Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Freyer Theater (Berlin, Germany)"

In this article Steve Earnest discusses contemporary approaches to performance training in Germany, comparing the content and methods of selected programmes from the former Federal Republic of Germany to those of the former German Democratic Republic. The Hochschule für Musik und Theater Rostock and the University of the Arts in Berlin are here utilized as primary sources, while reference is also made to the Bayerische Theater-akademie ‘August Everding’ Prinzregententheater in Munich, the Hochschule für Musik und Theater ‘Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy’ in Leipzig, and Justus Leibig Universität in Giessen. The aim is to provide insight into theatre-training processes in Germany and to explore how these relate to the national characteristics that have emerged since reunification. Steve Earnest is Associate Professor of Theatre at Coastal Carolina University in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. His publications include The State Acting Academy of East Berlin (Mellen Press, 1999) and articles in Performer Training (Harwood Publishers, 2001), New Theatre Quarterly, Theatre Journal, and Western European Stages.

The paper is devoted to the consideration of Russian theatrical activity in Berlin during 1919-1923, when Berlin was the focus of Russian theater life abroad, and active creative exchange between German and Russian cultures took place in this connection. The problem of exporting Russian art culture to Western countries is of interest for both domestic and foreign researchers. Among the topical problems on this issue, the Russian theater plays an important role. The study of this issue gives an idea of the potential of Russian culture in a different social and cultural environment. In the center of the research is the process of formation and development of Russian theatrical life in the German cultural environment. The author made an attempt to identify and disclose the main artistic directions of the Russian theater in Berlin in 1919-1923 and determine their role in bringing Germany to the achievements of national culture. The work uses materials from the memoirs of contemporaries and periodicals. On the basis of these sources it is shown that the theater played one of the fundamental roles in preserving the Russian cultural community and their cultural appearance on the overseas. Russian theatrical seasons contributed to the Wests involvement in the achievements of Russian culture and the establishment of cultural and artistic ties between Germany and Soviet Russia. Thus, the activities of the Russian migr and touring Russian theater in Berlin in 1919-1923 reflected the high potential of Russian culture in the conditions of a foreign social environment.

This article focuses on an incident of censorship and police intervention at the Königstädtische Theater in Berlin in 1828, occasioned by a performance of Gotthilf August von Maltitz'sThe Old Student(Der alte Student). Identifying how the playwright and his actors sought to represent political topics onstage allows me to explore how theatre functioned as a potential player in an incipient public sphere. In turn this reveals how the desire to represent political topics onstage and to become a performative player in the public sphere was already under way in the 1820s, well before the revolutionary turbulence of 1848.

Christoph Schlingensief (1960–2010) was a filmmaker, theatre director, and performance artist. In his Hamlet at the Schauspielhaus in Zürich in 2001 – his only staging of a classic – Schlingensief deployed the strategies of intervention typical of his whole work. In this article Thomas Irmer focuses on the actors' troupe in the play, performed by former neo-Nazis. Schlingensief was asking whether an audience would accept the reintegration of people who were determined to leave this extremist group with the support of the German government. At the same time, Schlingensief referred to a historical performance of Hamlet by Gustaf Gründgens, whose career in Nazi and post-war Germany is played in counterpoint against the neo-Nazi outsiders potentially to be reintegrated. Schlingensief's ambivalence here challenged ready-made opinions about overlap between political and aesthetic experience. Thomas Irmer is a scholar, theatre critic, and co-director of four documentary films on theatre, including Die Bühnenrepublik: Theatre in the GDR (2003) and Heiner Müller: a Biographical Portrait (2009). He teaches American theatre at the John F. Kennedy Institute for North American Studies at the Freie Universität in Berlin. He is a regular contributor to Theater Heute, editor of the book Castorf's Volksbühne (2003), and author of the forthcoming Life and Times of Andrzej T. Wirth.

Over the last three decades the work of Peter Zadek in Germany has consistently aroused strong reactions, whether of lavish enthusiasm or disdainful rejection (Peter Stein is supposed to have commented that Zadek's productions of Shakespeare were ‘Shakespeare with his trousers down’). Whatever the critical reception, Zadek's work demands close attention for its free-wheeling, unpredictable, and dangerous qualities, as well as for the remarkably sensitive interplay he achieves between his actors. If Stein's productions at the Schaubühne and elsewhere are masterpieces of formal perfection, Zadek's work by contrast is characterized by a flamboyant, imaginative exploration of the text and a healthy suspicion of polished results. In the interview which follows, Roy Kift discussed with Peter Zadek not only his attitudes to the problems of acting, but also his opinions on German theatre and literature and the experiences which shaped his development as one of West Germany's leading directors. Roy Kift has been living in West Berlin since 1981, where he has written plays for stage and radio and a prizewinning opera libretto, as well as directing for theatre and television. His article on the GRIPS Theater in Berlin appeared in TQ 39 (1981).

Theatre in the German Democratic Republic was an essential part of the state propaganda machine and was strictly controlled by the cultural bureaucracy and by the party. Until the early sixties, ancient plays were rarely staged. In the sixties, classical Greek drama became officially recognised as part of cultural heritage. Directors free to stage the great classical playwrights selected ancient plays, on one hand, to escape the grim socialist reality, on the other to criticise it using various forms of Aesopian language. Two important dramatists and three examples of plays are presented and discussed: an adaptation of an Aristophanic comedy (Peter Hack’s adaptation of Aristophanes’ Peace at the Deutsche Theater in Berlin in 1962), a play based on a Sophoclean tragedy (Heiner Müller’s Philoktet, published in 1965, staged only in 1977), and a short didactic play (Lehrstück) based on Roman history (Heiner Müller’s Der Horatier, written in 1968, staged in 1973 in Hamburg in West Germany, and in the GDR only in 1988). At the end there is a brief look at a production of Aeschylus Seven against Thebes at the BE in 1969.

The exiled character in need of asylum is a recurrent theme in ancient Greek tragedy. In many of these plays, we see uprooted and homeless persons seeking sanctuary, and for the ancient Greeks, hospitality was an important issue. Many of these plays have been updated to comment on the current social and political conditions of refugees and often reflect on the notion of hospitality, something which both Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida considered to be fundamental to ethics. Recently there has been a series of demonstrations and occupations of public spaces by asylum seekers that has gained considerable news coverage. In Austria a group of about sixty refugees (from the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area) occupied the famous Votiv church in the middle of Vienna in 2012 and went on hunger strike. In Germany a large group of asylum seekers marched from various parts of the country to Berlin where they occupied the square at the Brandenburg Gate before being allowed to establish a tent community in Kreuzberg. In Hamburg a group of 80 asylum seekers who came to Germany via Lampedusa found refuge in St Pauli church, and it was there that Nicholas Stemann presented a first reading of Elfriede Jelinkek’s play Die Schutzbefohlenen in September 2013. More recently right-wing groups have mounted weekly marches through Dresden to call for a halt to immigration, and these have been contested by simultaneous counter-demonstrations in favour of immigrants and refugees. In this paper I will consider several adaptations of Greek tragedy that highlight cultural encounters between the local population and those arriving from abroad who are looking for asylum. In particular I will examine Stemann’s production that has been running at the Thalia Theater in Hamburg since September 2014, and features asylum seekers from Lampedusa on stage who beg the audience for the right to remain in Germany.

German and Polish theatre in the initial period of the political transformation.During the first theatre seasons of the nineties, German drama focused on the analysis of the social traumas following the fall of the Berlin Wall, German reunification and perestroika. However, it soon became apparent that the theatre was not able to keep pace with the political changes of the times, and it failed to do justice to their internal complications and discrepancies.The fascination with the new dramatic scenic forms originating in Germany, which could be observed in Poland in the second half of the nineties, had nothing to do with the so-called reunification drama. It more likely resulted from its fiasco and the adoption of new aesthetics and communication methods. The strengthening relation of the German and Polish theatre, i.e. joint festivals, inspired those Polish artists who sought for a new scenic language and transposed the German theatre experience into their own plays in a creative way. The scale of this movement was so extensive that it could be described as a kind of phenomenon in modern art and in relations between Poland and Germany.Das deutsche und das polnische Theater in der Anfangszeit der Systemtransformation.Die politischen Transformationen `89 hatten großen Einfluss auf die Veränderungen in Kunst und Kultur, und zwar nicht nur mit Bezug auf Deutschland und Polen, sondern vielmehr in weiten Teilen Ost- und Mittel-Osteuropas. Die deutsche Dramaturgie konzentrierte sich in den ersten Theatersaisons der 90er Jahre vorwiegend auf die Verarbeitung der aus dem Mauerfall, der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands sowie der Perestroika resultierenden gesellschaftlichen Veränderungen in Kultur- und Künstlerkreisen wird auch ein traumatischer Zustand betont. Es zeigte sich jedoch schnell, dass das Theater weder mit dem Tempo der politischen Ereignisse mithalten noch ihren inneren Verwicklungen und Widersprüchen gerecht werden konnte. Die in Polen seit Ende der 90er Jahre beobachtete Faszination von neuen dramatisch-schauspieler­ischen Formen aus Deutschland hatte nichts mit der sogenannten Dramaturgie der Wiedervereinigung zu tun. Sie entstand vielmehr aus deren Misslingen und der Aufnahme einer neuen Ästhetik bzw. neuen Kommunikationsmethoden. Die immer enger werdenden Kontakte zwischen dem deutschen und dem polnischen Theater z. B. über gemeinsame Festivals wurden zur Inspiration für polnische Kunstschaffende, die eine neue szenische Sprache suchten und ihre Erfahrungen mit dem deutschen Theater kreativ in eigene Inszenierungen transponierten. Die Verbreitung dieser Erscheinung war so weitreichend, dass von einem Phänomen in der zeitgenössischen Kunst sowie den künstlerischen Beziehungen zwischen Polen und Deutschland gesprochen werden kann.

Strindberg’s Dramas on German Stages This article provides an overview of stage productions of Strindberg’s plays on German stages from 1890 to 2011, and discusses their importance for German directors. The first Strindberg performance to be staged in Germany was Otto Brahm’s The Father produced by the Freie Bühne in Berlin in 1890. The most suitable authors for the naturalistic aesthetic ideals of the Freie Bühne, however, were Hauptmann, Ibsen and Tolstoy. Strindberg was involved in several lawsuits during the 1890’s, making him a controversial figure. However, by the first decade of the 20th century, about twenty-five of his plays were being performed in Germany. In 1912 the so-called “Strindberg Boom” began; fifty Strindberg dramas were put on stage and the German expressionists even compared Strindberg to Shakespeare. Two theatres were of greater significance than the others. At the Deutsches Theater and the Kammerspiele Max Reinhardt – the first director able to fulfill Strindberg’s dramatic intentions in his late plays – made five legendary productions, beginning with The Dance of Death in 1912. At the Theater in Königgrätzer Straße in 1916, Rudolf Bernauer produced A Dream Play in a more idyllic and less experimental fashion than his contemporary, Reinhardt. By contrast, Reinhardt’s productions utilized lighting, sound effects and a gloomy milieu in order to emphasize the metaphysical anxiety of human beings in a world beyond their comprehension. The importance of the expressionists – and, eventually, of Strindberg himself – decreased after World War I. Given the Nazi party’s dislike of his work, Strindberg’s plays were not performed in Germany at all after 1933. The first important Strindberg production staged after World War II was Fritz Kortner’s The Father, first performed in Munich in 1949. In the 1950’s the influence of Kafka and Existentialism had revised Strindberg’s image. About ten of his plays had survived, and today, the most frequently performed of these is Miss Julie. During the 1960’s, when the German stage was dominated by political theatre, Strindberg was hardly performed at all. However, in the early 1970’s stage productions of The Dance of Death by Rudolf Noelte and The Ghost Sonata by Hans Neuenfels were the peaks of a new, ephemeral wave of interest in Strindberg. To this day, the final important German stage director possessed of a pronounced interest in Strindberg was Ernst Wendt. Wendt was, however, strongly criticized by literary scholars and translators for placing emphasis upon the destructive and depressive aspects of Strindberg’s work, and overlooking Strindberg’s role as a radical critic and an inquisitive inventor.

This article analyses the support and self-care strategies of artists from Turkey who have left their country from considerable risk regarding their country’s political and economic instability since 2013 and have relocated to Germany. It maps the support networks, programs and institutions as well as consider questions of sustainability and risk (self-) assessment. The study is based on interviews with Turkish and Kurdish artists in Germany and an analysis of the activities by the Maxim Gorki Theater, Apartment Projekt, bi’bak, Hafiza Merkezi Berlin, as well as support systems like artistic research fellowships, art residencies, artist networks and supportive theatres. The guiding questions of this study examine the longer-term orientation of the support of artists at risk. The findings show three deficiencies. Despite the variety of available support systems, artists who left Turkey experience difficulties integrating in the artistic labour market. The output-oriented, meritocratic basis on which programs select candidates often fail to help artists in a holistic way. The intergenerational disparity in the migrant communities create the infrastructures, solidarity discourses and networks for newly arriving artists, but also creates ideological tensions which limits inter-communitarian solidarity. Specific self-organized programs extend the solidarity to artists from other affected regions, which limits chances to support artists at risk from Turkey. There are generational disadvantages of newcomers in an overburdened, professionalized independent art scene that has struggled to break free from the social work and socio-cultural stigmas. The latter masks artists with a non-German background from positive discrimination initiatives. The study proposes improvement in support systems through a coordinated effort, encourages to relieve programs from a need for identity representation as an expectation or requirement, and advises a shift in support systems from output orientation towards enhancement of individuals through self-care, for greater autonomy and self-development in their art practices and new life.

The concentration camp in Theresienstadt in the Czech Republic was unique, in that it was used by the Nazis as a ‘flagship’ ghetto to deceive the world about the real fate of the Jews. It contained an extraordinarily high proportion of VIPs – so-called Prominenten, well-known international personalities from the worlds of academia, medicine, politics, and the military, as well as leading composers, musicians, opera singers, actors, and cabarettists, most of whom were eventually murdered in Auschwitz. The author, Roy Kift, who first presented this paper at a conference on ‘The Shoah and Performance’ at the University of Glasgow in September 1995, is a free-lance dramatist who has been living in Germany since 1981, where he has written award-winning plays for stage and radio, and a prizewinning opera libretto, as well as directing for stage, television, and radio. His new stage play, Camp Comedy, set in Theresienstadt, was inspired by this paper, and includes original cabaret material: it centres on the nightmare dilemma encountered by Kurt Gerron in making the Nazi propaganda film, The Fuhrer Gives the Jews a Town. Roy Kift has contributed regular reports on contemporary German theatre to a number of magazines, including NTQ. His article on the GRIPS Theater in Berlin appeared in TQ39 (1981) and an article on Peter Zadek in NTQ4 (1985).

Gaston Salvatore was born in Valparaiso, Chile, in 1941, of an upper middle class Chilean mother and an Italian father. After completing a degree in law, he went to Berlin in 1965, where he studied sociology, and together with Rudi Dutschke became one of the leaders of the student protest movement. He was arrested and obliged to leave Germany in 1969, returning briefly to Chile. In the early ‘seventies he went to Rome, where he worked with Michelangelo Antonioni. One of the results of that collaboration was his novel. Der Kaiser von China, published in 1979. He began his work in German with a cycle of poems, Der langwierige Weg in die Wohnung Natascha Ungeheurs, set to music by Hans Werner Henze, in 1970. His German theatre pieces include Büchners Tod (1972), Fossilien (1975), Freibrief (1977), Tauroggen (1978), Stalin (1985), and Lektionen der Finsternis (1989). A novel, Der Mann mit der Trommel, was published in 1974, and Salvatore's most recent work in that form, Waldemar Müller – ein deutsches Schicksal, appeared in 1982. Gaston Salvatore is co-editor with Hans Magnus Enzensberger of the Trans-Atlantik review, and also writes for Stern, Der Spiegel, and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. He now lives in Venice. The following interview with Salvatore by Alessandro Tinterri, one of the directors of the Actors’ Museum of Genova, took place in Venice in 1989, following two Italian productions of Salvatore's Stalin in a single season – one by the Compagnia del Collettivo di Parma, with Gigi Dall' Aglio and Michele De Marchi, and another by the Teatro di Sardegna, with Raf Vallone. The original German production opened in Berlin, at the Schiller-Theater on 31 October 1987, and was followed by several other productions, including one directed by Salvatore himself at Karlsruhe. In 1988 George Tabori staged the play at the Burgtheater in Vienna, with a woman, Angelica Damrose, in the title role. Alessandro Tinterri sets out in this interview to examine the background to Gaston Salvatore's work and to trace the multi-cultural pathways that have led to his present standing in the European, and especially German, theatre.

In 2011, Libya plunged into a civil war after the outbreak of the Arab Spring, a revolutionary movement characterized by massive civil protests which tried to build democratic societies in the Middle East and North Africa and put to an end the old repressive political regimes. After several months of civil war and bombings over Libya, longtime Muamar Ghaddafi’s dictatorial regime fell. Although the U.S. did not directly intervene in Libya, it supported the overthrow of Ghadafi through the intervention of NATO, providing aerial support and airstrikes for the opposition force (it also established a no-fly zone over Libya, authorized by the United Nations). In 2014, contested parliamentary elections led to the formation of two rival political power centers — one in the east, based in Tobruk and backed by military commander Khalifa Haftar, and another in the west of the country, an UN-supported administration in the capital of Tripoli. Each side was supported by a variety of militias and foreign powers, who competed for influence and oil resources, raising fears that oil-rich Libya could become the theater of a regional conflict. In April 2019, Haftar and his forces, backed by Russia (the Russian military contractors of the Wagner Group), Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates launched an offensive to capture the capital. His campaign collapsed after Turkey and Qatar offered their military support to the Tripoli government with hundreds of Turkish troops and thousands of Syrian mercenaries, belonging to the Free Syrian Army. The outbreak of violence in Libya in April 2019 severely affected the institutional reunification and stability of the country. Warning that the situation in Libya could become "a second Syria", with a new large wave of refugees directed towards the EU, Germany offered to call a peace conference for the conflicting sides, held on 19th January 2020 under the auspices of the United Nations. The aim was to stop the military support for the civil war parties and uphold an existing UN arms embargo, re-launching the peace process for a political settlement, after nine months of fighting over the capital. Operation EUNAVFOR MED IRINI was launched by the European Union on 31 March 2020, as part of the European Union's contribution to the Berlin conference. The core task of the Operation is the implementation of the UN arms embargo on Libya through aerial, satellite, and maritime assets, an embargo that had been decided in 2016 by the United Nations Security Council Resolution. This ongoing mission replaced the Sophia Operation, which had been in place for five years, combating the organized crime and trafficking of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea. In June 2016, the European Council decided to extend Sophia’s mandate until July 2017, adding two supporting tasks: training the Libyan coastguards and contributing to the implementation of the UN arms embargo on the high seas off the coast of Libya. This paper attempts to analyze the response of the European Union to the Libyan crisis by launching the Irini operation, a military-naval Joint force, setting out to secure the Berlin Conference’s commitments. Finally, we try to explain if Italy which seems to have preferred to stay on the sidelines, succeeded in reinserting itself into the Libyan equation, a significant diplomatic area for the Chigi Palace.

AbstractAfter a promising start on the German stage, Jewish actor Herbert Grünbaum left Germany overnight in 1939 and settled in Palestine. The article takes his emigration as the starting point for the examination of his role as director and actor in the nascent Cameri Theatre. Grünbaum’s experiences in Palestine eventually resulted in his surprising departure in 1953. Although not a communist, Grünbaum chose to join the Volksbühne in East Berlin, one of the leading theatres of the GDR. In the late 1950s, in the wake of growing tension between the powers controlling the divided city, Grünbaum left the Volksbühne to become a member of the celebrated Schiller-Theater in West Berlin. Taking Grünbaum’s turbulent career as a case study, this article raises broader questions concerning the experiences of German émigré actors in Israel (primarily at the Cameri Theatre), especially those who ultimately chose to leave Israel and the Hebrew theatre behind, and return to the German stage.

AbstractIn the history of modern theatre, Otto Brahm is canonized mainly as the founder of the Freie Bühne (1889), the first Naturalist stage in Germany, which – as a private society – produced censored plays by Ibsen and Hauptmann and opened the way for the general acceptance of socially-oriented contemporary plays on the German stage. Brahm began as an influential theatre critic who, throughout the 1880s, fought against the popular theatre which was dominated by the star-system and by French-influenced light comedies. Instead, he advocated those new plays – especially by Ibsen – that presented contemporary society in positivist detail and with a social-activist critique. Brahm maintained his faith and focus on such plays when he became director of the Berlin Deutsches Theater (1894–1904) and, later, of the Lessing-Theater (1904–1912). Throughout, he produced a quality of theatre that turned Berlin into a famous theatre capital. Brahm ’s Jewish identity has rarely been studied, mainly because Brahm himself left so little witness to it, despite the growing political and racial anti-Semitism that existed during his life. This identity, which at the time was always significant, played a considerable role both in his personal life and in his extraordinary career. This article traces this role, as well as Brahm’s complex relationship to his Judaism, with the goal of re-inscribing Brahm ’s history into a Jewish context.

In this article, the authors refer to the play “Kein Schiff wird kommen” (“No ship will come”), 2010, by a young German playwright Nisa-Momme Stockmann, in which “historical events are refracted in the context of personal events of the characters”. In the center of the play is a young man, a writer, who was commissioned by the theater to write about the fall of the Berlin Wall. The protagonist of the play is a representative of an indifferent generation, far from politics and history. In 1989, he himself was a child, and the reunification of Germany, at first glance, had no effect on him. However, upon closer inspection, it turns out that the fall of the wall turned out to be an important event for him and his family. Only an appeal to the history of the country and the family helps the character to resolve the internal conflict. This shows the relationship with the tradition of German literature after World War II: German writers often refer to historical facts in their works. The key topic is of guilt and responsibility, which has been rethought in the literature over the past 60 years. Analysing the drama allows us to conclude that modern young people reject their past, which causes the character's personality crisis, and it also leads to failure in communication. In addition, alongside with ousting the past, the problem of German identity arises.

The variable examines which political topics are prevalent in fictional entertainment. Studies differentiate either between the two categories political and sociopolitical issues (e.g., Eilders & Nitsch, 2015) or they take a closer look at the presented political topics by differentiating between the three thematic dimensions of politics: polity for the institutional and normative infrastructure, policy for particular political issues, and politics for competition and power relations (e.g., Nitsch et al., 2019; Nitsch & Eilders, 2015). Field of application/theoretical foundation The differentiation between the three dimensions of politics goes back to political science and allows insights into which picture of politics is presented in the media. Analyses show that fictional (and non-fictional) media content tends to have a strong focus on the dimension of politics, i.e. movies and TV-series typically concentrate on negotiation processes between the parties and the power struggle between political camps (e.g., Jandura et al., 2016; Nitsch & Eilders, 2015; Nitsch et al., 2019). References/combination with other methods of data collection --- Example study Nitsch & Eilders, 2015 Information on Nitsch & Eilders, 2015 Authors: Cordula Nitsch & Christiane Eilders Research interest: depiction of politics (centrality of politics, topics, actors, political actions) in political dramas of two different countries (US and Germany) Object of analysis: two political dramas (“The West Wing”, US; “Kanzleramt”, Germany) Timeframe of analysis: 2004-2005 Information about variable Variable name/definition: Politische Themen [political topics] Pro Szene können bis zu drei politische Themen codiert werden, nämlich jeweils ein Thema aus den drei Bereichen polity, policy und politics. Eine Codierung von zwei Themen innerhalb eines der Bereiche (z.B. zwei policy Themen) ist NICHT möglich. In einer Szene, in der mehrere Themen durcheinander eingeworfen werden (z. B. eine Gruppe von Menschen redet durcheinander), muss folglich das zentrale Thema bestimmt werden. Lässt sich nicht bestimmen, welches das dominanteste Thema ist, wird das erstgenannte codiert. Politics, policy, polity wird ausschließlich für den eigenen nationalen Kontext codiert. Außenpolitik wird als nationale policy codiert. Justizthemen werden meist im Bereich polity codiert; außer es wird Handlungsbedarf für die Politik artikuliert, dann werden diese Themen als Rechtspolitik bei den policies codiert. [Up to three political topics can be coded per scene, namely one topic each of the three dimensions polity, policy and politics. The coding of two topics within one of the dimensions (e.g. two policy topics) is NOT possible. In a scene where several topics are addressed (e.g. a group of people talking), the central topic must be determined. If it is not possible to determine which is the most dominant topic, the first one is coded. Politics, policy, polity is coded exclusively for its own national context. Foreign policy is coded as a national policy. Justice issues are usually coded in the area of polity; unless the need for political action is articulated, in which case these topics are coded as legal policy in the policies.] Level of analysis: Szenenebene Scale level: Nominal Reliability: .83 (polity .70, policy .96, politics .84) V10 [THEMA-polity] Polity (Strukturen und Institutionen) 0 kein polity Thema angesprochen 101 Bundesrat (USA: Senat) 102 Bundestag (USA: Congress) 103 Parlamente 104 Parteien bzw. Fraktionen (nur, wenn es um die Strukturen geht, aber nicht, wenn nur Parteien oder Fraktionen genannt werden!) 105 Regierung/ Regierungssysteme 106 Andere politische Institutionen 201 Internationale Richtlinien/ Internationale Abkommen und Regelungen 301 Gewaltenteilung 302 Föderalismus 303 Verfassung/-sgrundsätze / Zentrale Verfassungsprinzipien 304 Gesellschaftsordnung 401 Entscheidungsfindung/ Verfahrensordnung (sofern nicht ein Gremium bei den 100er Ausprägungen bezogen: Warum gibt es einen Vermittlungsausschuss? Regeln und Infrastruktur der Entscheidungsfindung  Erklärungen über Abläufe) 402 Politische Kultur: Normen und Sitten (für die Stabilität des politischen Systems, z.B.: Sind Parteispenden Kavaliersdelikte…) 403 Bürokratie/ Verwaltung 501 Gerichte (Judikative) 502 Gesetze und Rechtsnormen/ Grundgesetz 503 Bürgerrechte 504 Menschenrechte 505 Öffentliches Recht (Völkerrecht, Staatsrecht, Sozialrecht usw.) 506 Strafrecht (Strafgesetzbuch) 507 Zivilrecht (Erbrecht, Familienrecht, Schuldrecht usw.) 600 Polity in anderen Ländern 999 Sonstige Strukturen und Institutionen V11 [THEMA-policy] Policy (Politikbereiche) Die Zuordnung einzelner Politikthemen zu den aufgeführten Bereichen ist kontextabhängig. So kann z.B. Drogenpolitik je nach Fokus unter Sozialpolitik, Arbeitspolitik oder Gesundheitspolitik verortet werden). Beim Thema Antisemitismus ist eine Zuordnung unter Diskriminierung möglich (wenn es um Antisemitismus allgemein geht) oder unter innere Sicherheit (wenn es um kriminelle Energie geht) oder unter Rechtspolitik (wenn ein Verfahren wegen antisemitischer Gewalt thematisiert wird). 0 kein policy Thema angesprochen 101 Außenpolitik (diplomatische Beziehungen, Konflikte usw.; Achtung: Hier wird nur das codiert, was nicht unter Verteidigungspolitik fällt; Außenpolitik wird auch codiert, wenn spezifische policies angesprochen werden, wie z. B. die Medienfreiheit in Ungarn oder die Bildungspolitik in Italien) 102 EU-Politik (Institutionen, Erweiterung europäische Integration) 103 Entwicklungspolitik 104 Politik in anderen Ländern (nur, wenn keine Beziehung zu D bzw. USA) 105 Verteidigungspolitik (betrifft „äußere Sicherheit“ wie Bundeswehr, NATO, Abrüstung) 201 Innere Sicherheit (Terrorismus, Verfassungsschutz, Polizei, Links- und Rechtsradikalismus) 301 Bildungs- und Forschungspolitik (Hochschulpolitik, Lehrpläne, Technikentwicklung, ggf. Kindergärten-/Kindergartenknappheit  sind je nach Kontext aber auch als Sozial- oder Familienpolitik denkbar) 302 Kulturpolitik (Film, Theater, Musik) 303 Medienpolitik (Meinungsfreiheit, Inhalte) 401 Sozialpolitik (Achtung: Sozialpolitik wird nur codiert, wenn keine Zuordnung zu detaillierteren Bereichen wie Familien- oder Rentenpolitik möglich ist; ansonsten fallen hierunter z.B. Armut, Reichtum, Sozialabbau, Kinderarmut, Hartz4, Demografischer Wandel, Obdachlosigkeit) 402 Familienpolitik (Familie, Ehe, Scheidung, Erziehung, Kindergärten, Väterrechte) 403 Jugendpolitik 404 Rentenpolitik 501 Gesundheitspolitik 502 Drogenpolitik 503 Lebensmittelpolitik 504 Verbraucherschutzpolitik 601 Umwelt- und Klimapolitik 602 Energiepolitik 603 Agrar- und Forstwirtschaftspolitik 604 Infrastrukturpolitik (Wohnungsbau/Mietrecht/Eigentum, Städtebau, Post- und Fernmeldewesen) 605 Verkehrspolitik (Straßenbau, Schifffahrt, Luftfahrt, Schienenwege) 701 Arbeitspolitik (soziale Sicherung, Recht auf Arbeit, Tarife- und Lohnpolitik, Gewerkschaften, Arbeitsschutz, Arbeitnehmerrechte, Beschäftigungspolitik, Sexismus/sexuelle Belästigung am Arbeitsplatz, berufstätige Mütter, Diskriminierung am Arbeitsplatz, Arbeitslosigkeit) Wenn Wirtschafts- und Arbeitspolitik innerhalb einer Szene gleichwertig sind, wird Arbeitspolitik codiert. 702 Wirtschaftspolitik (Unternehmertum, Wirtschaftsförderung) 703 Finanzpolitik (Subventionen, Steuerpolitik, Haushalt, Geld- und Währungspolitik) 801 Rechtspolitik (Gesetzgebung, Grundrechte, Strafrecht, Kriminalität) 901 Migrationspolitik (Einwanderungspolitik, Ausländer- und Flüchtlingsfragen, Integrationsfragen, Migration) 902 Minderheitenpolitik (z.B. Diskriminierung, ethnische Minderheiten, Rassismus, Antisemitismus, religiöse Minderheiten, Homosexuelle, Menschen mit Behinderung) 903 Asyl 999 Sonstige Politikbereiche V12 [THEMA-politics] Politics (Wie wird etwas durchgesetzt? Diskussionen/Kämpfe; auch wenn es nicht um Parteienstreit im engeren Sinne geht, also auch bei außenpolitischen Verhandlungen) 0 kein politics Thema angesprochen 10 Abstimmungen/Entscheidungsverfahren (Darstellungen des Prozesses) 11 Ausschussarbeit 12 Parlamentsarbeit (große/kleine Anfragen, Anhörungen) 13 Gesetzgebungsverfahren 14 Gipfelkonferenzen 15 Untersuchungsausschuss 16 Sonstige politische Auseinandersetzungen 20 Bildung von Interessenskoalitionen 21 Interessenvermittlung/-artikulation/-auswahl/-bündelung/-durchsetzung 22 Kampf um Entscheidungsbefugnis/ Legitimationsbeschaffung durch Verhandlungen 23 Koalitionsverhandlungen 24 Kompromisssuche/Konsensfindung 30 Lobbyismus/ Überzeugungsarbeit von außen 31 Öffentlichkeitsarbeit/ Pressekampagnen/ Instrumentalisierung von Medien 40 Personalentscheidung (Bewerbung um einen Posten, Entlassungen etc.) 41 Postenverteilung 50 Putsch/ Staatsstreich in anderen Ländern 60 Wahlen/Wahlkampf 61 Andere Partizipationsformen (Volksbegehren, Bürgerinitiative) 99 Sonstige Prozesse References Eilders, C., & Nitsch, C. (2015). Politics in Fictional Entertainment: An Empirical Classification of Movies and TV Series. International Journal of Communication, 9, 1563–1587. Jandura, O., Gladitz, P., & Nitsch, C. (2016). Parlamente in non-fiktionalen und fiktionalen Angeboten. Was man in „Berlin direkt“ und „Borgen“ über parlamentarische Abläufe erfährt [Parliaments in non-fictional and fictional formats. What we learn about parliamentary procedures in “Berlin direkt” and “Borgen”. Publizistik, 61(3), 287–304. Nitsch, C. & Eilders, C. (2015). Fictional politics on TV: Comparing the representations of political reality in the US-series “The West Wing” and the German series “Kanzleramt”. Global Media Journal. German Edition, 5(1), 1–19. Nitsch, C., Jandura, O., & Bienhaus, P. (2019). The democratic quality of political depictions in fictional TV-entertainment. A comparative content analysis of the political drama Borgen and the journalistic magazine Berlin direkt. Communications. The European Journal of Communication Research. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/commun-2019-2076.