Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Gay liberation movement – united states – history"

In 2015, marriage equality in the United States was a big win for the gay and lesbian movement. Marriage equality as a primary focus of the movement, however, was not without its critiques, particularly as an issue affecting mostly white, gay, economically secure individuals. Given the history of the movement, it is essential to ask what is next. Young queer and trans people represent the next generation of potential activists and advocates for queer and trans liberation, yet little empirical attention has been paid to their goals for the movement and motivations to be actively involved, particularly among young adults in rural, conservative states. Therefore, this study sought to understand the social, economic, and environmental issues deemed important by queer and trans young adults (aged 18–29), as well as their motivations to get involved in activism efforts. Data came from a mixed-methods program evaluation, which presents a picture of the issues and motivations that led study participants ( n = 65) toward activism in one conservative, highly rural, Southwestern state in the United States. The findings of this study are discussed in light of theoretical and empirical literature and then implications for the queer and trans movement, activists, and organizers are offered.

The Joseph A. Labadie Collection at the University of Michigan is one of the oldest and most comprehensive collections of radical history in the United States, bringing together unique materials that document past as well as contemporary social protest movements. In addition to anarchism and labor movements, topics that were its original focus, the Collection today is particularly strong in civil liberties (with an emphasis on racial minorities), socialism, communism, colonialism and imperialism, American labor history through the 1930s, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or the Wobblies), the Spanish Civil War, sexual freedom, women’s liberation, gay liberation, the . . .

The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota demonstrates that while Christianity has often been an oppressive force on homosexuals and homosexuality, Christianity was also a liberalizing influence. Putting forth arguments derived from religious understandings, using biblical passages as “proof” texts, and showing a mutuality between the liberal theological tradition and the secular political position, the Christian community was integral to advancing gay rights and liberation in Minnesota by the early 1990s despite religious right resistance. These efforts revealed a Christianity driven to actualize the love of God here on earth and ensure human wholeness, freedom, and an authentic selfhood. Christian clergy, churches, and ordinary persons of faith thus undertook activity in three areas to ensure wholeness and freedom: political activity for civil protections; emotional, pastoral care for persons with AIDS; and as a source of self-affirmation and social comfort in the midst of an inhospitable society.

This paper joins the debate of a still-expanding literature on queer temporalities that, among other things, raises the question of a queer-specific construction of time. This specific temporality is what I call queerchronotopia. By setting the description of the historical worldview (as described by Reinhart Koselleck, Sepp Gumbrecht, and François Hartog) against queer methodologies developed by scholars like Paul B. Preciado and Jack J. Halberstam, this article claims that, since the last decades of the nineteenth century, definitions and embodiments of queerness and a queer-specific temporality are constantly revised in light of the temporal shift between two paradigmatic social constructions of time—the historical worldview and “our broad present”. First, we summarize how homosexuality goes from an ahistorical aberration at the end of the 19th century to the emergence of the historical homos at the beginning of the gay liberation movement in the 1970s. Second, we try to demonstrate how the appearance of identity temporalities as an aftereffect of identity politics in the 1970s unveils some of the fractures in the temporal experience anchored in the historical worldview. Lastly, we discuss how the latent “broad present” that had already shown some of its aspects in the aftermath of the gay liberation movement and civil rights era in the United States became more evident in the 1980s when the AIDS epidemic becomes increasingly intertwined with a concern with the health of the planet. Without dismissing the pessimist tone that has permeated the academic and intellectual discussions about the future of the planet and the catastrophic threats to human and nonhuman entities living in the Anthropocene, this article concludes by suggesting that the queer community and its activism, particularly in response to the AIDS epidemic, could teach us some lessons about how to live “with the trouble” in our present.

Abstract: The history of gay liberation in the 1970s has primarily been told through the prism of radical or left-alternative activists, focusing on groups like the Gay Liberation Front in New York or the Homosexual Action West Berlin. Complicating this narrative, this article analyses "cultures of conservatism" in male homosexual politics, comparing the Federal Republic with the United States in the 1970s. Zooming in on discourses of responsibility and caution, while focusing on the identifications of some gay men as "ordinary" and "sensible," and their rejection of confrontation and flamboyance, this article shows that concepts such as "liberation," "emancipation," or even "gay power" have no fixed meanings, far less meanings that are inherently "radical" or "conservative."

It is commonly considered that churches were usually opposers to the LGBTQ+ movements. Especially in the 1960s when churches played a negative role in the Gay Liberation Movement in the United States of America. But the fact seemed not to be that simple. As a matter of fact, in cities like San Francisco, some churches had started to play an active role in defending homosexual rights and they had a positive influence on homosexual acceptance among the American people. This paper discussed how specific churches defended homosexual rights in the United States of America in the 1960s by surveying what the Glide Memorial Church did in the 1960s. Through these resources, it can be easily found that the Glide Memorial Church, as a staunch supporter of the Gay Liberation Movement, helps defend homosexual rights in multiple ways including making sermons, holding public assemblies, etc. This research may be helpful to the LGBTQ+ movements today.

This article examines the gay French author Jean Genet’s 1970 tour of the United States with the Black Panther Party, using Genet’s unusual relationship with the Panthers as a lens for analyzing the possibilities and pitfalls of radical coalition politics in the long sixties. I rely on mainstream and alternative media coverage of the tour, articles by Black Panthers and gay liberationists, and Genet’s own writings and interviews to argue that Genet’s connection with the Panthers provided a queer bridge between the Black Power and gay liberation movements. Their story challenges the neglect of such coalitions by historians of the decade and illuminates some of the reasons the Panthers decided to support gay liberation. At the same time, Genet distanced himself from the gay liberation movement, and his unusual connection with the Panthers highlights some of the difficulties activists faced in building and sustaining such alliances on a broad scale.

Immediately after the liberation, the health care system debate was studied focusing on the orientation of the American and Soviet medical systems, roughly divided into Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. However, the existence of people who are not explained in the American and Soviet health care systems’ orientation led to the need to reconsider the existing premise. Therefore, this study identifies the characters that were not explained in the perspective of existing studies, and reevaluates the arguments of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. This paper raises the following questions: First, what is the background of the policy orientation that Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok had? Second, if there are people who made different arguments from Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok, what direction did they set and argue? third, how the orientations of Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok and etc. converge into the answer to the Joint Soviet-American Commission? In response to theses questions, this study confirms the following: first, Lee Yong-seol’s and Choi Eung-seok’s health care policies were established based on realism and empiricism. As a policyholder, Lee Yong-seol emphasized withholding medical state administration and raising the level of medical education and medical systems according to the condition at that time, although the American system was mobilized by Lee as the basis for his judgment and administrative assets. On the other hand, Choi Eung-seok aimed for a Soviet-style systems in health care but this was realistically put on hold. Choi insisted on the establishment of the Medical Service Associations and rural cooperative hospitals that appeared in Japan’s medical socialization movement. In summary, immediately after the liberation, Lee Yong-seol’s and Choi Eung-seok’s policy arguments were based on policies that could be implemented in Korea, and the American system and Soviet system served as criteria for the policy resources. Second, Jeong Gu-chung and Kim Yeon-ju show that the topography of the health care debate immediately after the liberation was not represented only by Lee Yong-seol and Choi Eung-seok. Both Jeong and Kim were consequently led to medical socialization, which was the implementation of a health care system that encompasses social reform, but the context was different. Jeong drew the hierarchy of the health care system, which peaked in the United States, from the perspective of social evolution based on his eugenics, but the representation suitable for Korea was the Soviet model absorbed into his understanding. On the contrary, Kim argued that representations suitable for Korea should be found in Korea. As national medical care, Kim’s idea aimed at a medical state administration that provides equal opportunities for all Koreans. Third, the aspect of convergence to the Joint Soviet-American Commission reply proposal was complicated. Among the policies of Lee Yong-seol, the promotion of missionary medical institutions and the gradual planning of medical institutions converged into the three organizations’ proposal, and Choi Eung-seok’s policy was almost the same as that of the Democracy National Front and the South Korean Labor Party. However, the medical system of Japan, the colonial home country, appears to have been based on Lee Gap-soo, chairman of the Korean Medical Association in the colonial period, and the plan was in line with the use of the union system of the left-wing organizations’ proposal in the south. It was in accordance with a common task to expand health care from colonial conditions to different status.

The LGBT movement began in Western societies. The forerunner to the birth of this movement was the formation of the Gay Liberation Front (GLF) in London in 1970. The movement was inspired by previous liberation movement in the United States in 1969 which took place at the Stonewall. LGBT campaign focuses on the efforts of awareness to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people and the general public that their behavior is not an aberration so they deserve the sexual rights as everyone else. Theological issues during this indeed become an important point in the debate over homosexuality and LGBT in General. This research aims to know the LGBT within the paradigm of religion and social impact through social phenomenology study with a qualitative approach. This approach is considered able to reveal in depth. From the results of this research, it can be concluded that all religions (Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism) looked at LGBT is sexual behavior which is deviant and unacceptable by all existing religions, especially in Indonesia. It is also a social impact with an LGBT sexual behavior as a distorted structure will impact the community. Then it will also be damaging to the process of regeneration and descent so that the impact on the quality of human resources in the future.

The emergence of postminimalism around 1980 allowed composers to combine minimalist musical techniques with their own distinct compositional approaches. Some composers, including American Julius Eastman and Canadian Ann Southam, exercised a consciousness-raising approach to composition by infusing their postminimalist works with political messages relevant to the gay liberation and feminist movements of the late twentieth century. In the work Gay Guerrilla (1979), Eastman pursued an original compositional approach, which he called ‘organic music,’ to explore themes of heroism and courage in the work’s climax. These musical themes resonated with the post-Stonewall gay liberation movement in the United States, particularly the assassination of Harvey Milk in San Francisco. Additionally, the repetitive processes of Southam's Glass Houses No. 5 (1981) constitute a highly organised compositional approach wherein the same music is constantly repeated in different contexts. These tight patterns referenced the contemporary genre of 'women's music' by physically resembling patient and cyclic work done by hand – work traditionally completed by women – and by critiquing this collective experience of ‘women’s work.’ By including these political associations in their art, Julius Eastman and Ann Southam created consciousness-raising critiques of contemporary trends of North American social activism. Content Note: This paper discusses violence against the queer and trans community, including an assassination, and also mentions two musical compositions which use a racial slur in their titles.

In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.

This article analyzes the history of the development of the phenomenon of radical African-American movements classified as separatist. The roots of the phenomenon go back to the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, but most of these movements appeared in the USA in the 1920s - 1960s, after the migration of African Americans from the southern states, referred to the «black belt» to the industrialized states of the North and their concentration in ethnically homogeneous ghettos of large cities with a disadvantaged socio-economic situation. Irredentist movements that appealed to the construction of African-American identity based on ethnic and cultural nationalism, such as «Back to Africa», which aimed at universal immigration of blacks from the United States, and interpreting the religion «Nation of Islam», gained particular popularity. Separatist movements acted as a radical alternative to the Civil Rights Movement, and the figure of activist Malcolm X, who came out of the Nation of Islam, became a counterweight to Martin Luther King. With the development of the anti-colonial movement in third world countries, organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa turned to the right of nations to self-determination and left-wing anti-imperialist rhetoric. The activities of other organizations, for example, the Black Liberation Army, can be characterized as terrorist. Later organizations, such as the New Black Panther Party, are often characterized by experts as «hate groups». Although with the success of the integration policy, the popularity of separatist demands has fallen, the actions of African-American nationalist organizations in the conditions of polarization of modern American politics indicate that the forms of struggle of the African-American community for political independence in the future are not exhausted.

Whether native-born or immigrants from the United States, Caribbean Basin, or Africa, Black people have made Canada an integral – although still largely overlooked – site in the Black Atlantic and African Diaspora. This article examines interwar Pan-Africanism, a movement that enjoyed a popular following in Canada. Pan-Africanists considered knowledge of history and love of self as foundational to resisting anti-blackness and inspiring Black liberation. In North America, they fortified themselves with the memory of their ancestors and awareness of an ancient African past as requisites for racial redemption and community building. African-American and Caribbean immigrants embraced Ethiopianism – a messianic Pan-Africanism of sorts – which they mythologized on Canadian soil. Not only was this Black racial renaissance new in Canadian society, but also its quasi spiritualism and revanchism reveals the zeal and militance of interwar Black agency. Pan-Africanists in North America sowed the seeds of twentieth-century Black liberation in the interwar period, which helped germinate postwar Caribbean and African decolonization, and civil and human rights struggles in the United States and Canada.

This paper will compare the history of two of the three major civil rights movements in the United States, comparing the victories and defeats, and their results. The movement for Black civil rights and for women's rights followed essentially the same pattern and used similar strategies. The gay and lesbian civil rights movement, on the other hand, followed some of the same strategies but has differed in significant ways. Where each movement has attained success and where each has failed demonstrates the limits of American legal structures to effectuate social change.

During the 1980s, the increasing institutionalization of the North American gay and lesbian rights movement drastically shifted the goals and methods of 2SLGBTQIA+ activism. Organizations began to focus on achieving access and equality through dominant institutions (such as military service and hate crime legislation) with the goal of achieving “equal citizenship,” rather than challenging the foundational inequalities embedded in such institutions. Despite the issues with this kind of approach, contemporary trans resistance is often expected to replicate this framework and make similar demands for trans-specific human rights and legal protections. This article argues that a rights-based approach to trans liberation cannot succeed under the current iteration of biopolitical governance in the United States. Inspired by Henry Giroux’s concept of the biopolitics of disposability, the author suggests that contemporary neoliberalism devalues trans lives (especially the lives of racialized trans women and femmes) to such an extent that they are viewed as expendable. Therefore, 2SLGBTQIA+ advocacy that seeks to gain further transgender rights and legal protections from a state that views trans lives as expendable should be abandoned in favour of activist projects that address the most urgent issues facing the most vulnerable trans people, such as employment assistance programs, access to inclusive healthcare, decarceration, and prison abolition projects.

Abstract In the 1970s and 1980s, Puerto Rican and Chicana/o/x radicals from across the United States developed a sophisticated theory of fascism as part of a broader effort to defend themselves against government repression and apply the lessons of the rightward trajectories of many Latin American countries. In the process, they built panethnic alliances that helped spur the emergence of Latina/o/x identity as it is commonly understood in the twenty-first century. This article uses the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (National Liberation Movement, or MLN) as a case study of this broader process because of its binational character and its persistent willingness to grapple with both the theory and practice of fascism and anti-fascism in the United States and in Latin America. While the MLN abandoned its own panethnic structure in the early 1980s, its legacy of Latina/o/x struggle against far right and white nationalist forces persists into the present moment.

George F. Kennan is renowned as the author of the containment doctrine and subsequently as a critic of American Cold War policy. But other elements of his thought, which have been neglected, are integral to a reconsideration of his stature. He distrusted democracy and proposed ways to limit its expression, discounted movements for human rights in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, believed Hispanics posed a threat to the United States, and often argued against the national liberation aspirations in the Third World (which he considered largely irrelevant to Great Power diplomacy). He failed to grasp the connection between the U.S. civil rights movement and foreign policy. These weaknesses limited his usefulness as a policy adviser and still cloud his legacy as America’s “conscience.”

This paper explores the double ostracization queer Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) endured in history, as an intersectional result of racist exclusion in the predominantly white narrative of the gay liberation movement and homophobia within oppressed racial groups. It describes how this double discrimination led to disproportionate impacts on the community in the AIDS epidemic from 1980s to 1990s. In the process, the paper restores the erased narratives of queer activists of color, showing how this community united to resist the double discrimination and to speak up through literature and alliances that ultimately overcame some of the societal barriers. Looking forward, the paper argues that a similar pattern is emerging in contemporary America with a disproportionate impact on queer and BIPOC people through the overturn of Roe v. Wade. Drawing on these insights, the paper concludes with the progress the American society has made toward equity for all.

The examination of a test case, the popular movement to abolish slavery, demonstrates that the insights of recent psychological research about moral judgment and motivated reasoning can contribute to historians’ understanding of why large-scale shifts in cultural values occur. Moral psychology helps to answer the question of why the abolitionist movement arose and flourished when and where it did. Analysis of motivated reasoning and the just-world bias sheds light on the conditions that promoted recognition of the moral wrongfulness of chattel slavery, as well as on the conditions that promoted morally motivated social action. These findings reveal that residents of Great Britain and the northern United States in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were in an unusually good position to perceive, and to act on, the moral problems of slavery. Moral psychology is also applicable to other social issues, such as women’s liberation and egalitarianism.

This article examines thevivencias en la vida cotidiana(everyday lived experiences) of undocumented youth activists in theusaat the intersection where dislocated “bare lives” encounter the hegemonic sovereign power of the nation-state (Agamben 1998). As nearly 2.1 million undocumented immigrant youth in the United States face the precarious reality of “learning to be illegal” (Gonzales 2011) and the threat of “deportability” (De Genova and Peutz 2010), a growing movement of undocumented youth fight for the dignity and liberation of their community while the light of their activism illuminates the majority who remain in the shadows. Based on three years of ethnographic research and action within the undocumented youth activist movement, this article utilizes a dialogical framework through collaborative and participatory based research methods to examine the theological dimensions of “illegal” and “bare” lives on the margins lived between the borders of citizenship and human dignity, between nation-states and the kingdom of God. The research and writing are grounded in a methodological and theological praxis with the marginalized, embodied most poignantly in the co-authors collaborative work and friendship.

Abstract This article analyzes how anarcha-feminists in the United States critiqued the state and attempted to build feminist dual power in response to the New Right’s attacks on reproductive freedom. Anarcha-feminists in the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation (1989–98) argued that petitioning the state for reproductive rights was a dead end because, as their political statement put it, patriarchy “operates as a foundation of state power, used to justify a paternalistic relationship between the rulers and the ruled.” Anything the state gives—including Roe v. Wade—can be taken away, for it is ultimately a tool of sexual and class violence in the hands of the patriarchal, capitalist ruling class. Building on the legacy of anarcha-feminists in the women’s liberation movement, Love and Rage argued that the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom was to struggle for autonomy against the state rather than reform within it. This article explores how anarcha-feminists sought to build grassroots infrastructure, knowledge, and organizations with an orientation toward establishing feminist dual power. Ultimately, Love and Rage argued, the only way to guarantee reproductive freedom and women’s liberation is the revolutionary construction of a libertarian socialist society.

Our paper examines the place of Pan-Africanism as an educational, political, and cultural movement which had a lasting impact on the on the relationship between liberation and people of African descent, in the continent of Africa and the Diaspora. We also show its evolution, beginning with formerly enslaved Africans in the Americas, to the colonial borders of the 1884 Berlin Conference, and conclude with the independence movements in Africa. For formerly enslaved Africans, Pan-Africanism was an idea that helped them see their commonalities as victims of racism. That is, they realized that they were enslaved because they came from the same continent and shared the same racial heritage. They associated the continent of Africa with freedom. The partitioning of Africa at the Berlin Conference (colonialism) created pseudo-nation states out of what was initially seen as an undivided continent. Pan-Africanism provided an ideology for rallying Africans at home and abroad against colonialism, and the creation of colonial nation-states did not erase the idea of a united Africa. As different African nations gained political independence, they took it upon themselves to support those countries fighting for their independence. The belief, then, was that as long as one African nation was not free, the continent could not be viewed as free. The existence of nation-states did not imply the negation of Pan-Africanism. The political ideas we examine include those of Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, Maya Angelou, and Thabo Mbeki. Pan-Africanism, as it were, has shaped how many people understand the history of Africa and of African people.

Abstract This article examines the intertwined arguments for sexual revolution and decolonization in the Dutch Atlantic in the 1960s and 1970s. In this period, Antillean activists in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Antilles celebrated aspects of the Cuban Revolution and the US Black Power movement for their purported ability to regenerate romantic love. Activists contended that socialism and antiracist activism could forge new bonds of erotic equality to explode the ongoing effects of colonialism, slavery, and the regimes of sexual violence that maintained both. Considering the centrality of sexual politics to Antillean radical imaginaries, this article argues that Antilleans viewed sexual liberation as a primary rather than ancillary component of self-determination. Illuminating the Atlantic currents that informed Antillean arguments for insurgent forms of intimacy—from revolutionary Cuba to black struggle in the United States—this article reconceives of both the substance and geography of the sexual revolution.

After the liberation in 1945, two conflicting narratives of the war experience were formulated. A consensus narrative presented the Danish nation as being united in resistance while a competing narrative, which also stressed the resistance of most Danes, depicted the collaborating Danish establishment as an enemy alongside the Germans. This latter narrative, formulated by members of the resistance movement, was marginalised after the war and the consensus narrative became dominant. The resistance narrative survived, however, and, from the 1960s, it was successfully retold by the left, both to criticise the Danish alliance with the ‘imperialist’ United States, and as an argument against Danish membership of the EC. From the 1980s, the right also used the framework of the resistance narrative in its criticism of Danish asylum legislation. Finally, liberal Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen started using it as his basic narrative of the war years (partly in order to legitimise his government's decision to join the war against Iraq in 2003). The war years have thus played a central role in Danish political culture since 1945, and in this process the role of historians has been utterly marginal.

Muslims in America: A Short History is an accessible, succinct, andinformative historical survey of Muslim American communities. This popularbook has two key objectives: to increase non-Muslim Americans’understanding of Muslims in the United States and to foreground to Muslim Americans themselves their own religious, ethnic, and culturaldiversity (p. xi).The story of Muslim America begins in the eighteenth century. Chapter1, “Across the Black Atlantic: The First Muslims in North America,”sketches the lives of several West African Muslims, many of them highly literateand schooled in the Islamic sciences, who were enslaved and shippedto the United States, such as Ayuba Suleiman Diallo (Job Ben Solomon),Abd al-Rahman Ibrahima, and Omar ibn Sayyid. The second chapter, “TheFirst American Converts to Islam,” moves into the late-nineteenth and earlytwentiethcenturies. Here Curtis provides an array of highly diverse Muslimmissionary activities, from the rather unsuccessful proselytization work ofWhite American convert Alexander Russell Webb, to the steady spread ofmystical Islamic teachings spearheaded by such preachers as Indian Sufimaster Inayat Khan, to the Nation of Islam’s ascendance as a mass-basedBlack liberation movement ...

Japan occupies a unique position in the history of East Asia as the sole non-Western colonial power. Japan’s defeat in the Asia-Pacific War that ended its colonial expansion did not bring justice to its former colonies. The Japanese leadership and people were spared from being held accountable for its invasion and colonial rule by the United States in its Cold War strategy to make post–World War II Japan a military outpost and bulwark in the region against communism. How then did the Cold War shape feminisms in Japan, a former colonizing force that never came to terms with its colonial violence? What was the impact of the Cold War on Japanese women’s movements for their own liberation? What are the implications for today? This article discusses the effects of Japan’s imperial legacies during the Cold War and the current aftermath with examples taken from the history of the women’s movement in Japan.

This paper, following the method of systematic balanced thinking, studies nationalism and nation-states amidst globalization, proposing the following main points: First, moving to the center of the world stage, we should correctly understand nationalism and nation-states, and represent the moral, theoretical and technological commanding heights. Second, nationalism is a double-edged sword, the national liberation movement in history was essentially a movement against imperialism, extreme nationalism is the root of world turmoil, and national self-determination and national independence movement is not a fundamental choice for the healthy development of human society. Third, nation-states have universality and particularity of interests, the essence of nation-states is to concentrate national strength to defend national rights and interests, and to maintain social order and the rule of public life. Fourth, the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America are two nation-states with distinctive characteristics in the world. The United States, as the largest emerging nation-state, highlights Protestant culture in its nationality, adheres to power politics and the rule of survival of the fittest, and pays more respect to modern laws and regulations in national governance. China, as the largest ancient nation-state, highlights farming culture in its nationality, adheres to the philosophy of living in harmony with nature, and is greatly influenced by natural forces or traditions in terms of national governance. The cooperation-competition development with “Bipolar Coexistence” of China and the United States results from the law of human social development. Fifth, to cope with the current complex and sensitive international situation, it is necessary to correctly judge and choose the future trend and power of nation-states in the world. The countries in our world are multi-ethnic and multi-religious. Peaceful coexistence, mutual benefit, free choice of residence and mutual respect are the only correct choices for the survival and development of peoples of all ethnic groups around the world. The action and reaction of universality and nationality promote the development process of the Community of Shared Future for Mankind. Sixth, the key to national equality lies in equality of people, and the key to building the Community of Shared Future for Mankind lies in the consciousness of equality, which requires that we adhere to the unity of universality and particularity.

This essay reviews three books within the southern history literature on the white moderate's response to the civil rights movement; Kevin Kruse's White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (2005), Matthew Lassiter's The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (2006), and Jason Sokol's There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (2006). I examine how white moderates impacted the struggle for African American civil rights, and explore how this dynamic can help us understand the trajectory of the current debate over gay rights in the United States. I argue that while the US public ultimately came to support equal rights for African Americans, and has grown more tolerant of gay rights recently, they have been willing to do so only when these rights claims are framed as benefiting “deserving” segments of these populations. This shows that rights are, to some extent, contingent resources, available primarily to those citizens who fit certain ideal types, and suggests that those individuals who are unwilling (or unable) to live up to this ideal may ultimately fail to benefit from these movements.

This article is the second in a series on the birth of a new elite in the United States, called ‘the minority elite’. The previous article hypothesized that what is happening is not so much the replenishment or evolution of the old elite, but the emergence of a new one, grown on the basis of the Affirmative Action Program, the culture of ‘woke capitalism’ and decades of the minority protest. The process of elite change intensified on the wave of protest activity of black minority, primarily ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement, in the summer of 2020, which coincided with elections to all branches of government. The new elite need to create their own version of American history and their liberation mission. The ideological paradigm of the black movement includes several social doctrines: ‘The 1619 Project’, critical race theory, Black liberation, theories of white privilege, white supremacy and anti-racism. ‘The 1619 Project’ clearly demonstrates how the new elite understand the past, present and future of the United States and their place in the social structure. This article analyzes the theses of ‘1619’, and also contains the main conclusions of the professional criticism of this project. The goal of the project, according to its authors, is to reframe American history. It places slavery and systematic racism at the very center of US history and thereby denies the foundations on which the ‘American project’ is based. ‘1619’ is considered in the article as a socio-engineering project that includes various programs: curricula for colleges and schools, podcasts for radio, TV shows and films, interviews and speeches in universities, exhibitions, press publications, ideological themes for elections and trainings for organizations and social movements. The unprecedented speed of implementation and the scale of financing of the new version of American history in all spheres of society without its professional assessment indicate that this large-scale action was prepared in advance. The article deals with the fundamental factual errors in the presentation of history, analysis and interpretation of economic data in ‘1619’, including those that were uncritically borrowed from the school ‘New History of Capitalism’. It also addresses the doctrine of anti-racism. The analysis of the project showed a low level of evidence of the revision of history conceived in it. The author shows by the example of ‘1619’ that scientific research is not combined with ideological tasks, since the latter inevitably lead to adjustment to the given answer, a decrease in the level of the applied scientific apparatus and simplification of the conclusions drawn. Criticism of the project was heard only in the academic sphere, but did not get into the media. One of the most serious consequences of the project is the creation of a new mythology, supplanting from the public consciousness a version of American history based on the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and proven historical facts. The black movement, albeit temporarily, managed to impose its own narrative on public opinion and create a rationale for moving into power and receiving new privileges.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine how school-based sexuality education has had a long and troubled history of exclusionary pedagogical practices that have negatively affected such populations as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer (LGBTQ) individuals, people of color, and the disabled. The social ecological model is introduced as a way of offering sexuality educators and school administrators a way of thinking more broadly about how to achieve sexual health through sexuality education efforts inside and outside of the school environment. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses critical analysis of current and historical school-based sexuality education methods and curricula used in the USA. Authors use both academic journals and their own expertise/experience teaching sexuality education in the USA to analyze and critique the sources of sexuality education information and curricula used in schools. Findings – Historically, sexuality education in school settings in the USA has been biased and has generally not offered an educational experience fostering sexual health for all students. There are now welcome signs of reform and movement toward a more inclusive and progressive approach, but there is still some way to go. Sexuality education programs in schools need to be further and fundamentally reformed to do more to foster sexual health particularly for LGBTQ individuals, students of color, and people with disabilities. Practical implications – This paper offers sexuality educators ways of addressing structural issues within the sexuality education curriculum to better serve all students to increase the quality of their sexual health. Integrating critical pedagogy and anti-oppressive education can increase students’ sexual health along physical, social, emotional, intellectual, and spiritual dimensions. Originality/value – This paper provides historical analysis along with the identification of structural difficulties in the sexuality education curriculum and proposes both critical pedagogy and anti-oppressive education as ways of addressing sex and relationships education.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the evolution of the United States policy toward Ukraine vis-à-vis Russia during three presidential administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Joseph Biden, with an emphasis on the genocide of Ukrainians. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the analysis of the genocide of Ukrainians within the context of the century-old Cold War between Russia and the West using primary sources from the American military intelligence archives. Methodology. The author used historical research methodology to collect and triangulate primary and secondary sources and applied critical analysis of the content of governmental reports, archival documents, newspaper articles, and scholarly monographs. Conclusions. For the third time in history, Ukraine has become a battlefield in the geopolitical struggle between Russia and the West. While Woodrow Wilson made «the world safe for democracy», his principle of self-determination did not apply to Ukrainians; thus, Ukraine’s independence was sacrificed for the sake of «Russian unity». The consequences were the Red Terror and Lenin’s famine of 1921–1923 in Ukraine that drowned in blood its national liberation movement. Lenin’s disciple, Joseph Stalin, consolidated the totalitarian system and implemented his predecessor’s policy toward Ukraine which led to physical, biological, and cultural genocide against the largest non-Russian captive nation. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administration not only did nothing, but also never acknowledged publicly Stalin’s crimes. American journalists along with politicians participated, albeit indirectly, in the Holodomor denial. The rehabilitation of Stalinism in Russia, revision of the past, and Holodomor denial have led to further escalation of violence on the eve of the ninetieth anniversary of the crime. President Joseph Biden called Russia’s actions in Ukraine a genocide. The next step is to draw a parallel to the Holodomor and respond to that denial by bringing the perpetrators of today’s genocide before an international tribunal to restore the rule of law and justice.

Abstract The riots against a New York City police raid at the Stonewall Inn bar in June, 1969, are often identified as having sparked the movement for LGBT rights, and the commemoration of the riots one year later in June, 1970, inaugurated a series of annual LGBT Pride events that continues to this day worldwide. In this two-part Forum, we reflect on the contradictory effects of Stonewall’s international legacy. Which facts or legends are celebrated and which are marginalized fifty years later? How has the sign ‘Stonewall’ come to inspire and/or sideline other resistances as the US event became appropriated globally? In this first part of the Forum, Silva and Jacobo consider how trans women of colour in the Global South have pursued the struggle of the pioneering trans women activists in New York City and engaged the history of Stonewall beyond the United States, negating the whitewashing of discourse on the riots by hegemonic cis gay men and cis lesbian women of the movement, even in their respective nations, Brazil and the Philippines. This forum contribution pays tribute to black and brown trans persons whose bodies had been thought of as monstrous in the heart of empire and elsewhere, where empire remains. The authors together aspire to think the planet from their coordinates: south by south, trans for trans. From the sisterhood they forged, these two trans women from Rio de Janeiro and Manila, imbricated in their wounds but bound together by a will to heal, theorize resistance and reexistence as women in a decolonial, transfeminist present.

The article analyzes the perception of colonialism and anti-colonial struggle in modern Iran. The Iranian authorities attach particular importance to the anti-colonial struggle and condemnation of the colonial practices of the West, taking into account not only formal colonization, but also the actual subordination of formally independent states to the will of Western powers. In this regard, particular importance is attached to liberate the oppressed of the whole world. The purpose of the study is to examine the history of colonialism in Iran, the views of the spiritual leaders, presidents and senior officials of Iran on issues of colonialism and anti-colonial struggle, to identify historical events and personalities who played a key role in the anti-colonial movement in Iran. For this purpose, the materials of the Iranian agency IRNA and the speeches of Iranian spiritual leaders were analyzed. A statistical analysis of the most common terms on the subject of colonialism was also carried out. As a result, it was found that the Iranian discourse focuses on condemning the crimes of the West, especially the United States and Israel, against Muslims, as well as praising the resistance of the Iranian people to colonialism in the past and present, with an emphasis on the special role of Ayatollah Khomeini in the Iranian anti-colonial movement. Western colonialism in Iran is divided into several aspects: war crimes committed in the countries conquered by the West, preventing the free development of weaker countries, the struggle to change independent and patriotic regimes and impose rulers ineffective and obedient to Western elites on the peoples, and the imposition of destructive manifestations of Western culture. In addition, the Iranian policy in the Middle East is praised as being driven by noble motives and aiming to provide all possible assistance to the peoples of the region to achieve liberation from the colonialists. The case of Syria is cited as an important example of Iran’s anti-colonial struggle in the Middle East, when Iran helped the government of Bashar al-Assad to regain control of the country and to defeat the armed opposition.

Based on documents from the Russian archives - the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, the State archive of the Russian Federation, and the Russian state archive of modern history, the article examines the relations of the USSR with Zanzibar in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Soviet-Zanzibar relations are examined against the background of a complex period in the history of the island state, which included the stages of inter-party rivalry during the struggle for independence, the Zanzibar revolution itself, and the unification with Tanganyika. The author also draws attention to the ethnic composition of the Zanzibar population in the years before the start of the national liberation movement, the history of the origin of ethnic groups in the archipelago and their traditional relationships. The author examines in detail the composition and political orientation of the parties that took part in the struggle for independence. He also considers the influence of the political spectrum and the international situation of the Cold War period on the decisions of national leaders in choosing a support side for further development. The author also considers actions of two leading actors of the bipolar system, the USSR and the USA, in the struggle for influence on the young national elites of Zanzibar in particular, and then Tanzania as a whole. The author conducts a detailed analysis of the United States actions and its allies to intervene the party struggle within Zanzibar society and the further reaction of the USSR to these steps. He also considers the reasons for the decline in Soviet influence on Zanzibar and the events that led to the closure of the Soviet diplomatic missions. The author points out the ambiguity of Zanzibar and Tanganyika’s unification, which could be perceived as an artificial political act supported by interested global forces than the process of voluntary unification of the two young countries. A number of issues are considered almost for the first time in Russian historiography.

Abstract This year’s pride season marked the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall Riots, an event that, while not the beginning of the Gay Rights Movement in the United States, should at least be viewed as one of the first major milestones in the movement’s history. In the Netherlands, too, the history of LGBT activism has been commemorated in the recent exhibition ‘With Pride’, organised by IHLIA LGBT Heritage (see the review by Michiel Odijk in this issue). After its first successful run at the Amsterdam Public Library, the exhibition toured the Netherlands and opened in Utrecht during its annual pride festivities on June 3. While praised for its thorough documentation of 40 years of Dutch queer resistance, there was also critique. A number of activists and scholars pointed to a lack of inclusivity and representation, which they argued compromised the exhibition’s validity.Wigbertson Julian Isenia and Naomie Pieter, founders of Black Queer and Trans Resistance Netherlands (BQTRNL) and Black Queer Archive, represent two of these critical voices and address the structural exclusion of queers of colour in history writing and archival practices in their work. Julian co-edited the previous issue of Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies (vol. 22(2): ‘Sexual Politics Between the Netherlands and the Caribbean: Imperial Entanglements and Archival Desire’) and, together with Gianmaria Colpani, Julian and Naomie organised the roundtable ‘Archiving Queer of Colour Politics in the Netherlands’ (Colpani, Isenia, & Pieter, 2019). In response to the IHLIA exhibition, they proposed an exhibition under the title Nos Tei (Papiamentu/o for ‘We are here’ or ‘We exist’), which is to serve as an addition to the original ‘With Pride’ exhibition and ran independently from 11 July until 4 September 2019. We were very happy that both agreed to an interview for this thematic issue on ‘narratives of LGBT history in the Netherlands’ to discuss their views on archival practices and the exclusion of queer of colour perspectives from mainstream exhibition and archival spaces.

During World War II, Pin-Ups played a big role in military propaganda. At the time, Pin-Ups weren’t just about comforting soldiers on the battlefield. Therein lay a uniquely American patriotism. In a liberal country like the United States, it is difficult to ask citizens to defend the country, so American politicians had to appeal to private obligations, first and foremost the moral obligations that exist between men and women. Pin-Ups were a useful tool to arouse men’s patriotism by conveying the message that they should defend their wives and girlfriends on the mainland. Meanwhile, American women were able to find their own new sexual identity through Pin-Ups. The conventions that confined women to the roles of wife and mother were broken during the war. New attributes of independence and assertiveness were spreading among American women. The Pin-Up Girl, an icon of the active and desirable woman, was a useful model for American women to create a new self. With the end of World War II and the return of men from overseas, the social climate for women returned to the past. A country that had actively supported women’s mobilization into the workforce during the war now began to tell women that it was their patriotic duty to return home. Women lost their place in the workplace and men-only magazines like Playboy became popular. However, the sense of liberation that American women experienced during the war, and the experience of living as full members of society, would later lead to the American women’s movement of the 1960s.

The issue of war crimes and suffering of the population during the Second World War is very complex since it still in many cases serves as a subject of manipulation, in addition, a large number of crimes and suffering is very difficult to investigate and reliably determine the exact number of victims. After the end of the war, it was necessary to show as many victims as possible in order to get as many war reparations as possible, but over time the numbers began to serve the purpose of manipulation to strengthen nationalism, especially Serbian, which can be seen in the number of Jasenovac victims, which without any arguments reached as many as 800,000. If we take the official data on war losses during the Second World War, we will see that Yugoslavia had 1,706,000. casualties while the UK had around 450,900 deaths in total and the US had 418,500 casualties. So it is interesting that Yugoslavia's losses are greater than the total losses that Britain and the United States had together, which ultimately carried the brunt of World War II. In addition, it is important to emphasize that Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged from World War II with enormous human and material losses. 541,717 inhabitants were killed and about 417,000 residential buildings were destroyed. Of that number, more than 103,000 related to the suffering of Bosniaks. Taking the losses in Yugoslavia, it is evident that the losses of Bosnia and Herzegovina are greater than the losses of Serbia, Vojvodina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro combined. The following reasons can be used as an answer to the question „why?“, and that is primarily bad doctrine and strategy of war, desire for power and conflict of ideologies, as well as violent implementation of national state projects, the Greater Serbian project and the Greater Croatian project, with the aim of creating a homogeneous space. ¸ It is very important not to observe the events from the Second World War, especially the sensitive ones, globally, but separately, because only in this way will research not mislead us. Crimes should be viewed in the context of events and the responsibilities of commanders and perpetrators. As for the suffering of the population, it is evident that the most tragic fate is mostly borne by Bosniaks since they were under attack by all ideologies and their formations, but their greatness stems from the fact that their pain and position did not lead them to evil. Thus, Bosniaks are the only people who did not have their own fascist movement, nor did their formations organize targeted attacks on places where residents of other denominations lived. It is obvious that they never accepted Ustasha crimes and racial politics, they distanced themselves even more from evil at the very beginning, and there were energetic actions to protect their neighbors, while on the other hand there is no indication that Serb or Croat neighbors stopped to protect their Bosniak neighbors. Instead of being rewarded for their anti-fascism and nobility by the new government, Bosniaks are again under open attack, and for some areas it is evident that this repression resulted in more suffering during the „liberation“ than during the entire war. What is especially unfortunate is the fact that even today there are attempts to manipulate the numbers of victims by mostly Greater Serbia protagonists, who seek to relativize history and continue to spread hatred, telling untruths or distorting historical facts.

The article is devoted to the consideration of American-Iraqi relations in the period from 1972 to 1975 and the place of the Kurdish issue in them. The current US policy on the Kurdish issue in Iraq is replete with examples of variability and selectivity, when Washington is ready both to support the Iraqi Kurds in the fight against a common enemy, and to turn away when the interests of the two sides diverge. A similar attitude on the part of American politicians was also encountered in the early history of American policy in Iraq on the Kurdish issue. The most striking and revealing episode occurred in 1972–1975, when the United States conducted a covert operation to support the Kurdish national liberation movement in Iraq to fight the "pro-Soviet" Baathist regime. This article is intended to clarify the existing knowledge on US-Iraqi relations in the 1970s and reflect the place and role of the Kurdish issue in them, as well as to highlight promising areas of research on the problem of the influence of the Kurdish factor on US Middle East policy. The author reveals the background of the decision – making by the administration of R. Nixon in favor of supporting the Iraqi Kurds, reveals the goals pursued in it: curbing Moscow's influence in the Middle East, destabilizing the anti-American regime, supporting regional allies – Iran and Israel. The result of the operation was a failure as a result of the agreements signed by Iran with Iraq, according to which Tehran refused to support the Kurdish movement in the neighboring country, which automatically meant the termination of American support. The conclusion reveals the reasons why the American leadership, and first of all the author of the operation G. Kissinger, agreed with the decision of the Iranian monarch, refused to help the Kurds and changed his attitude towards Baathist Baghdad, with which he began to build partnerships. Статья посвящена рассмотрению американо-иракских отношений в период с 1972 по 1975 гг. и месту в них курдского вопроса. Современная политика США по курдскому вопросу в Ираке изобилует примерами изменчивости и выборочности, когда Вашингтон готов как поддержать иракских курдов в борьбе против общего противника, так и отвернуться в том случае, когда интересы двух сторон расходятся. Подобное отношение со стороны американских политиков встречалось и в ранней истории американской политики в Ираке по курдскому вопросу. Наиболее яркий и показательный эпизод произошел в 1972–1975 гг., когда США проводили тайную операцию по поддержке курдского национально-освободительного движения в Ираке для борьбы с «просоветским» баасистским режимом. Настоящая статья призвана уточнить имеющиеся знания по американо-иракским отношениям в 1970-е гг. и отразить место и роль в них курдского вопроса, а также выделить перспективные направления исследования проблемы влияния курдского фактора на ближневосточную политику США. Автор раскрывает подоплеку принятия решения администрацией Р. Никсона в пользу поддержки иракских курдов, раскрывает преследуемые в ней цели: сдерживание влияния Москвы на Ближнем Востоке, дестабилизация антиамериканского режима, поддержка региональных союзников – Ирана и Израиля. Итогом операции стал провал в результате подписанных Ираном соглашений с Ираком, по которым Тегеран отказывался от поддержки курдского движения в соседней стране, что автоматически означало прекращение и американской поддержки. В заключении раскрываются причины, из-за которых американское руководство, и в первую очередь автор операции Г. Киссинджер, согласилось с решением иранского монарха, отказалось от помощи курдам и изменило отношение к баасистскому Багдаду, с которым стало выстраивать партнерские отношения.

Starting in the 1970s, the “ex-gay movement,” a loose collection of conservative Christian counselors and therapists, experienced sizable growth in the United States. Importantly, women played a prominent role in the expansion of the ex-gay movement in the ensuing decades, both as counselors and as counselees. This article highlights the tension that arose between the patriarchal gender norms and the role women counselors played in the ex-gay movement. When read “along the grain,” ex-gay texts demonstrate the production of a gendered hierarchy that not only valued “female femininity” over “female masculinity” but also reified patriarchal authority in the US. Female pastoral counselors, such as Leanne Payne and Elizabeth Moberly, advocated for the conservative gendered vision of the religious right. But as women, these counselors—and their books—could not transcend the patriarchal order of the religiously conservative ex-gay movement.

The Freedom School Movement originated at the nexus of the struggles for liberation and full citizenship. Beginning with the articulation of education as a means to freedom during the era of enslavement, the ideology behind Freedom Schools was an integral aspect of the long Black freedom struggle in the United States. Freedom Schools have continually recognized the integral role and contribution of Black activists and educators who, throughout the course of the United States’ history, have historically provided a counternarrative to white supremacy and racist policy through education grounded in the needs, aspirations, and wisdom of local community organizing.

Abstract:Studies of sexual orientation or sexual behavior in homosexual groups have been carried out from various aspects, such as religion, health, psychology, philosophy, anthropology or law. This paper aims both on conducting studies of sexual orientation in gays and lesbians, and also in its movement. This study focuses on the comparison by discussing the history of the entry of gays and lesbians in America first. United State has made a policy with the granting of same-sex marriage rights through the 2015 Obergefell Supreme Court ruling; hence, the rejection of same-sex marriage was unconstitutional action. Churches also dare to facilitate the process of same-sex marriage, by reason of following state decisions. The LGBT movement especially gays as a pioneer called the Gay Liberation Movement has a strong influence in America in fighting for equality, and has a big contribution to the granting of the right to same-sex marriage. This right is also supplemented by adoption rights. If this condition is compared to Indonesia which has lots of similar movement and becomes one of the biggest movements in Southeast Asia, in contrast, the majority of people reject the status. Meannwhile, gays and lesbians demand on the basis of human rights protection. Related to this condition, Indonesia has different views on human rights values. Human rights have universal principles, yet the actualization of human rights can be particular. Indonesia could be like America, if there are no regulations and restrictions on gay and lesbian individuals with differences in their sexual orientation, including the and lesbian movements.Keywords: Movement, Gay, Lesbian, United State, Equality Recognition

This essay acknowledges the importance of examining the #metoo movement in global, cross-cultural, international contexts as scholars. Yet it also argues for teaching the social media (SM) movement in a grounded historical context as growing out of other moments of women’s liberation movement history in which women came together to tell their story, sharing their personal experiences that led to political action, particularly when teaching the hashtag movement in introductory women and gender studies courses. The author shares her efforts to do so online at a south-eastern technical university in the United States in the Spring of 2019. Not as part of evaluations but as part of a teaching unit within the course, she asked her nearly 50 students, both male and female, to compare and contrast the SM movement to consciousness-raising groups in which women had met face-to-face to share their experiences in an earlier time in movement history. All 300 student posts and reflections posted in the week under examination were scrutinized by the instructor, and their thoughts and conclusions analyzed. In this article, a sample of four is explored.

Set in the late 1910s, a white woman named Karen Smith lives an ordinary life married to her husband in Brooklyn, New York in a lovely home. Brad, the husband of Karen, has a job on Wall Street, where he commutes to work. He is very controlling, misogynist, and racist. They have been married for five years and have a normal and happy life, the complete American Dream. During this time, the women of the United States are embroiled in the fight for suffrage, with many in opposition. Karen and Brad are a part of the anti-suffrage movement that believes in a limited role for women, such as “working in the home.” Realizing that the suffrage movement was gaining momentum, Karen decides to infiltrate the National Women’s Party. Karen is determined to find out insider information to harm the suffrage movement. While engaging in espionage, Karen discovers herself, makes friends, and decides how she wants to be remembered by history. Listen to the playlist on Spotify

Introduction The first “Aquarius Festival” came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971 and was reprised in 1973 in the small rural town of Nimbin, in northern New South Wales. Both events reflected the Zeitgeist in what was, in some ways, an inchoate expression of the so-called “counterculture” (Roszak). Rather than attempting to analyse the counterculture as a discrete movement with a definable history, I enlist the theory of cultural memes to read the counter culture as a Dawkinsian cluster meme, with this paper offered as “testimonio”, a form of quasi-political memoir that views shifts in the culture through the lens of personal experience (Zimmerman, Yúdice). I track an evolving personal, “internal” topography and map its points of intersection with the radical social, political and cultural changes spawned by the “consciousness revolution” that was an integral part of the counterculture emerging in the 1970s. I focus particularly on the notion of “consciousness raising”, as a Dawkinsian memetic replicator, in the context of the idealistic notions of the much-heralded “New Age” of Aquarius, and propose that this meme has been a persistent feature of the evolution of the “meme cluster” known as the counterculture. Mimesis and the Counterculture Since evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins floated the notion of cultural memes as a template to account for the evolution of ideas within political cultures, a literature of commentary and criticism has emerged that debates the strengths and weaknesses of his proposed model and its application across a number of fields. I borrow the notion to trace the influence of a set of memes that clustered around the emergence of what writer Marilyn Ferguson called The Aquarian Conspiracy, in her 1980 book of that name. Ferguson’s text, subtitled Personal and Social Transformation in Our Time, was a controversial attempt to account for what was known as the “New Age” movement, with its late millennial focus on social and personal transformation. That focus leads me to approach the counterculture (a term first floated by Theodore Roszak) less as a definable historical movement and more as a cluster of aspirational tropes expressing a range of aspects or concerns, from the overt political activism through to experimental technologies for the transformation of consciousness, and all characterised by a critical interrogation of, and resistance to, conventional social norms (Ferguson’s “personal and social transformation”). With its more overtly “spiritual” focus, I read the “New Age” meme, then, as a sub-set of this “cluster meme”, the counterculture. In my reading, “New Age” and “counterculture” overlap, sharing persistent concerns and a broad enough tent to accommodate the serious—the combative political action of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), say, (see Elbaum)—to the light-hearted—the sport of frisbee for example (Stancil). The interrogation of conventional social and political norms inherited from previous generations was a prominent strategy across both movements. Rather than offering a sociological analysis or history of the ragbag counterculture, per se, my discussion here focuses in on the particular meme of “consciousness raising” within that broader set of cultural shifts, some of which were sustained in their own right, some dropping away, and many absorbed into the dominant mainstream culture. Dawkins use of the term “meme” was rooted in the Greek mimesis, to emphasise the replication of an idea by imitation, or copying. He likened the way ideas survive and change in human culture to the natural selection of genes in biological evolution. While the transmission of memes does not depend on a physical medium, such as the DNA of biology, they replicate with a greater or lesser degree of success by harnessing human social media in a kind of “infectivity”, it is argued, through “contagious” repetition among human populations. Dawkins proposed that just as biological organisms could be said to act as “hosts” for replicating genes, in the same way people and groups of people act as hosts for replicating memes. Even before Dawkins floated his term, French biologist Jacques Monod wrote that ideas have retained some of the properties of organisms. Like them, they tend to perpetuate their structure and to breed; they too can fuse, recombine, segregate their content; indeed they too can evolve, and in this evolution selection must surely play an important role. (165, emphasis mine) Ideas have power, in Monod’s analysis: “They interact with each other and with other mental forces in the same brain, in neighbouring brains, and thanks to global communication, in far distant, foreign brains” (Monod, cited in Gleick). Emblematic of the counterculture were various “New Age” phenomena such as psychedelic drugs, art and music, with the latter contributing the “Aquarius” meme, whose theme song came from the stage musical (and later, film) Hair, and particularly the lyric that runs: “This is the dawning of the Age of Aquarius”. The Australian Aquarius Festivals of 1971 and 1973 explicitly invoked this meme in the way identified by Monod and the “Aquarius” meme resonated even in Australia. Problematising “Aquarius” As for the astrological accuracy of the “Age of Aquarius meme”, professional astrologers argue about its dating, and the qualities that supposedly characterise it. When I consulted with two prominent workers in this field for the preparation of this article, I was astonished to find their respective dating of the putative Age of Aquarius were centuries apart! What memes were being “hosted” here? According to the lyrics: When the moon is in the seventh house And Jupiter aligns with Mars Then peace will guide the planets And love will steer the stars. (Hair) My astrologer informants assert that the moon is actually in the seventh house twice every year, and that Jupiter aligns with Mars every two years. Yet we are still waiting for the outbreak of peace promised according to these astrological conditions. I am also informed that there’s no “real” astrological underpinning for the aspirations of the song’s lyrics, for an astrological “Age” is not determined by any planet but by constellations rising, they tell me. Most important, contrary to the aspirations embodied in the lyrics, peace was not guiding the planets and love was not about to “steer the stars”. For Mars is not the planet of love, apparently, but of war and conflict and, empowered with the expansiveness of Jupiter, it was the forceful aggression of a militaristic mind-set that actually prevailed as the “New Age” supposedly dawned. For the hippified summer of love had taken a nosedive with the tragic events at the Altamont speedway, near San Francisco in 1969, when biker gangs, enlisted to provide security for a concert performance by The Rolling Stones allegedly provoked violence, marring the event and contributing to a dawning disillusionment (for a useful coverage of the event and its historical context see Dalton). There was a lot of far-fetched poetic licence involved in this dreaming, then, but memes, according to Nikos Salingaros, are “greatly simplified versions of patterns”. “The simpler they are, the faster they can proliferate”, he writes, and the most successful memes “come with a great psychological appeal” (243, 260; emphasis mine). What could be retrieved from this inchoate idealism? Harmony and understanding Sympathy and trust abounding No more falsehoods or derisions Golden living dreams of visions Mystic crystal revelation And the mind’s true liberation Aquarius, Aquarius. (Hair) In what follows I want to focus on this notion: “mind’s true liberation” by tracing the evolution of this project of “liberating” the mind, reflected in my personal journey. Nimbin and Aquarius I had attended the first Aquarius Festival, which came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971. I travelled there from Perth, overland, in a Ford Transit van, among a raggedy band of tie-dyed hippie actors, styled as The Campus Guerilla Theatre Troupe, re-joining our long-lost sisters and brothers as visionary pioneers of the New Age of Aquarius. Our visions were fueled with a suitcase full of potent Sumatran “buddha sticks” and, contrary to Biblical prophesies, we tended to see—not “through a glass darkly” but—in psychedelic, pop-, and op-art explosions of colour. We could see energy, man! Two years later, I found myself at the next Aquarius event in Nimbin, too, but by that time I inhabited a totally different mind-zone, albeit one characterised by the familiar, intense idealism. In the interim, I had been arrested in 1971 while “tripping out” in Sydney on potent “acid”, or LSD (Lysergic acid diethylamide); had tried out political engagement at the Pram Factory Theatre in Melbourne; had camped out in protest at the flooding of Lake Pedder in the Tasmanian wilderness; met a young guru, started meditating, and joined “the ashram”—part of the movement known as the Divine Light Mission, which originated in India and was carried to the “West” (including Australia) by an enthusiastic and evangelical following of drug-toking drop-outs who had been swarming through India intent on escaping the dominant culture of the military-industrial complex and the horrors of the Vietnam War. Thus, by the time of the 1973 event in Nimbin, while other festival participants were foraging for “gold top” magic mushrooms in farmers’ fields, we devotees had put aside such chemical interventions in conscious awareness to dig latrines (our “service” project for the event) and we invited everyone to join us for “satsang” in the yellow, canvas-covered, geodesic dome, to attend to the message of peace. The liberation meme had shifted through a mutation that involved lifestyle-changing choices that were less about alternative approaches to sustainable agriculture and more about engaging directly with “mind’s true liberation”. Raising Consciousness What comes into focus here is the meme of “consciousness raising”, which became the persistent project within which I lived and worked and had my being for many years. Triggered initially by the ingestion of those psychedelic substances that led to my shocking encounter with the police, the project was carried forward into the more disciplined environs of my guru’s ashrams. However, before my encounter with sustained spiritual practice I had tried to work the shift within the parameters of an ostensibly political framework. “Consciousness raising” was a form of political activism borrowed from the political sphere. Originally generated by Mao Zedong in China during the revolutionary struggle to overthrow the vested colonial interests that were choking Chinese nationalism in the 1940s, to our “distant, foreign brains” (Monod), as Western revolutionary romantics, Chairman Mao and his Little Red Book were taken up, in a kind of international counterculture solidarity with revolutionaries everywhere. It must be admitted, this solidarity was a fairly superficial gesture. Back in China it might be construed as part of a crude totalitarian campaign to inculcate Marxist-Leninist political ideas among the peasant classes (see Compestine for a fictionalised account of traumatic times; Han Suyin’s long-form autobiography—an early example of testimonio as personal and political history—offers an unapologetic account of a struggle not usually construed as sympathetically by Western commentators). But the meme (and the processes) of consciousness raising were picked up by feminists in the United States in the late 1960s and into the 1970s (Brownmiller 21) and it was in this form I encountered it as an actor with the politically engaged theatre troupe, The Australian Performing Group, at Carlton’s Pram Factory Theatre in late 1971. The Performance Group I performed as a core member of the Group in 1971-72. Decisions as to which direction the Group should take were to be made as a collective, and the group veered towards anarchy. Most of the women were getting together outside of the confines of the Pram Factory to raise their consciousness within the Carlton Women’s Liberation Cell Group. While happy that the sexual revolution was reducing women’s sexual inhibitions, some of the men at the Factory were grumbling into their beer, disturbed that intimate details of their private lives—and their sexual performance—might be disclosed and raked over by a bunch of radical feminists. As they began to demand equal rights to orgasm in the bedroom, the women started to seek equal access within the performance group, too. They requested rehearsal time to stage the first production by the Women’s Theatre Group, newly formed under the umbrella of the wider collective. As all of the acknowledged writers in the Group so far were men—some of whom had not kept pace in consciousness raising—scripts tended to be viewed as part of a patriarchal plot, so Betty Can Jump was an improvised piece, with the performance material developed entirely by the cast in workshop-style rehearsals, under the direction of Kerry Dwyer (see Blundell, Zuber-Skerritt 21, plus various contributors at www.pramfactory.com/memoirsfolder/). I was the only male in the collective included in the cast. Several women would have been more comfortable if no mere male were involved at all. My gendered attitudes would scarcely have withstood a critical interrogation but, as my partner was active in launching the Women’s Electoral Lobby, I was given the benefit of the doubt. Director Kerry Dwyer liked my physicalised approach to performance (we were both inspired by the “poor theatre” of Jerzy Grotowski and the earlier surrealistic theories of Antonin Artaud), and I was cast to play all the male parts, whatever they would be. Memorable material came up in improvisation, much of which made it into the performances, but my personal favorite didn’t make the cut. It was a sprawling movement piece where I was “born” out of a symbolic mass of writhing female bodies. It was an arduous process and, after much heaving and huffing, I emerged from the birth canal stammering “SSSS … SSSS … SSMMMO-THER”! The radical reversioning of culturally authorised roles for women has inevitably, if more slowly, led to a re-thinking of the culturally approved and reinforced models of masculinity, too, once widely accepted as entirely biologically ordained rather than culturally constructed. But the possibility of a queer re-versioning of gender would be recognised only slowly. Liberation Meanwhile, Dennis Altman was emerging as an early spokesman for gay, or homosexual, liberation and he was invited to address the collective. Altman’s stirring book, Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation, had recently been published, but none of us had read it. Radical or not, the Group had shown little evidence of sensitivity to gender-queer issues. My own sexuality was very much “oppressed” rather than liberated and I would have been loath to use “queer” to describe myself. The term “homosexual” was fraught with pejorative, quasi-medical associations and, in a collective so divided across strict and sometimes hostile gender boundaries, deviant affiliations got short shrift. Dennis was unsure of his reception before this bunch of apparent “heteros”. Sitting at the rear of the meeting, I admired his courage. It took more self-acceptance than I could muster to confront the Group on this issue at the time. Somewhere in the back of my mind, “homosexuality” was still something I was supposed to “get over”, so I failed to respond to Altman’s implicit invitation to come out and join the party. The others saw me in relationship with a woman and whatever doubts they might have carried about the nature of my sexuality were tactfully suspended. Looking back, I am struck by the number of simultaneous poses I was trying to maintain: as an actor; as a practitioner of an Artaudian “theatre of cruelty”; as a politically committed activist; and as a “hetero”-sexual. My identity was an assemblage of entities posing as “I”; it was as if I were performing a self. Little gay boys are encouraged from an early age to hide their real impulses, not only from others—in the very closest circle, the family; at school; among one’s peers—but from themselves, too. The coercive effects of shaming usually fix the denial into place in our psyches before we have any intellectual (or political) resources to consider other options. Growing up trying to please, I hid my feelings. In my experience, it could be downright dangerous to resist the subtle and gross coercions that applied around gender normativity. The psychoanalyst D. W. Winnicott, of the British object-relations school, argues that when the environment does not support the developing personality and requires the person to sacrifice his or her own spontaneous needs to adapt to environmental demands, there is not even a resting-place for individual experience and the result is a failure in the primary narcissistic state to evolve an individual. The “individual” then develops as an extension of the shell rather than that of the core [...] What there is left of a core is hidden away and is difficult to find even in the most far-reaching analysis. The individual then exists by not being found. The true self is hidden, and what we have to deal with clinically is the complex false self whose function is to keep this true self hidden. (212) How to connect to that hidden core, then? “Mind’s true liberation...” Alienated from the performative version of selfhood, but still inspired by the promise of liberation, even in the “fuzzy” form for which my inchoate hunger yearned (sexual liberation? political liberation? mystical liberation?), I was left to seek out a more authentic basis for selfhood, one that didn’t send me spinning along the roller-coaster of psychedelic drugs, or lie to me with the nostrums of a toxic, most forms of which would deny me, as a sexual, moral and legal pariah, the comforts of those “anchorage points to the social matrix” identified by Soddy (cited in Mol 58). My spiritual inquiry was “counter” to these institutionalised models of religious culture. So, I began to read my way through a myriad of books on comparative religion. And to my surprise, rather than taking up with the religions of antique cultures, instead I encountered a very young guru, initially as presented in a simply drawn poster in the window of Melbourne’s only vegetarian restaurant (Shakahari, in Carlton). “Are you hungry and tired of reading recipe books?” asked the figure in the poster. I had little sense of where that hunger would lead me, but it seemed to promise a fulfilment in ways that the fractious politics of the APG offered little nourishment. So, while many of my peers in the cities chose to pursue direct political action, and others experimented with cooperative living in rural communes, I chose the communal lifestyle of the ashram. In these different forms, then, the conscious raising meme persisted when other challenges raised by the counterculture either faded or were absorbed in the mainstream. I finally came to realise that the intense disillusionment process I had been through (“dis-illusionment” as the stripping away of illusions) was the beginning of awakening, in effect a “spiritual initiation” into a new way of seeing myself and my “place” in the world. Buddhist teachers might encourage this very kind of stripping away of false notions as part of their teaching, so the aspiration towards the “true liberation” of the mind expressed in the Aquarian visioning might be—and in my case, actually has been and continues to be—fulfilled to a very real extent. Gurus and the entire turn towards Eastern mysticism were part of the New Age meme cluster prevailing during the early 1970s, but I was fortunate to connect with an enduring set of empirical practices that haven’t faded with the fashions of the counterculture. A good guitarist would never want to play in public without first tuning her instrument. In a similar way, it is now possible for me to tune my mind back to a deeper, more original source of being than the socially constructed sense of self, which had been so fraught with conflicts for me. I have discovered that before gender, and before sexuality, in fact, pulsing away behind the thicket of everyday associations, there is an original, unconditioned state of beingness, the awareness of which can be reclaimed through focused meditation practices, tested in a wide variety of “real world” settings. For quite a significant period of time I worked as an instructor in the method on behalf of my guru, or mentor, travelling through a dozen or so countries, and it was through this exposure that I was able to observe that the practices worked independently of culture and that “mind’s true liberation” was in many ways a de-programming of cultural indoctrinations (see Marsh, 2014, 2013, 2011 and 2007 for testimony of this process). In Japan, Zen roshi might challenge their students with the koan: “Show me your original face, before you were born!” While that might seem to be an absurd proposal, I am finding that there is a potential, if unexpected, liberation in following through such an inquiry. As “hokey” as the Aquarian meme-set might have been, it was a reflection of the idealistic hope that characterised the cluster of memes that aggregated within the counterculture, a yearning for healthier life choices than those offered by the toxicity of the military-industrial complex, the grossly exploitative effects of rampant Capitalism and a politics of cynicism and domination. The meme of the “true liberation” of the mind, then, promised by the heady lyrics of a 1970s hippie musical, has continued to bear fruit in ways that I could not have imagined. References Altman, Dennis. Homosexual Oppression and Liberation. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1972. Blundell, Graeme. The Naked Truth: A Life in Parts. Sydney: Hachette, 2011. Brownmiller, Susan. In Our Time: Memoir of a Revolution. New York: The Dial Press, 1999. Compestine, Ying Chang. Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party. New York: Square Fish, 2009. Dalton, David. “Altamont: End of the Sixties, Or Big Mix-Up in the Middle of Nowhere?” Gadfly Nov/Dec 1999. April 2014 ‹http://www.gadflyonline.com/archive/NovDec99/archive-altamont.html›. Dawkins, Richard. The Selfish Gene. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1976. Elbaum, Max. Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. London and New York: Verso, 2002. Ferguson, Marilyn. The Aquarian Conspiracy. Los Angeles: Tarcher Putnam, 1980. Gleick, James. “What Defines a Meme?” Smithsonian Magazine 2011. April 2014 ‹http://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/What-Defines-a Meme.html›. Hair, The American Tribal Love Rock Musical. Prod. Michael Butler. Book by Gerome Ragni and James Rado; Lyrics by Gerome Ragni and James Rado; Music by Galt MacDermot; Musical Director: Galt MacDermot. 1968. Han, Suyin. The Crippled Tree. 1965. Reprinted. Chicago: Academy Chicago P, 1985. ---. A Mortal Flower. 1966. Reprinted. Chicago: Academy Chicago P, 1985. ---. Birdless Summer. 1968. Reprinted. Chicago: Academy Chicago P, 1985. ---. The Morning Deluge: Mao TseTung and the Chinese Revolution 1893-1954. Boston: Little Brown, 1972. ---. My House Has Two Doors. New York: Putnam, 1980. Marsh, Victor. The Boy in the Yellow Dress. Melbourne: Clouds of Magellan Press, 2014. ---. “A Touch of Silk: A (Post)modern Faerie Tale.” Griffith Review 42: Once Upon a Time in Oz (Oct. 2013): 159-69. ---. “Bent Kid, Straight World: Life Writing and the Reconfiguration of ‘Queer’.” TEXT: Journal of Writing and Writing Courses 15.1 (April 2011). ‹http://www.textjournal.com.au/april11/marsh.htm›. ---. “The Boy in the Yellow Dress: Re-framing Subjectivity in Narrativisations of the Queer Self.“ Life Writing 4.2 (Oct. 2007): 263-286. Mol, Hans. Identity and the Sacred: A Sketch for a New Social-Scientific Theory of Religion. Oxford: Blackwell, 1976. Monod, Jacques. Chance and Necessity: An Essay on the Natural Philosophy of Modern Biology. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition. New York: Doubleday, 1968. Salingaros, Nikos. Theory of Architecture. Solingen: Umbau-Verlag, 2006. Stancil, E.D., and M.D. Johnson. Frisbee: A Practitioner’s Manual and Definitive Treatise. New York: Workman, 1975 Winnicott, D.W. Through Paediatrics to Psycho-Analysis: Collected Papers. 1958. London: Hogarth Press, 1975. Yúdice, George. “Testimonio and Postmodernism.” Latin American Perspectives 18.3 (1991): 15-31. Zimmerman, Marc. “Testimonio.” The Sage Encyclopedia of Social Science Research Methods. Eds. Michael S. Lewis-Beck, Alan Bryman and Tim Futing Liao. London: Sage Publications, 2003. Zuber-Skerritt, Ortrun, ed. Australian Playwrights: David Williamson. Amsterdam: Rodolpi, 1988.

Following the Biafran allegations of genocide against the Nigerian government during the Civil War, pro-Biafran groups emerged in the United States to pressure the American government into political intervention in the form of recognizing the Biafran republic. In response, African-American Civil Rights hero James Meredith counter-balanced the pro-Biafran groups, and advocated for one Nigeria in the United States. By analyzing public speech, correspondences, fact-finding mission reports, congressional hearing testimonies, and oral interviews, this paper examines Meredith’s pro-One Nigeria (Pan-African) activism during the Nigerian Civil War, and promotes a nuanced understanding of the international dimension of the Nigerian Civil War. This study proposes an episode of transnational history of the global black liberation movement of the long sixties, and demonstrates that Meredith’s pro-one Nigeria activism during the Nigerian Civil War was influenced by his background as a Civil Rights leader and his pan-African ideology.

En skildring af turnbevægelsen, den tyske gymnastikbevægelse, i grænseområdet mellem Danmark og Tyskland i årene 1920-1945.Knivsberg. The “Turn-” and Sports Park for the Pro-German Community in southern Jutland.Not far from Aabenraa lies Knivsberg. This hilltop locality area is situated in Slesvig or southern Jutland, an area whose history is bound up with the unsettled relationship of the twin duchies of Slesvig and Holsten to the Danish and German states respectively. This complicated history is the reason for the presence of Danish and German minorities in this border region ever since the formation of nation states in the 19th century. Briefly stated, until 1864 Slesvig-Holsten was united under the Danish monarchy. In 1848 a liberation movement arose in the wake of The March Uprising against the Danish absolutist monarchy, and caused the Danish state to cede Slesvig-Holsten to Prussia in 1864. After a referendum in 1920, the present border between Denmark and Germany was established and from then on Knivsberg became a locality in Denmark. In the period after 1864, the “Turn”-Movement played an active role in establishing German ideology in Slesvig where Danish culture was strongest. The article examines the Pro-German community in northern Slesvig with special references to the Turn-Movement and to the Knivsbjerg Monument. It shows how the emergence of Nazism in Germany was regarded by the minority as a gratifying and natural development of the former victorious German empire, which, of course, included northern Slesvig

The American Workingmen's Parties in the 1828–32 period occupy a distinctive place within the history of socialism: they were the first to embrace a strategy of organizing a working-class political party and seizing the democratic state for their collective self-liberation. With universal suffrage, a working-class majority could take political power electorally and expropriate the rich. Karl Marx read about these workers’ parties through works by Thomas Hamilton and Thomas Cooper in the period of his early political development. Like the American workers, he was stringently in favor of robust political rights and conceived of socialism as a democratic mass movement. Unlike the antipolitical socialists predominant in his day, Marx saw the northern United States as uniquely situated for socialism precisely because it had already solved the basic political problem facing Europe: the workers could vote.

Abstract Scholars are still unsure why American cities passed cross-dressing bans over the closing decades of the nineteenth century. By the 1960s, cities in every region of the United States had cross-dressing regulations, from major metropolitan centers to small cities and towns. They were used to criminalize gender non-conformity in many forms - for feminists, countercultural hippies, cross-dressers (or “transvestites”), and people we would now consider transgender. Starting in the late 1960s, however, criminal defendants began to topple cross-dressing bans. The story of their success invites a re-assessment of the contemporary LGBT movement’s legal history. This article argues that a trans legal movement developed separately but in tandem with constitutional claims on behalf of gays and lesbians. In some cases, gender outlaws attempted to defend the right to cross-dress without asking courts to understand or adjudicate their gender. These efforts met with mixed success: courts began to recognize their constitutional rights, but litigation also limited which gender outlaws could qualify as trans legal subjects. Examining their legal strategies offers a window into the messy process of translating gender non-conforming experiences and subjectivities into something that courts could understand. Transgender had to be analytically separated from gay and lesbian in life and law before it could be reattached as a distinct minority group.

‏The research period is regarded as a significant period in the history of the Aylul Revolution.The Iraqi government received assistance from several Arab and regional countries, while Britain and the United States provided weapons to target the Kurdistan region from all directions. At the same time, The Kurdish revolutionaries fought vigorously against these assaults.‏After the coup of February 8, 1963, the Iraqi newspapers played a major role in writing and publishing articles on the Kurdish issue,the views of the Iraqi government and the Kurds on the Kurdish national rights, and the Kurdish efforts to achieve them. The legitimate rights of the Kurdish people in the Iraqi national unity were also prioritized by the Iraqi newspaper engaging to find viable solutions to the Kurdish issue. ‏The newspaper was able to effectively contribute in the explanation of the incident that took place during that period, notably the intense fights that occurred between the Iraqi government and the Kurdish liberation movement.