Aliyev regime in Baku and the general Western ignorance of the history of the South Caucasus have contributed to the lack of meaningful response to the genocidal aggression that Azerbaijan has inflicted on the indigenous Armenians of Artsakh, known to many as Nagorno-Karabakh. The humanitarian crisis created by the Azeri blockade of the Lachin Corridor is only the most recent step in a process of cleansing the region of its Armenian population, a process that began in the early years of the twentieth century. The Ottoman Turkish genocide of Armenians in 1915–1923 is not a distinct event of the past but a process whose ideology is central to the Azeri-Turkish genocidal violence perpetrated against Armenians in the present. An integral component of the processes of genocide is cultural heritage destruction as noted by Raphael Lemkin. The erasure of most signs of the indigenous Armenian presence on its historic homeland was particularly pronounced in the decades following the Armenian Genocide and continues today. Cultural erasure went hand in hand with Turkish state genocide denial and the rewriting and mythologizing of its national narrative. Azerbaijan has been following a similar playbook since the collapse of the Soviet Union. These genocidal processes of denial, heritage destruction, and the rewriting of history are what I describe as “genocide by other means.”
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Bachmann, Klaus. "How to Avoid the Genocide Trap. Genocide as a concept in historiography and social sciences". Do historians fail in listening to each other? Methodological Challenges for Historical Dialogue 1, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2022): 48–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54881/111gtkb.

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This article argues that instead of using inconsistent and often tautological ad hoc definitions from social sciences and the humanities, the legal notion of genocide as it emerges from the Genocide Convention and the jurisprudence of international criminal tribunals should also be applied to historical atrocities. This helps to prevent the inflationary use of the term ‘genocide’, whose inevitable consequence is that this term is voided of any meaning. Using instead the legal concept makes it possible to disentangle genocidal from non-genocidal violence and to prevent this notion from becoming obsolete. Three examples from German colonial history in Africa illustrate the need for such an approach.
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Nishat, Nusrat Jahan, e Mohammad Pizuar Hossain. "1971 Killing of the ‘Bengali’ Intellectuals: An Analysis from the Perspective of the 1948 Genocide Convention". Contemporary Challenges: The Global Crime, Justice and Security Journal 3 (28 de setembro de 2022): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/ccj.v3.7075.

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The lessons of the history of past genocidal incidents expose that the educated and the leaders, collectively called ‘intellectuals’, have often been a distinct target by the perpetrators. Bengali intellectuals were also targeted and killed by the Pakistani military and its local collaborators during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. As the Bangladesh genocide, committed by the Pakistani military and its local collaborators, is still internationally overlooked, the issue of killing the Bengali intellectuals during such genocide has not obtained much attention. This study identifies the killing of the intellectuals as one of the genocidal policies employed by the Pakistani military and its local collaborators during the war. The massacre of the Bengali intellectuals in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War is examined in this article from the perspective of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The authors have critically analyzed the killing of the Bengali intellectuals in light of the definition of ‘genocide’ and the travaux preparatoires of the Convention to explore whether it forms a genocidal policy.
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9

Surzyn, Jacek. "Holokaust jako ludobójstwo wyjątkowe". Narracje o Zagładzie, n.º 6 (21 de novembro de 2020): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2020.06.05.

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The article is dedicated to an analysis of the Holocaust uniqueness against the backdrop of other genocides. Most of all, the text follows the clues from Berel Lang, who interpretsthe Nazi Crime as a perfect genocide, that is, such a genocide that implemented its ideological assumptions fully for the first time in human history. What transpired then was in fact a comprehensive synthesis of “idea” and “actions.” Therefore, the relation between the Holocaust and other genocides turns out to be one-sided: the Holocaust is a genocide but no other genocide is the Holocaust. The category of genocide was, first of all, introduced into international circulation by a Polish lawyer of Jewish origin Rafał Lemkin during the final decade before the outbreak of World War Two. Genocide has become an almost universally acknowledged term, reinforced by the UN declaration of 1947. Mass crimes occurred in human history since the time immemorial. However, their character fundamentally changed with the advent of modernity, when powerful nation states within the framework of ideological postulates managed to give a new dimension to their politics, the one including actions meted out against entire communities: ethnic groups or nations. The Nazi crime of the Holocaust seems to be a unique exemplification of “modernity” (the term introduced in this sense by Zygmunt Bauman), that is, the combination of technicalisation and mass production with strong bureaucratic structure, which resulted in an unimaginable deed of murdering millions of Jews while utilising technical methods. The killing took a form of “production tasks,” which made the moral problems of responsibility and guilt appear in a different light. In the article an attempt is made to show implications stemming from the acceptance of the Holocaust’s uniqueness as “a perfect genocide,” both in its political and social as well as philosophical and moral dimensions.
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Lang, Berel. "BETWEEN GENOCIDE AND “GENOCIDE”". History and Theory 50, n.º 2 (26 de abril de 2011): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2303.2011.00584.x.

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Dokmanović, Mišo. "Lessons Learned from the Holocaust and the Contemporary Genocide". Review of European and Comparative Law, Special Issue (22 de dezembro de 2023): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.16619.

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The paper is focused on the analysis of the lessons learned from the genocides in the 20th century for the existing situation in Ukraine. Apart from the short overview of the history behind the term genocide and the adoption of the convention for its prevention and punishment in the post-World War II period, the paper explores the main specifics of the selected genocides (Armenian genocide, the Holocaust, Cambodia, Rwanda, and Yugoslavia). On the basis of the identified specifics, several conclusions and lessons have been drawn, including the expectation that mass atrocities will happen again and that international justice is often slow and deals with a limited number of perpetrators.
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12

MOSES, A. DIRK. "PARANOIA AND PARTISANSHIP: GENOCIDE STUDIES, HOLOCAUST HISTORIOGRAPHY, AND THE ‘APOCALYPTIC CONJUNCTURE’". Historical Journal 54, n.º 2 (11 de maio de 2011): 553–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000124.

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ABSTRACTRecent literature on the Holocaust and (other) genocides reveals that on the whole differences in approach persist. For many historians, as for the public, the Holocaust is the prototypical genocide, such that mass violence must resemble the Holocaust to constitute genocide. Whereas ‘normal’ ethnic/national conflict is commonly believed to involve ‘real’ issues like land, resources, and political power, no such conflict is discernible in the Holocaust of European Jewry, whose victims were passive and agentless objects of the ‘hallucinatory’ ideology of the perpetrators. But is this distinction sustainable on closer inspection? This review suggests that genocide is mistakenly identified as a massive hate crime based entirely on ‘race’. In fact, it has a political logic: irrational or at least exaggerated fears about subversion and national or ‘ethnic’ security. Prejudices do not cause violence: they are mobilized in conditions of emergency. Recent research tends in this direction by emphasizing paranoia rather than racism in the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazis but does not transcend the customary distinction between the ‘delusional’ grounds for the former and ‘real’ ethnic conflict. This separation of categories feeds into the anxieties in some contributors to this literature about potential genocides in the present by forecasting apocalyptic scenarios unless drastic military action is taken against specified enemies. Scholarship is better served by deflating rather than inflating such anxieties.
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Goekjian, Gregory F. "Diaspora and Denial: The Holocaust and the “Question” of the Armenian Genocide". Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, n.º 1 (março de 1998): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.1.3.

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The Holocaust and the Armenian Genocide have been considered comparable events ever since the term “genocide,” coined by Raphael Lemkin in 1944, was used at Nuremberg. The comparison leads to the recognition of differences between the two genocides, differences often used by revisionist historians to deny the very substance of genocide to the Armenian case. I want to argue that these differences are real, but that they are structural, not substantive, and that the impact of structural difference may be understood through an examination of the relationship among modern historiography, genocide, and diasporization. Put simply, the Holocaust constituted a symbolic end to the Jewish diaspora, whereas the Genocide is the symbolic origin of the Armenian diaspora. In actuality, of course, an enormous and powerful Jewish diaspora remains after the Holocaust, and Armenia had a significant diaspora for centuries before the Genocide. But whereas the Holocaust resulted in the creation of a concentrated, modern center for Jewish historical discourse, the Armenian Genocide erased that center, creating a “nation” that has had to exist in exile and memory—in diaspora
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Motyka, Grzegorz. "Czy zbrodnia wołyńsko-galicyjska 1943–1945 była ludobójstwem? Spór o kwalifikację prawną „antypolskiej akcji” UPA". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n.º 24/2 (29 de abril de 2016): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2016.24.15.

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The anti-Polish purges carried out by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), which are known in Polish history as the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, claimed the lives of about 100,000 people. These purges were among the bloodiest episodes in Poland’s twentieth-century history and among the major mass killings of civilians during World War II. Moreover, they were committed by an irregular partisan formation. In terms of scale, the massacres in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia can be compared to the mass pacification of Belarusian villages by German police formations and the massacres of Serbs by Croatian nationalists.Historical research indicates that, regardless of whether the objective of the OUN and the UPA was to exterminate or ‘only’ to expel the Poles, implementation of their plan must have assumed the killing of the Polish population, or at least part of it, in the disputed areas. Therefore, further research conducted in Poland confirmed the conviction about the genocidal nature of the UPA’s activities. Jędrzej Giertych was probably the first Pole to use the term ‘genocide’ in this context. He used it in the London-based literary weekly ‘Wiadomości’ [News] in 1951. In the second half of the 1990s, this opinion became dominant among scholars dealing with the issues in question. Similar conclusions were reached by prosecutors of the Institute of National Remembrance. It seems that their evaluation could not be different in the light of the definition of genocide specified in Article 118 of the Polish Criminal Code.Polish scholars argue, however, whether the term ‘genocide’ should be used in reference to all of the activities conducted by the OUN and UPA in the years 1939–1947, or only those conducted in the period from 9 February 1943 to 18 May 1945, known as the anti-Polish action (mass murders). They also argue whether the UPA’s actions were typical genocide, or should be considered as a specific example of cruel genocide (genocidum atrox) due to their ferocity. Some scholars are inclined to recognize the UPA’s ‘anti-Polish campaign’ as ethnic cleansing rather than genocide, but the scale of the crimes against the Polish population seems to undermine this opinion.The author suggests that the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia should be recognized as ‘genocidal ethnic cleansing’, or ‘ethnic cleansing that meets the definition of genocide’, as the terms indicate that from the very beginning perpetrators committed ethnic cleansing in the regions with intent to conduct mass murder of civilians.
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Burleigh, M. "Genocide". German History 10, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 1992): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/10.2.260.

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Nijakowski, Lech M. "Ludobójcze mikroby i pustynie. O latourowskiej pokusie w genocide studies". Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 17 (30 de janeiro de 2015): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2015.17.03.

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The dominant approach in genocide studies focuses on the intentions and motives of mass murderers. However, in many cases, natural phenomena, pathogens and machines determine the nature and course of genocidal mobilization. The aim of this article is to present the advantages of the actor-network theory (ANT) in explaining genocidal mobilization, taking into account environmental factors. “Natural objects” have been selected from a rich catalogue of non-human actors. The author divides these objects into three classes, showing that pathogens (associated with “the asymmetry of resistance” of victims and perpetrators) and deserts are of key importance in the history of collective violence. Referring to specific cases (in particular, the conquest and colonization of the Americas and Australia, the genocide of the Herero and Nama peoples, the Armenian genocide, Shoah), the author identifies that adopting the assumptions and methods of ANT reveals new aspects of the genocidal process. This indicates the need for considering the politics of non-human actors, delegating morality and law, tracking consecutive translations, rejecting the division into qualitatively different micro- and macro-actors, and tracking the emergence of new actants and forms of knowledge during genocide.
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Karl, Robert A. "Colombia’s History with “Genocide”". Journal of Genocide Research 21, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2019): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2019.1599592.

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von Joeden Forgey, Elisa. "Why Prevention Fails: Chronicling the Genocide in Artsakh". International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 8, n.º 2 (30 de dezembro de 2023): 86–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0046.

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Azerbaijan’s September 19, 2023 attack on the Republic of Artsakh resulted in the almost total displacement of the indigenous Armenian population, making it one of the most successful genocides in history. For over a year before Azerbaijan’s attack, the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention viewed Artsakh as the “perfect storm” for genocide prevention and was using as many strategies as possible to urge Western leaders to recognize the threat and take effective action. Any leader willing to challenge Azerbaijan diplomatically would have had the work of many genocide scholars and genocide prevention organizations to back them up. We still believe that coordinated pressure from the Western powers could have had a chance of avoiding genocide and may have resulted in finding a secure, and perhaps independent, space for Artsakh Armenians in their ancestral homeland. This article aims to show how the case of genocide in Artsakh is an object lesson in how diplomatic silences, shaped by geopolitical interests, can provide the power framework in which genocide can easily take place, offer diplomatic cover for the state or organization committing the crime, and normalizing the crime within international relations. It proposes that the genocide in Artsakh ushered in a new “New Imperialism”, in which the post-1945 law-based world order is jettisoned for raw power, threatened communities and unwanted peoples are less safe than they were before September 19, 2023, and genocide will become the order of the day – unless we find new mechanisms to prevent it.
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Cole, Jeffrey. "Smith, Ed., The Holocaust And Other Genocides - History, Representation, Ethics". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 31, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2006): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.31.1.49-50.

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There is no shortage of Holocaust-related literature on the academic textbook market, but when it comes to works that offer a comparative approach to genocide, instructors find little of value. The Holocaust and Other Genocides is a notable exception. Helmut Walser Smith's concise volume is a treasure. Filled with primary source material related to the Holocaust, Armenian genocide, events in Bosnia and Kosovo, and Rwanda, the book's format provides students with the tools they need to think deeply about some of the twentieth century's worst crimes. The first half of the book is dedicated to the Holocaust. Section I, entitled "History of the Holocaust," opens with images of Jews in the medieval period and an anti-Semitic statement from Martin Luther. Subsequent documents include photographs from 1930s Germany; excerpts from the Nuremberg Laws; a 1943 German railway schedule that shows how many passengers were transported and to where; and an excerpt from a Warsaw Ghetto diary.
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Nijakowski, Lech M. "Collectivist Logic in Comparative Genocide Studies and in the Battles for Memory". Narracje o Zagładzie, n.º 6 (21 de novembro de 2020): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2020.06.04.

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The article aims to present the mechanisms of collectivist logic as it functions in three areas: (1) in the historical comparative analysis of genocides – the basic method of genocidestudies; (2) in the activities of the organizations of victims and survivors, as well as in actions undertaken by animal rights activists; (3) in nationalist discourses and in the politics of memory. Collectivist logic is a set of operations that address human communities – groups of individuals linked together by significant social bonds and interests, and perceived as culturally distinctive – as the subject of history. As a result of the application of such logic, we may think about collective guilt and collective merit. The article discusses the advantages and disadvantages of historical comparative analysis as an essential methodological tool of genocide studies. The argument further focuses upon the use of the symbolic capital attributed to the term “genocide” in studies involving analyses comparing other crimes – as well as the industrial exploitation of animals – to genocides. Finally, the author describes the relationship between the state policy of memory, nationalist discourses, and the academic integrity of genocide scholars.
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Malunga, Siphosami. "The killing fields of Matabeleland: An examination of the Gukurahundi genocide in Zimbabwe". African Yearbook on International Humanitarian Law 2021 (2021): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/ayih/2021/a1.

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This article examines the Gukurahundi atrocities committed in Matabeleland in the 1980s to determine whether they constitute the international crime of genocide. This article analyses the legal requirements – conventions, jurisprudence and scholarly writings regarding genocide – and assesses the Gukurahundi atrocities against these requirements. The first section is the introduction, which highlights some known genocides in history and provides an outline of the article. The second section comprises an overview of the crime of genocide and its prosecution before the ad hoc tribunals, while the third section unpacks the notion of the four protected membership groups. The fourth and fifth sections evaluates the physical and mental elements of the crime of genocide with the aid of the jurisprudence of the ad hoc tribunals as well as the International Criminal Court. The sixth, seventh and eighth sections apply the legal requirements and jurisprudence to the Gukurahundi atrocities. The ninth section provides some concluding observations, arguing that the Fifth Brigade of the Zimbabwe National Army committed genocide from 1983 to 1987 as envisaged under international law. In each section, the Gukurahundi atrocities are evaluated against legal requirements: conventions, jurisprudence and the work of leading scholars.
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Khoirunisa, Hafara, Sefriani Sefriani, Jawahir Thontowi, Jaya Indra Santosa, Yashifa Febriani e Ahmed Zeiad Masoud. "Judaization in Palestine: Is It Genocide According to the 1998 Rome Statute?" Sriwijaya Law Review 8, n.º 1 (31 de janeiro de 2024): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol8.iss1.3144.pp79-98.

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The purpose of this study is to analyse the act of genocide in the attempt at Judaization in Palestine based on the 1998 Rome Statute and examine the possibility of categorizing the Judaization of Palestine as cultural genocide because Judaization has changed various aspects of Palestinian life and the Palestinian territories themselves. In addition, cultural genocide has been eliminated from its history, but there are still actions that are assumed to lead to it. This research is a type of normative legal research using a conceptual, statutory, case, and historical approach. The results of this study indicate that the Judaization of land and people in Palestine is a crime of genocide, as stated in Article 6 (c) of the 1998 Rome Statute. At the same time, the Judaization of identity and holy places can be categorized as cultural genocide, according to experts. However, the opinions of experts contained in legal works are subsidiary legal sources and, until now, have not been recognized as customary international law. In addition, the Judaization of identity and holy places within the framework of international law can only be viewed as genocidal intent, not cultural genocide.
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Lityński, Adam. "Powracające ludobójstwo w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej i Rosji (1894-1995)". Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, n.º 2 (2020): 267–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.13.

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There have been numerous publications on genocide, which provides evidence that this topic is up-to-date, important and still insufficiently researched. The author of the legal concept of "genocide " is Rafał Lemkin, a Polish scholar of Jewish nationality: "Father of Genocide Convention". In 1948, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a convention on the prevention and punishment of genocide crime. During the hundred years (1894-1995), genocide repeatedly occurred in Central and Eastern Europe. The greatest genocide in human history is the extermination of the Jews (the Holocaust). The author also recalls the genocide of the Armenians (1894-1915) in the Ottoman Empire (although it goes beyond Central and Eastern Europe and Russia). There were numerous genocide cases in the Soviet Union, and it is only about them that it is possible to accumulate substantial literature. Namely, the author reminds: the Cossacks genocide following the Bolshevik revolution; genocide in the countryside in connection with the collectivization process; Great Famine in Ukraine; the extermination of entire national minorities (so-called national operations 1937-1938); the most massive such operation was the "Polish operation." The author also recalls genocide in the countries of former Yugoslavia: especially in the fascist so-called Independent Croatian State [Nezavisna Država Hrvatska - NDH). The genocide of Ukrainian nationalists on Poles (1943-1946) closes the text. The article describes the largest genocidal operations carried out in Central and Eastern Europe over the course of a century and outlines their historical and political background, the manner in which they were carried out and their relationship with the international law and individual national regulations in force at the time.
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Yonucu, Deniz, e Talin Suciyan. "From the Ottoman Empire to Post-1923". Critical Times 3, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2020): 300–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8517751.

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Abstract The author of The Armenians in Modern Turkey, historian Talin Suciyan, puts the Armenian genocide survivors at the center of her research to provide a new perspective on the history of the Turkish Republic. Suciyan analyzes the experiences and lives of its Armenian population several decades after the genocide. In this interview, Deniz Yonucu speaks with Suciyan on her research and innovative anthrohistorical approach to understanding the paths that led to the annihilation of Armenians, the effects of the genocide in modern Turkey, and the importance of focusing attention on the experiences of survivors after catastrophic experiences of genocides. The survivor as described in this interview is neither a wretched of the earth, who is forced to live a tortured life, nor a subaltern whose voice cannot acquire speech. The survivor instead is an existence whose past, present and future is constantly denied, and therefore robbed from her.
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Madley, Benjamin. "Book Review: Genocide: A History". European History Quarterly 36, n.º 2 (abril de 2006): 332–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140603600232.

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Diboyan, Larra M., e Jesse R. Goliath. "Publicly Underrepresented Genocides of the 20th and 21st Century: A Review". Humans 3, n.º 2 (16 de maio de 2023): 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/humans3020009.

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Forensic anthropologists have been involved in investigating genocide and crimes against humanity for many decades. Raphael Lempkin first coined the term “genocide” in 1944, and in 1946, the United Nations General Assembly codified it as an independent crime. However, there has not been a systematic review available to better understand the history of many of these atrocities. Moreover, many of these events have not been discussed outside the cultures and individuals affected. This targeted literature review will discuss work on historic, lesser-known, modern genocides, and finally, the humanitarian forensic work being conducted in the field and digitally. Such events discussed include Herero and Namaqua, Sayfo, Armenian, Holodomor, Nanking (Nanjing), Romani, Palestinian, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Sikh, and Rohingya genocides. Work being done in this important sector of research is a critical development for not only recognizing these crimes but also for documenting and protecting the evidence of these human rights violations.
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MacDonald, David B. "Aotearoa New Zealand, the Forcible Transfer of Tamariki and Rangatahi Māori, and the Royal Commission on Abuse in Care". Genocide Studies and Prevention 17, n.º 1 (julho de 2023): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.17.1.1926.

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This article investigates to what extent the forcible transfer of tamariki and rangatahi Māori (Indigenous children and youth) in Aotearoa New Zealand can be considered genocide. First, I begin by exploring contemporary genocide theory as it relates to dolus eventualisin settler colonial contexts, before engaging with precedents for recognizing Indigenous genocides established by truth commissions in Canada (2015; 2019) and Australia (1997). I then explore the history around Indigenous child removal in Aotearoa from the onset of colonization to the present day, attentive to ways in which the UN Convention can apply to the forced removal of Māori children. Third, I explore the potential of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Abuse in Care (2018-2023) to engage with the concept of genocide in its deliberations. Between 60 and 80 percent of those taken were Māori, removed from their families, communities, and nations (respectively whānau, hapū, and iwi). I conclude with some reflections as to why the issue of genocide is not widely discussed in Aotearoa, and has not played an important role in the NZ Commission’s work, in contradistinction to commissions in other settler states.
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Haseljić, Meldijana Arnaut. "Genocid(i) u Drugom svjetskom ratu – Ka konvenciji o genocidu (ishodišta, definiranje, procesuiranja)". Historijski pogledi 5, n.º 8 (15 de novembro de 2022): 239–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.239.

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The twentieth century began and ended with the execution of genocide. At the same time, it is the century in which large-scale armed conflicts were fought, including the First and Second World Wars. The Second World War was marked, among other things, by genocides committed against peoples that were planned for extermination by Nazi projects. In the first place, it is inevitable to mention the genocide (Holocaust) against the most numerous victims - the Jews. The Holocaust resulted in millions of victims. Mass murders of Jews were carried out, but in the Second World War, about a million people who were members of other nations were also killed. The Nazis carried out the systematic extermination of Jews and other target groups in concentration camps established in Germany, but also in occupied countries. Hundreds of camps were opened throughout the occupied territories of Europe. The target groups scheduled for extermination were collected and transported by trains, most often in transport and livestock wagons, and taken to camps where a certain number were immediately killed, while another number were temporarily left for forced labor. People who were used for forced labor often died of exhaustion, and those who managed to survive the torture were eventually killed. In addition to the closure and liquidation in the camps, individual and mass executions were also carried out in other places. The large number of those killed indicated the need for quick rehabilitation, which resulted in burning the bodies on pyres or burying them in mass graves. The committed genocides encouraged the formation of the United Nations, but also resulted in the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, or for short - the Genocide Convention, which was supposed to be a guarantee for „never again“. Sanctions issued in the form of death sentences to the most notorious war criminals for the terrible crimes for which they were found responsible should have been another obstacle to „never again“. However, the participants of our time testify that it was not so. Genocidal projects have revived and genocides have been realized, as is the case with the genocide committed in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of the 20th century. In the trial of the most notorious Nazis, known as the Nuremberg Trials, the harshest death sentences were handed down, as well as life and long-term imprisonment. The specificity of the Nuremberg process is that, in addition to proclaiming the principle of personal responsibility, it also represents a condemnation of the committed aggression, but also a political project as manifested by the condemnation of various organizations that were declared responsible for the crimes committed. At the main international military trial that began on October 18, 1945, 24 defendants were prosecuted for individual responsibility, but six criminal war organizations were also prosecuted - the leadership of the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers' Party - NSDAP (National Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter Partei) headed by was Adolf Hitler - the most responsible criminal for World War II and the execution of the Holocaust), SS (Schutzstaffel - military branch of the NSDAP), SA (Sturmabteilung - Assault Squad of the NSDAP), SD (Sicherheitsdienst - Intelligence Service of the NSDAP), Gestapo (Geheime Staats Polizei - secret state police) and OKW (Oberkommando der Wehrmacht - Supreme Command of the German Army). Certain prosecutions were also carried out in the national courts of the countries that emerged victorious in the Second World War.
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Morag, Raya. "Gendered Genocide". Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 35, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2020): 77–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-8085123.

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The remarkable gendered renaissance of post–Khmer Rouge (KR) New Cambodian Cinema is evidenced in recent years through first- and second- generation post-traumatic films. This article analyzes one prominent example—Lida Chan and Guillaume P. Suon’s Noces Rouges (Red Wedding, Cambodia/France, 2012)—showing how the Cambodian genocide is for the first time dealt with as a gendered genocide, breaking the taboo issues of forced marriage (a unique form of genocide in the world) and rape. A detailed analysis of Red Wedding describes how the meaning of forced marriage and rape is framed by both the cinema and the relevant national and international discourses embodied by the KR tribunal (also known as the ECCC) and the controversies its proceedings caused. The article compares the cinematic testimony per se and that testimony transferred into legal testimony in court to reflect on the role of cinema in promoting women’s history. Furthermore, it raises highly controversial subjects, such as how to analyze the layers of gendered silencing surrounding both women’s traumatic history and women perpetrators of these sexual crimes; the influence of former KR cadres within current Cambodian society; and the necropolitical function of the killing fields as “truth spaces.” Female testimony, putting forth necrophagic ethics, ultimately becomes the foundation of traumatic history. The conclusion suggests that these intense, embodied first-generation memories resist remembering and instead continue to haunt the individual and the collective; it thus proposes some reflections on the unique role of gendered cinema in healing post- traumatic society in a postgenocide era.
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Suny, R. G. "Historicizing Genocide". History Workshop Journal 71, n.º 1 (28 de fevereiro de 2011): 259–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbq057.

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Poghosyan, Narek. "Eliticide: The Main Examples". Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, n.º 1 (20 de maio de 2022): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0026.

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The issue of the annihilation of the elite and the intelligentsia plays an important role in the context of genocides, massacres, as well as the deprivation and control of the intellectual potential of a given nation or state. There have been cases throughout history, when elites have been deliberately targeted in order to exterminate different racial, ethnic, religious groups or commit cultural genocide. Due to this circumstance the topic received the attention of the author of the term “Genocide” Raphael Lemkin, who considered the destruction of the intelligentsia and the elite from the social, physical and cultural aspects of genocide. However, it is interesting, that the destruction of the intelligentsia and the elite did not receive a specific definition for a long time until the term “eliticide” or “elitocide” was introduced in 1992. And since the phenomenon of eliticide is comparatively little studied, in this article we tried to present and to analyze its most obvious examples – the destruction of the elite of the Armenian intelligentsia during the Armenian Genocide, the eliticide carried out by Nazi Germany in Poland, as well as cases of eliticide in Tibet, Cambodia, Burundi, Bangladesh, Bosnia. The extermination of the elite during the Armenian Genocide was widespread, although the most famous is the arrest and murder of Armenian intellectuals in Constantinople on April 24 1915. And the peculiarity of this genocide is that the eliticide was an integral part of the extermination of Armenians on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, therefore it is considered as a separate stage of the genocide. And unlike the eliticide committed during the Armenian Genocide, the extermination of the elite in Poland, Tibet, Burundi, Bangladesh and Bosnia was not in the context of the complete annihilation of the targeted ethnic or religious group, but in the context of erasing the identity of the group and cultural genocide. And the extermination of the intelligentsia during the Cambodian genocide was more in the context of the anti-intellectual campaign.
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Owens, Peter B. "The Collective Dynamics of Genocidal Violence in Cambodia, 1975–1979". Social Science History 38, n.º 3-4 (2014): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.19.

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While previous research conceptualizes genocide as an outcome of complex interactions between multiple social factors, the specific ways in which these factors interact and combine with each other, and how their individual effects may be mediated through such interaction, remain to be empirically specified. Using historical accounts given by survivors of the Cambodian genocide, and drawing from insights in the collective action literature, this study presents a configurational and comparative analysis of the collective dynamics of genocidal violence. The analysis focuses on how changing local patterns of relational and cognitive collective mechanisms created distinctly local patterns of violence, affecting both levels of victimization and the targeting of different groups over time. While the expansion and consolidation of central state power accounts for a generalized increase in violence, official framing practices mediated how groups became targeted. These findings confirm and extend the insights of other meso-level studies of genocide, and demonstrate the utility of comparative configurational methods for further inquiry.
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Adami, Tom A., e Martha Hunt. "Genocidal Archives: The African Context—Genocide in Rwanda". Journal of the Society of Archivists 26, n.º 1 (abril de 2005): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00039810500047557.

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SUNY, RONALD GRIGOR. "Debating Famine and Genocide". Contemporary European History 27, n.º 3 (23 de julho de 2018): 476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000280.

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Between academic writing of history – what professional historians, usually employed by universities, do – and popular history – what journalists, celebrities and independent writers usually with some claim on fame do – there is a growing intermediate genre, which I will call ‘history light’. While popular history is produced rather quickly and often with armies of researchers working for the celebrity author, history light is artisanal. It takes more time and bears the mark of the scholar/journalist author. Such writers, smart people with a flair for fluid prose, have turned out bestsellers and prizewinners that have found a broad reading public. They can be read with enjoyment and profit by the general public and scholars alike. History light may not be as sensationalist or prurient as many popular histories, but neither is it as thickly evidenced or balanced as the best academic histories. Such books usually have a strong point of view, often supportive of the liberal/conservative status quo in the United States, and in the case of those that deal with Russia or the Soviet Union, usually condemnatory of the Soviet Union, communism and extremes of left and right. They often tend to be indictments rather than historically empathetic; that is, they shape evidence to a particular conviction instead of allowing a more complex, perhaps even ambiguous, reading.
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Semelin, Jacques. "What is ‘Genocide’?" European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 12, n.º 1 (março de 2005): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507480500047837.

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Graziosi, Andrea, Joshua Rubenstein, Roman Szporluk, Paul Hollander, Jeffrey Hardy, Michael Ellman, Jeffrey Rossman e Norman Naimark. "Perspectives on Norman Naimark's Stalin's Genocides". Journal of Cold War Studies 14, n.º 3 (julho de 2012): 149–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00250.

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This forum includes commentaries by seven experts—Joshua Rubenstein, Paul Hollander, Andrea Graziosi, Roman Szporluk, Jeffrey Hardy, Michael Ellman, and Jeffrey Rossman—on Norman Naimark's Stalin's Genocides, published by Princeton University Press in 2010. Most of the commentators praise the book highly but raise some questions about specific points, such as the use of the term “genocidal,” the application of “genocide” to the atrocities perpetrated by Iosif Stalin's regime in the Soviet Union, and the estimated numbers of Stalin's victims. Two of the commentators take stronger issue with Naimark's book, particularly the comparison one might make between Stalin's crimes and those of Adolf Hitler in Germany and Eastern Europe. The forum concludes with a reply by Naimark, who not only responds to points raised by the commentators but also elaborates on his intentions when writing the book.
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Gabriel, Yiannis, e Peter Stokes. "Organizations and History – Are There Any Lessons to Be Learned From Genocide?" Problemy Zarządzania - Management Issues 2/2020, n.º 88 (3 de julho de 2020): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7172/1644-9584.88.1.

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Purpose: The paper seeks to demonstrate that genocide is not a phenomenon marginal to the world of management and organizations, but one from which these disciplines stand to learn a lot and one to which they must contribute their own insights. Approach: A historical and sociological review of some of the voluminous literature on genocide and the Nazi Holocaust. Findings: Genocide is a highly organized process, requiring bureaucratic resources to initiate, sustain and, often, cover it up. It generates resistance and compliance, it makes use of material and social technologies, it is imbued with its own cultural values and assumptions and calls for its own morbid innovations and problem solving. Genocide requires the collaboration of numerous formal organizations, including armies, suppliers, intelligence and other services, but also informal networks and groups. Limitations: Given the vast literature on genocide and the Nazi Holocaust, obviously only a small sample of crucial texts were reviewed and cited. All the same, they are enough to demonstrate that democide is not carried out by sadistic maniacs or by impersonal bureaucrats in line with the banality of evil hypothesis. It is carried out by organizational members, managing and problem-solving realities whose horrors do not impede them in their decision making. Practical implications: At the same time, the authors argue that genocide cannot be studied outside historiography and that doing so leads to all kinds of gravely mistaken conclusions, even when theorized by distinguished scholars like Arendt and Bauman. Originality: The article debunks some widely espoused theories of genocide, including the adiaphorization and banality of evil theses.
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Dadrian, Vahakn N., Frank Chalk e Kurt Jonassohn. "The History and Sociology of Genocide." Contemporary Sociology 20, n.º 2 (março de 1991): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072920.

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Jeong, Jaeyun. "Armenian Genocide in Turkish History Textbooks". Society for International Cultural Institute 12, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2019): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.34223/jic.2019.12.1.1.

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Bahia, Renato. "Book Review: Genocide: A World History". Genocide Studies and Prevention 12, n.º 2 (outubro de 2018): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.12.2.1558.

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Moses, A. Dirk. "Genocide and the Terror of History". Parallax 17, n.º 4 (novembro de 2011): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13534645.2011.605583.

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Papazian, Dennis R. "The Armenian Genocide: History, Politics, Ethics". History: Reviews of New Books 22, n.º 2 (janeiro de 1994): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9948901.

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LEMARCHAND, RENÉ. "A HISTORY OF GENOCIDE IN RWANDA". Journal of African History 43, n.º 2 (julho de 2002): 307–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008198.

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Weiss-Wendt, Anton. "“Genocide of the Soviet People”: Putin’s Russia Waging Lawfare by Means of History, 2018–2023". Genocide Studies and Prevention 17, n.º 2 (fevereiro de 2024): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.17.2.1946.

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This article exposes the political underpinnings of the term “genocide of the Soviet people,” introduced and actively promoted in Russia since 2019. By reclassifying mass crimes committed by the Nazis and their accomplices against the civilian population—specifically Slavic—as genocide, Russian courts effectively engage in adjudication of the history of the Second World War. In the process, genocide trials, ongoing in twenty-five Russian provinces and five occupied Ukrainian territories, present no new evidence or issue new indictments, thus fulfilling none of the objectives of a standard criminal investigation. The wording of the verdicts, and a comprehensive political project put in place to promote it, suggests three main objectives behind the novel genocide of the Soviet people trope, absolving the Soviet Union of responsibility for the outbreak of the Second World War, counterbalancing the efforts of the Ukrainian government to seek international recognition of Holodomor as an act of genocide, and drawing a parallel between Nazi crimes and those ascribed to “Ukrainian neo-Nazis.” Russian genocide trials are a crass example of sham justice and a manifestation of lawfare.
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NAIMARK, NORMAN M. "War and Genocide on the Eastern Front, 1941–1945". Contemporary European History 16, n.º 2 (maio de 2007): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003839.

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The historical connection between war and genocide is clear and apparent. Scholars of mass killing have repeatedly pointed out the linkages between the First World War and the Armenian genocide of 1915, between the Second World War and the Holocaust, between the 1993–4 war and the genocide in Rwanda, and between the war in Bosnia and the genocide in Srebrenica. Scholars of war, most often military historians, have been less ready to tie what they see as two distinct social phenomena – war and genocide – into the same bundle. This was especially the case, until recently, for the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, and the subsequent mass murder of the Jews. The Wehrmacht, the German fighting forces, were seen to be implementing an enormously ambitious military campaign against the Soviet Union, which, in the end, they lost. Meanwhile, the Nazi security organs – the SS, the SD, and the Einsatzgruppen – carried out the ‘Final Solution’, inspired primarily by Hitler and the Nazi hierarchs.
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Haag, Oliver. "The History of an Argument: Genocide in Australian History". Zeitschrift für Australienstudien / Australian Studies Journal 26 (2012): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35515/zfa/asj.26/2012.03.

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Méndez, Eliana Cárdenas. "Estados Nacionales Y Víctimas Sacrificiales: Consideraciones Sobre El Genocidio Maya-Ixil En Guatemala". European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, n.º 20 (31 de julho de 2018): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n20p121.

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"Tierra Arrasada" (Scorched Earth) was a military program applied in Guatemala by former President José Efraín Ríos Montt, against Mayan communities accused of collaborating with the guerrilla force, and had the aggravating elements of a genocidal campaign. The guiding question of this essay is: “What is the reason for the genocides against ancestral peoples?”, and has the following starting hypothesis: the modern nation states, as "imagined communities", contain an inherent “bio-racial” component which gives sense and structure to the power instrumentation. Racism is recognized as a root element in Guatemalan history and, together with socioeconomic and political factors, has led to the genocide of Ixil people. Following René Girard, this paper proposes that Ixils were "sacrificial victims" in the contest for power between the Guatemalan State and the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (EGP) in order to sustain the hegemonic power with low political and military costs. Methodologically it is the results of field studies among communities of former Guatemalan refugees in Quintana Roo, Mexico, as well as historical and discourse analysis. The aim of this paper is to present the semantic potential of a theory of mimetics for the study of genocides in modern states.
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Martin, Shaw. "Palestine in an International Historical Perspective on Genocide". Holy Land Studies 9, n.º 1 (maio de 2010): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0001.

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This article discusses what may be involved in treating the 1948 destruction of a large part of Arab society in Palestine as ‘genocide’. It argues that genocide is a general sociological concept which can be applied to many historical cases varying in scale, murderousness, ideological motivation, etc., so applying genocide analysis does not imply a comparison to any other specific case. The article analyses the Palestinian case in the context of an international perspective on the historical development of genocide, and discusses the significance of differences over the historical explanation of the 1948 events for a genocide perspective.
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Laitila, Teuvo. "Local history of Jewish-Gentile relations". Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 29, n.º 2 (3 de novembro de 2018): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.74139.

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Becker, Heike. "Writing Genocide". Matatu 50, n.º 2 (13 de fevereiro de 2020): 361–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05002002.

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Abstract In this article I read several recently published novels that attempt to write the early 20th century Namibian experience of colonial war and genocide. Mari Serebrov’s Mama Namibia, Lauri Kubuitsile’s The Scattering and Jaspar Utley’s The Lie of the Land set out to write the genocide and its aftermath. Serebrov and Kubuitsile do so expressly from the perspective of survivors; their main characters are young Herero women who live through war and genocide. This sets Mama Namibia and The Scattering apart from the earlier literature, which—despite an enormous divergence of political and aesthetic outlooks—tended to be written from the perspective of German male protagonists. The Lie of the Land, too, scores new territory in postcolonial literature. I read these recent works of fiction against an oral history-based biography, in which a Namibian author, Uazuvara Katjivena, narrates the story of his grandmother who survived the genocide.
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