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Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Freedon of the press"

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Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 26 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 27 de julho de 2024

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1

Brar, Gurpreet Kaur. "Freedom of Press and its Implications". International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-3 (30 de abril de 2018): 936–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd11223.

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2

Calcutt QC, Sir David. "Freedom of the Press: Freedom from the Press". Denning Law Journal 9, n.º 1 (15 de novembro de 2012): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v9i1.238.

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3

Barang, Marcel. "Press Freedom". Index on Censorship 14, n.º 2 (abril de 1985): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533869.

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4

Yadav, Indu. "A Study on the Freedom of the Press in the Indian Constitution". RESEARCH HUB International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 10, n.º 2 (28 de fevereiro de 2023): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53573/rhimrj.2023.v10n02.005.

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We get the introduction of the freedoms provided in the Indian Constitution in the preamble itself. Five types of freedoms have been provided in the preamble, freedom of thought, expression, belief, religion and worship. In these also the main part of our study is the freedom of the press. Which is freedom of expression in the constitution i.e. Anu. contained in Part 1 of 19 itself. The press is considered as the fourth pillar of the constitution because the freedom of the press is especially important in the strengthening of democracy. For this reason, the press and its freedom have a history of their own. Various episodes have been published in protest against the ban on the press, from John Milton's Aropagitica to modern writings. Seeing the tarnished image of the media in modern times due to the ban on the Bengal Gazette (the first newspaper) published in India too, it can be easily guessed that how relevant is the protection of the freedom of the press. The paper also aims to study the actual status of press freedom in India. Abstract in Hindi Language: भारतीय संविधान में प्रदत्त की गई स्वतंत्रताओं का परिचय तो हमें प्रस्तावना में ही प्राप्त हो जाता है प्रस्तावना में पांच प्रकार की स्वतंत्रताए प्रदान की गई है विचार, अभिव्यक्ति, विश्वास धर्म और उपासना की स्वतंत्रता। इनमें भी हमारे अध्ययन का प्रमुख भाग है प्रेस की स्वतंत्रता। जो कि संविधान में अभिव्यक्ति को स्वतंत्रता अर्थात अनु. 19 के भाग 1 में ही निहित है। प्रेस को संविधान का चैथा स्तंभ इसीलिए समझा जाता है क्योंकि लोकतंत्र के सुदृढ़ीकरण में प्रेस की स्वतंत्रता का विशेष रूप से महत्व है। इसी कारण प्रेस का एवं इसकी स्वतंत्रता का अपना एक इतिहास रहा है। प्रेस पर लगाए गये प्रतिबंध के विरोध में जाॅन मिल्टन की Aropagitica से लेकर आधुनिक लेख तक विभिन्न प्रकरण प्रकाशित हुए हैं। भारत में भी प्रकाशित बंगाल गजट (प्रथम समाचार पत्र) पर प्रतिबंध से आधुनिक समय में मीडिया की धुमिल होती छवि देखकर सहज ही अनुमान लगाया जा सकता है कि प्रेस की स्वतंत्रता की सुरक्षा कितनी प्रासांगिक है। पेपर का उद्देश्य भी भारत में प्रेस की स्वतंत्रता की वास्तविक स्थिति को अध्ययन करना है। Keywords: प्रेस, संविधान, स्वतंत्रता अभिव्यक्ति, अनुच्छेद 19, विश्लेषण

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5

Stephenson, Randall. "A Truth-Seeking Justification for Press Freedom?†". Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 39, n.º 3 (2019): 681–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/gqz012.

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Abstract The relationship between press freedom and representative democracy has captured the interest of philosophers and constitutional law scholars for centuries. John Charney’s The Illusion of the Free Press argues that the truth-seeking justification for expressive freedoms can alone explain the continuing importance of a free press to contemporary democracies. This review essay examines two rebuttals to this argument. First, adopting a more modern ‘process-relational’ philosophy reveals that Charney’s epistemological ‘illusion’ is itself based on misconceptions. Secondly, the author’s incomplete use of democratic theory precludes a more convincing explanation based on marginalised notions of horizontal accountability and the checking function of the press.

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6

Rezmer-Płotka, Kamila. "Restricting the Press and the Neo-Militant Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of Ireland and Great Britain". Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 75, n.º 3 (2022): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.75.11.

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The freedom of the press is one of the basic guarantees of a democratic state and, at the same time, a guarantee of political rights. After 2008, when the great financial crisis occurred, the Member States of the European Union began to significantly limit the rights and freedoms of citizens, including freedom of the press. The introduced restrictions are characteristic of a neo-militant democracy. However, they sometimes become a tool in the hands of antidemocrats. The aim of the article is to check how and why over the years, between successive crises, i.e., financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, the coronavirus pandemic, freedom of the press was restricted in Ireland and Great Britain. These are the countries in which initially the political and social effects of the economic crisis were not felt, but later rapid regression was observed. By using content analysis based on reports from the Reporters without Borders and Freedom House organizations, the study uncovers how and why the restrictions of freedom of the press changed. It locates the political structures of Ireland and Great Britain between the ideal types of neo- and quasi-militant democracy, depending on the goal of the restrictions. The research hypothesis is as follows: The restriction of freedom of the press in Ireland and the United Kingdom after 2008 shows that states are using the media system to pursue their particular interests by introducing solutions characteristic of quasi-militant democracies.

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7

Ying, Tay Lee, Devinaga Rasiah e Ming Ming Lai. "Freedom Indices and Capital Asset Pricing Model: Some Malaysian Evidence". International Journal of Management, Finance and Accounting 1, n.º 1 (25 de agosto de 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33093/ijomfa.2020.1.1.10.

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Human rights and fundamental freedoms such as economic, political, and press freedoms vary widely from country to country. It creates opportunity and risk in investment decisions. Thus, this study is carried out to examine if the explanatory power of the model for capital asset pricing could be improved when these human rights movement indices are included in the model. The sample for this study comprises of 495 stocks listed in Bursa Malaysia, covering the sampling period from 2003 to 2013. The model applied in this study employed the pooled ordinary least square regression estimation. In addition, the robustness of the model is tested by using firm size as a controlled variable. The findings show that market beta as well as the economic and press freedom indices could explain the cross-sectional stock returns of the Malaysian stock market. By controlling the firm size, it adds marginally to the explanation of the extended CAP model which incorporated economic, political, and press freedom indices

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Tay Lee, Ying, Devinaga Rasiah e Ming Ming Lai. "Freedom Indices and Capital Asset Pricing Model: Some Malaysian Evidence". International Journal of Management, Finance and Accounting 1, n.º 1 (25 de agosto de 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33093/ijomfa.2020.1.1.1.

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Human rights and fundamental freedoms such as economic, political, and press freedoms vary widely from country to country. It creates opportunity and risk in investment decisions. Thus, this study is carried out to examine if the explanatory power of the model for capital asset pricing could be improved when these human rights movement indices are included in the model. The sample for this study comprises of 495 stocks listed in Bursa Malaysia, covering the sampling period from 2003 to 2013. The model applied in this study employed the pooled ordinary least square regression estimation. In addition, the robustness of the model is tested by using firm size as a controlled variable. The findings show that market beta as well as the economic and press freedom indices could explain the cross-sectional stock returns of the Malaysian stock market. By controlling the firm size, it adds marginally to the explanation of the extended CAP model which incorporated economic, political, and press freedom indices.

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9

Curtis, Michael Kent. "DEMOCRATIC IDEALS AND MEDIA REALITIES: A PUZZLING FREE PRESS PARADOX". Social Philosophy and Policy 21, n.º 2 (4 de junho de 2004): 385–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052504212122.

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Freedom of speech, press, assembly, and petition have long been celebrated as crucial to democratic government. (I will often refer to these rights collectively as ‘freedom of expression’ or as ‘freedom of speech’.) United States Supreme Court decisions have, quite rightly, justified strong protection of these freedoms because of their crucial role in the functioning of American democracy. (Of course, there are other justifications as well, but I will not discuss them in this paper.)

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10

DUTTA, NABAMITA, e CLAUDIA R. WILLIAMSON. "Can foreign aid free the press?" Journal of Institutional Economics 12, n.º 3 (2 de fevereiro de 2016): 603–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137415000557.

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AbstractCan foreign aid help free the press? Aid may boost press freedom by incentivizing government to reduce media regulations and provide financial support for infrastructure. Alternatively, foreign aid may prevent press freedom by expanding the role of the state and promoting government over private enterprises. We contend that the magnitude of foreign aid's influence is conditional on the existence of democratic checks. Using panel data from 1994 to 2010, we find evidence suggesting that aid significantly increases press freedom in democracies but insignificantly relates to press freedom in autocracies. Collectively, the results suggest that a standard deviation increase in aid to a country at the mean level of democracy increases press freedom by approximately a 1/20th standard deviation. Overall, the findings suggest that donors should be cautious as most aid recipients are not democratic and aid leads to only relatively small marginal improvements in press freedom.

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11

Pearson, Mark, e Camille Galvin. "The Australian Parliament and press freedom in an international context". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, n.º 2 (1 de novembro de 2019): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.910.

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The article reports on a study using grounded theory methodology to track the contexts in which Australian parliamentarians used the expressions 'press freedom' and 'freedom of press' over the ten years from 1994 to 2004. It uses Parliamentry Hansard records to identify the speeches in which discussions of press freedom arose. Interestingly, the terms were used by members of the House of Representativies or Senate in just 78 speeches out of more than 180,000 over that decade. Those usages have been coded to develop a theory about the interface between press freedom and the parliament. This article reports just one aspect of the findings from the larger study—the way parliamentarians have contrasted the value of press freedom in Australia with press freedom in other countries. It is one step towards building a broader theory of press freedom in the Australian parliamentary context.

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12

Manan, Bagir. "PENGHINAAN TERHADAP PENGADILAN VERSUS KEBEBASAN PERS". Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 4, n.º 2 (31 de julho de 2015): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.4.2.2015.189-198.

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Press is manifestation of public soverignty to the power. Press control function covers critic, analytic, and information to the public, so all the activities which are from branches of power based on the public wish and hope. Freedom of press is limited by the press law and code of conduct. The freedom of press can not be used for humaliation, harassment, or interference of judicature process. Press must respect the institution and independency of judiciary.Keywords : Contempt of Court, Freedom and Press

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13

Zhu, Muqing. "A Study on the Method of Press Freedom Value Assessment Based on Artificial Neural Network". Wireless Communications and Mobile Computing 2022 (27 de julho de 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/7533007.

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Freedom of the press embodies an increasingly important role in modern democratic society, and people pay more and more attention to the value of freedom of press. The value of freedom of press has been elaborated from the basic concept, right attributes, and role functions of freedom of press, which are the basis for the existence of the value of freedom of the press and the jurisprudential basis for strengthening its legal construction. Freedom of press is a right extended from the freedom of speech and publication and is the application of freedom of speech and publication in news communication activities. Freedom of the press in the modern sense is considered an institutional right, both a fundamental right and a political right. As the role of press freedom in the process of modern democratic society becomes more and more prominent, the conflict between its value and other social values becomes more and more obvious. In such a context, this study introduces BP neural network technology into the assessment of press freedom value, expecting that a set of assessment method models with press freedom value as the core can be constructed. In order to achieve this goal, the core problem is how to use BP neural network technology to automatically evaluate the value of freedom of the press. A web crawler is used to crawl news from various online sources and the news are scored and evaluated by the system to present the most valuable news first to the readers. A dataset of 1440 data samples was created to be used in the experiments. The proposed GRU with multifeature fusion method has a higher accuracy and lower error rate as compared to LSTM, linear regression, and random forest-based model.

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Pearson, Mark, e Naomi Busst. "Anti-terror laws and the media after 9/11: Three models in Australia, NZ and the Pacific". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2006): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.859.

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This article reviews some of the main anti-terrorism laws in Australia and New Zealand and assesses their impact upon the media in the five years since the terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001. It also makes some observations about anti-terrorism laws in the Pacific Islands and recommends further research on this important topic. It identifies the main intrusions into press freedom emanating from such laws and finds quite different approaches with resultant impacts on media freedoms. Australia, while claiming to be a liberal democracy, has taken tough measures against terrorism at the expense of some press freedoms. New Zealand, with freedom of expression protected in its Bill of Rights, has implemented counter-terrorism measures without major limitations on media freedoms. Pacific Island nations, many troubled by internal strife, appear to have been slow to comply with even the very basic international protocols on counter-terrorism.

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15

Johnston, Jane, e Mark Pearson. "Australia’s media climate: Time to renegotiate control". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 14, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2008): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v14i2.945.

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In 2007, Australia was rated by two international media bodies as well down the chain in media freedom. Within its own borders, internal media groups—in particular the Australian Press Council and the Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance, as well as a consortium of major employer groups—have recently released reports investigating the position of media freedoms. This atricle examines a select few of these shrinking freedoms which range from the passive restrcitions on access to documents to the overt threat of imprisonment for publishing sensitive material. In particular, it considers laws relating to freedom of information, camera access to courts, shield laws and whistleblower protection and finally revamped anti-terrorism laws. The article maps the landscape of Australia's downgraded press fredom and suggests that laws controlling media reportage need to be renegotiated.

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BJØRNSKOV, CHRISTIAN. "The Hayek–Friedman hypothesis on the press: is there an association between economic freedom and press freedom?" Journal of Institutional Economics 14, n.º 4 (24 de julho de 2017): 617–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137417000364.

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AbstractThe Hayek–Friedman hypothesis states that economic freedom is causally associated with stable democracy. I test a particular element of the hypothesis focusing on press freedom, which is arguably a necessary component of any democratic polity. Combining the Freedom House index of press freedom and the Heritage Foundation Index of Economic Freedom yields a large annual panel dataset between 1993 and 2011. Estimates show that improvements in economic freedom are associated with subsequent improvements of press freedom. The overall association is mainly driven by changes in market openness.

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17

Rampal, Kuldip R. "Press and Political Liberalization in Taiwan". Journalism Quarterly 71, n.º 3 (setembro de 1994): 637–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909407100315.

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The political reforms set into motion after the lifting of the thirty-eight-year-long martial law in 1987 in Taiwan have breathed a new life into the island's press. This article explores the factors contributing to the emergence of political pluralism and the status of press freedom in Taiwan. Based on field research, the article notes that Confucian humanism, socioeconomic progress, and communication revolution have facilitated the democratization process and, therefore, freedom of the press. As a result, Taiwan now has a vibrant press, but further improvements are needed in press law and media ownership patterns to secure a stronger framework for press freedom.

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18

Hamada, Basyouni Ibrahim, Abdel-Salam G. Abdel-Salam e Elsayed Abdelwahed Elkilany. "Press freedom and corruption: An examination of the relationship". Global Media and Communication 15, n.º 3 (18 de setembro de 2019): 303–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766519871676.

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Are countries with a free press less corrupt than countries where the press is partly or completely unfree? Our empirical investigation finds evidence of a significant relationship between higher levels of press freedom and lower levels of corruption with other variables being equal. Furthermore, we provide evidence that while democracy deters corruption only in countries that enjoy press freedom, rule of law reduces corruption whether the press is free or unfree. Press freedom and democracy are complements rather than substitutes in the fight against corruption.

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19

Maino, Charles. "People, News and Government". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 2, n.º 1 (1 de novembro de 1995): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v2i1.543.

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Like all rights and freedoms, freedom of the press sometimes gets a rough handling by various authorities and governments throughout the world. In the Pacific, the right must be preserved for the interests of the people.

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20

Maliakan, Joseph, e Lek Hor Tan. "Victory for press freedom". Index on Censorship 17, n.º 9 (outubro de 1988): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534528.

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Last month, following nationwide protests from journalists, editors and publishers, the Indian government withdrew its controversial Defamation Bill and announced that a national debate on the defamation issue would be intiated. The government's decision, announced by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the end of September, was greeted with jubilation by members of the press and public. The Bill, which would have considerably weakened the position of defendants in defamation cases, had been introduced into the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament) on 29 August without any prior consultation with the press, and was passed next day with very little debate. The haste with which the Bill was passed was widely seen as the government's latest attempt to impose censorship on the media, especially on investigative journalism. Here a journalist on the Indian Express and lndex's Asia specialist look at the Bill and the controversy it provoked.

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21

Prahassacitta, Vidya. "Penghakiman oleh Pers Nasional: Suatu Kritik atas Kebebasan Pers dalam Pemberitaan Perkara Tindak Pidana Korupsi". Humaniora 5, n.º 1 (30 de abril de 2014): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v5i1.3013.

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The 1998 reform in Indonesia has changed freedom press in Indonesia. Now press implements libertarian model which puts freedom first instead of responsibility. Previously, press implemented soviet communist model which put responsibility first instead of freedom. Fifteen years later, press in Indonesia has become political tool by the owner of the press company who has high position in political party participating in the 2014 election. This reflects on the disproportional news regarding corruption cases conducted by the government officer or parliament member from the contender party. Such news delivers not only facts but also misleading opinions to the society which creates trial by the press. In fact, presumption of innocent principle is a foundation for press reporting news as stipulated in Law No. 40 Year 1999 concerning Press and Journalistic Code of Conduct. In libertarian press there are always borders but such borders are not effective since the freedom of press in Indonesia is powerful. Article used qualitative and library research with secondary sources of law to gain a solution to this problem. Therefore, Press Board should maximize its function in supervising the implementation of presumption of innocent principle and to raise society awareness regarding the law supremacy. In the end, to fulfill press social responsibility, a press profession court shall be established to keep press independency.

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22

MOON, Jaewan. "A Constitutional Evaluation of the Basic Act on Press of 1980". Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 29, n.º 2 (31 de agosto de 2023): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2023.29.2.37.

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The Basic Act on Press of 1980 is widely regarded as the most repressive law of the 5th Republic of Korea, and this is unsurprising since it was enacted by the new military government that seized power though a coup. However, upon closer examination of the Basic Press Act's detrimental impact, the assessment becomes less straightforward. The clause on registration cancellation is the key factor leading to its classification as highly repressive, as granting the government the power to cancel media organizations' registration for overly broad reasons is inherently unconstitutional. Nevertheless, apart from this provision, it becomes difficult to label the remaining aspects of the Basic Press Act as entirely repressive. From the perspective of press freedom, the evaluation of the Basic Press Act is as follows: Firstly, the Basic Press Act makes a distinction between “freedom of expression,” which applies to individuals, and “freedom of the press,” which pertains to media entities. It is based on the theory that the state has an obligation to establish a system that grants privileges and responsibilities to mass media to safeguard press freedom. This theory was known as “the public function theory of the press” or “the institutional guarantee of free speech” at that time. Secondly, the Basic Press Act recognizes the growing influence of broadcasting as a major medium for achieving press freedom and institutionalizes the public broadcasting system. Thirdly, the Basic Press Act formally recognizes the right to know, which is a relatively new and highly commendable addition. A significant part of the Basic Press Act's framework still exists today. The functions of the Press Arbitration Commission and the Broadcasting Commission were even strengthened in the new laws that replaced the Basic Press Act in 1987 when the authoritarian government was collapsing. This indicates that the Basic Press Act deserved positive evaluations with respect to its content. The press freedom theory adopted by the Act bears the most similarity to the Newspaper Law and Press Arbitration Law enacted during the Roh Moo-hyun administration. The Basic Press Act's pursuit of the public function theory of the press found realization through the Newspaper Law, while the Basic Press Act's provisions for addressing media damage were implemented through the Press Arbitration Law. However, due to advancements in information and communication technology, the media landscape has undergone significant changes, rendering the inheritance of the Basic Press Act by the Newspaper Law outdated. It is commendable that the Newspaper Law was amended in 2010 to guarantee freedom of the press after the Constitutional Court ruled basic clauses of the Newspaper Law unconstitutional. The public function theory of the Basic Press Act was carried over to the Broadcasting Law. Considering the level of broadcasting and communication technology at the time of the 1987 replacement legislation, it was reasonable to incorporate the public function theory into the Broadcasting Law. However, despite technological advancements eliminating the unique characteristics of broadcasting, such as frequency limitations, it is also anachronistic that the Broadcasting Law still adheres to the public function theory. In today's media environment, where anyone can disseminate their thoughts, there should be no distinction between an individual's freedom of expression and the media's freedom of the press. It is time to bid farewell to the theoretical foundation of the Basic Press Act, the public function theory of the press.

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Reporters Sans Frontieres. "A day for freedom". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 3, n.º 2 (1 de novembro de 1996): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v3i2.588.

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On 3 May 1996, International Press Freedom Day, Reporters Sans Frontieres published its seventh Annual report on freedom of the press throughout the world, which gave an account of infringements of the right to be informed in 149 countries.

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Amrihani, Haresti Asysy, e Rajab Ritonga. "Freedom of the Press Regulations in Indonesia and Sweden: Limited but Free". Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 6, n.º 2 (3 de dezembro de 2021): 353–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v6i2.609.

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Freedom of the press regulations are adhered to by various countries, including Indonesia and Sweden. Every nation wants their country to be free, and uphold freedom of expression and human rights. Sweden is the first country to regulate freedom of expression by enacting Freedom of the Press Act in 1766, while Indonesia has so far implemented Law No. 40 of 1999 on the Press. This article highlights how freedom of the press is implemented in Indonesia so that its index of democracy and freedom of the press is equal to that of Sweden. This research applies a literature study method and uses secondary data from various books, journals and legislations. The researcher concludes that some groups encourage the revision of Law No. 40 of 1999 with certain conditions, while others are opposed to it. The other groups stated that the law is lex specialis derogate legi geneari and is used in case of press dispute so that journalists can no longer be imprisoned due to their profession.

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Bukar, Modu Alh Bukar, Mohammed Kaka e Mai Dunoma Zannah. "Press freedom and media ownership are factors that influence media performance: comparative analysis of these factors in USA and Nigeria". Technium Social Sciences Journal 1 (1 de dezembro de 2019): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v1i1.31.

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The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.

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Pearson, Mark. "Press freedom, social media and the citizen". Pacific Journalism Review 19, n.º 2 (31 de outubro de 2013): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i2.226.

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On 3 May, 2013, AUT University’s Pacific Media Centre marked the 20th anniversary of the UNESCO World Press Freedom Day with the inaugural event in New Zealand. The event was initiated by UNESCO’s Programme for Freedom of Expression, Democracy and Peace with the first seminar on ‘Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic African Media’ in Windhoek, Namibia, on 3 May, 1993. The journalists participating in that event drew up the Windhoek Declaration which highlighted that press freedom should be understood as a media system that is free, pluralistic and independent. They insisted that that this dispensation was essential for democracy and development. The Declaration became a landmark document in the fight for press freedom around the world. This address argues that new ethical codes of practice are now needed that are inclusive of serious bloggers and citizen journalists. The author of this address states: ‘The printing press spawned free expression’s offspring—the right of “press freedom”—as pamphleteers fought censorship by governments in the ensuing centuries. Events are unfolding much more quickly now. It would be an historic irony and a monumental shame if press freedom met its demise through the sheer pace of irresponsible truth-seeking and truth-telling today’.

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Brereton, Bridget. "Slavery, antislavery, freedom". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 76, n.º 1-2 (1 de janeiro de 2002): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002547.

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[First paragraph]Empire and Antislavery: Spain, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, 1833-1874. CHRISTOPHER SCHMIDT-NOWARA. Pittsburgh PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1999. xv + 239 pp. (Cloth US$ 50.00, Paper US$ 22.95)Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Postemancipation Societies. FREDERICK COOPER, THOMAS C. HOLT & REBECCA J. SCOTT. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. xiii + 198 pp. (Cloth US$ 34.95, Paper US$ 15.95)From Slavery to Freedom: Comparative Studies in the Rise andFall of Atlantic Slavery. SEYMOUR DRESCHER. New York: New York University Press, 1999. xxv + 454 pp. (Cloth US$ 45.00)Terms of Labor: Slavery, Serfdom, and Free Labor. STANLEY L. ENGERMAN (ed.). Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1999. vi + 350 pp. (Cloth US$ 55.00)These four books explore antislavery movements in the Atlantic world, and consider some of the consequences of abolition in postemancipation societies. They are immensely rich studies which engage one of the liveliest areas of enquiry in modern historiography - the transition from slavery to freedom in New World societies - and which represent U.S. historical scholarship at its finest. Each falls into a different category of academic publication.

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28

Brock, Gillian. "Basic Liberties and Global Justice". Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 19, n.º 02 (julho de 2006): 279–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004112.

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My primary goals in this article are to show: first, that we can identify and justify which basic freedoms are important ones to protect in the global context; second, that we can monitor whether we are making progress with respect to whether more or fewer people are enjoying the important freedoms; third, that we can identify some key institutions that play a central role in fortifying those freedoms; fourth, that we can help build or fortify local capacity with respect to protecting basic freedoms; fifth, that external support and building international institutions can play an important role in securing local capacity to protect basic liberties. The emphasis is on trying to construct local capacity to protect basic freedoms. However external support has a key role to play. I argue that protecting press freedom and building institutions of international justice play crucial roles in securing local capacity to protect basic liberties. We have obligations to support those institutions that would facilitate progress with respect to protection of basic liberties. So, for instance, we have a range of responsibilities to support press freedom in all countries, along with international efforts to bring to justice violators of basic liberties.

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Marda, Guruh, Zul Karnen e Caskiman Caskiman. "TRIAL BY THE PRESS DALAM FENOMENA PEMBERITAAN KASUS TERORISME DI INDONESIA". Jurnal Magister Ilmu Hukum 8, n.º 1 (28 de fevereiro de 2023): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/jmih.v8i1.1881.

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<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Trial By Press atau peradilan dengan penggunaan media yang bersifat publikasi massa adalah sebuah istilah bentuk peradilan yang dilakukan dengan melalui penulisan atau pembicaraan dari satu sisi pihak secara bias biasanya dilakukan dengan bantuan publikasi secara luas secara sadar dengan tidak membeberkan keseluruhan fakta yang ada dengan demikian menjadikan penulisan atau pembicaraan tersebut tidak tidak lagi berimbang dengan demikian berakibat menjadikan penulisan atau pembicaraan tersebut adalah bagaikan sebuah putusan. pascareformasi terjadi pergeseran dalam hukum pers di Indonesia. Pascareformasi pers nasional menganut prinsip kemerdekaan pers sebagaimana diatur dalam Undang-Undang No. 40 Tahun 1999 tentang Pers yang menjadi payung hukum bagi seluruh kegiatan pers di Indonesia. Dalam hal ini, tidak diperbolehkan dilakukan sensor dan pemberedelan terhadap semua produk pers. Meskipun demikian, tetap terdapat rambu-rambu hukum yang harus ditaati oleh pers dalam melaksanakan pemberitaannya. Terlebih saat ini telah muncul Undang-Undang No. 14 Tahun 2008 tentang Keterbukaan Informasi Publik. Dalam kerangka hukum pers dikenal konsep freedom of expression yang mencakup konsep freedom of press dan freedom of speech. Pers dalam arti sempit dikaitkan dengan konsep freedom of press.<br /><strong>Kata Kunci:</strong> Trial By Press, Undang-Undang No. 40 Tahun 1999</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong><br />Trial By Press or trial with the use of media that is mass publication is a term for a form of justice that is carried out by means of writing or discussion from one side of the party in a biased manner, usually carried out with the help of wide publications consciously by not disclosing all the facts that exist, thereby making the writing or the conversation is no longer out of balance, thus the result is making the writing or talk like a decision. post-reform there has been a shift in press law in Indonesia. Post-reformation, the national press adheres to the principle of press freedom as stipulated in Law no. 40 of 1999 concerning the Press which is the legal umbrella for all press activities in Indonesia. In this case, it is not permissible to censor and ban all press products. Even so, there are still legal signs that must be obeyed by the press in carrying out their reporting. Especially now that Law No. 14 of 2008 concerning Public Information Disclosure. Within the legal framework of the press, the concept of freedom of expression is known, which includes the concepts of freedom of press and freedom of speech. The press in a narrow sense is associated with the concept of freedom of press.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Trial By Press, Law No. 40 of 1999</p>

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Lim, Sung-Shil, Jin-Ha Yoon, Jeongbae Rhie, Suk Bae, Jihyun Kim e Jong-Uk Won. "The Relationship between Free Press and Under-Reporting of Non-Fatal Occupational Injuries with Data from Representative National Indicators, 2015: Focusing on the Lethality Rate of Occupational Injuries among 39 Countries". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 15, n.º 12 (14 de dezembro de 2018): 2856. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph15122856.

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The epidemiology of occupational injuries is reported worldwide, but suspicions of under-reporting prevail, probably associated with free press. We examined the association between freedom of the press and lethality rate of occupational injuries based on the most comprehensive International Labour Organization database on labour statistics (ILOSTAT) among 39 countries. The occupational injury indices, national indicators, and information on freedom of the press in 2015 were sourced from ILOSTAT, World Bank open data, World Health Organization and Freedom House. The lethality rate was the number of fatal occupational injuries per 10,000 total occupational injuries. The relationship among fatal and total occupation injury rates, lethality rate, and national statistics were analysed using Spearman’s rank correlation coefficients. Multivariable linear regression models with bootstrap estimation to manage non-normality determined freedom of the press associated with lethality rate. Freedom of the press was significantly correlated with fatal and total occupational injury rate and lethality rate of occupational injuries. Adjusting for national indicators, only freedom of the press was associated with lethality rate per 10,000 occupational injuries in the report of ILOSTAT. The lethality rate of occupational injury reported by each country might not reflect the actual lethality, but under-reported nonfatal occupational injuries, probably relating to freedom of the press.

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Khan, Rachel. "Philippine journalists’ perspectives on press freedom: The impact of international media campaigns". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 28, n.º 1 & 2 (31 de julho de 2022): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v28i1and2.1244.

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Legally, press freedom in the Philippines is protected by the 1987 Constitution. However, media laws in the country, especially those referring to freedom of the expression and the press, tend to be inconsistent and volatile. In fact, the country continues to be low ranking in the Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index. In response to attacks on press freedom, international media organisations have stepped up to defend and support the Philippine press. Drawing from data gathered through 20 semi-structured indepth interviews with Filipino journalists, this study sought to examine the effect of the government hostility against media on journalists’ perception of press freedom and their attitude towards interventions from international media organisations and coalitions. More specifically, it looks at the impact (or lack thereof) of global media coalitions and foreign media organisations in the country. Findings show that local media are appreciative of the support given by international media organisations in promoting media freedom in the country. However, journalists also noted that when only one segment of the media is targeted, it can lead to divisiveness among local media practitioners.

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Zaffiro, James J., e Gunilla L. Faringer. "Press Freedom in Africa". International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, n.º 2 (1993): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219576.

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Fair, Jo Ellen, e Gunilla L. Faringer. "Press Freedom in Africa". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, n.º 1 (1994): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485847.

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Feinstein, Adam. "Fighting for Press Freedom". Journal of Democracy 6, n.º 1 (1995): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1995.0006.

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Campagna, Joel. "Press Freedom in Jordan". Middle East Report, n.º 206 (1998): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012482.

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Nordenstreng, Kaarle. "Myths About Press Freedom". Brazilian Journalism Research 3, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2007): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/bjr.v3n1.2007.97.

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Miller, Seumas. "Freedom of the press". Politikon 22, n.º 1 (junho de 1995): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589349508705013.

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Gunaratne, Shelton A. "Freedom of the Press". Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 64, n.º 4 (agosto de 2002): 343–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/174804850206400403.

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DeMott, John Edward. "Press Freedom in Africa." American Journalism 10, n.º 1-2 (janeiro de 1993): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.1993.10731513.

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Mizuno, Takeya. "Press Freedom in theEnemy’sLanguage". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 93, n.º 1 (8 de outubro de 2015): 204–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699015607337.

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Logue, Susan. "Freedom of the Press". Technical Services Quarterly 14, n.º 2 (6 de novembro de 1996): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j124v14n02_03.

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42

Karikari, Kwame. "Press freedom in Africa". New Economy 11, n.º 3 (setembro de 2004): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0041.2004.00362.x.

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Suran, Melissa, e Danielle K. Kilgo. "Freedom from the Press?" Journalism Studies 18, n.º 8 (dezembro de 2015): 1035–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670x.2015.1111160.

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Baker, William F. "Freedom of the Press". European Review 17, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2009): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798709000581.

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The US media are undergoing a massive transformation, approaching a crisis in journalism, which may portend similar issues in Europe and the rest of the world. Historically, most professional journalism has been done by the print media, especially newspapers. Today, American newspapers are in a state of collapse with circulation dropping at a rapid rate and profitability going to nil or negative. This business is leading to an information crisis that is already having effects on the society and will likely become even more profound, polarizing and perhaps misinforming an entire nation. Print journalists have been the primary suppliers to the electronic media, including television and the internet. This article supplements a speech given at the American Academy in Berlin in May, 2008. It summarizes US media metrics and raises issues of concern about the sustainability of serious journalism in America. While the internet has been the cause of this dilemma, the author sees no economic model that will allow the web in the short term to support major, serious reporting at a large scale. Is the rest of the world about to experience a similar crisis or are media models different enough to avoid such a dramatic fall? This article reflects Baker’s view as a longtime media executive and an academic.

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45

Anyadike, Nnamdi. "What Price Press Freedom?" Index on Censorship 14, n.º 2 (abril de 1985): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533871.

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‘Decree Four’ makes it an offence for any person to report or publish information that is false in any material particular, or that brings the government or officials into ridicule or disrepute. The onus of proof rests on the person accused.

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46

Pocock, Lesley. "Freedom of the Press". Middle East Journal of Business 14, n.º 2 (maio de 2019): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5742/mejb.2019.93646.

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Lee, Jae-kyoung. "Press Freedom and Democratization". Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 59, n.º 2 (abril de 1997): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549297059002004.

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Suriyanto, Suriyanto. "The Function of the Press Council in Supporting Legal Protection for Journalists to Actualise the Press Freedom". Journal of Politics and Law 13, n.º 1 (29 de fevereiro de 2020): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n1p104.

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The Press Law established in 1999 as one of the main agenda for reform is a step forward in the effort to actualize press freedom, which is one of the important pillars in a democratic country. The Press Law introduces several things that are intended to strengthen press freedom as well as the quality of journalistic works. Among them are the participation of the community in supervising the press and the functions of the Press Council to receive complaints from the community and to establish and enforce the journalistic code of ethics with the press organization. However, until now the efforts to continue criminalization against journalists in Indonesia. Law enforcers still do not have a unified view that is in accordance with the spirit of democracy to realize press freedom in Indonesia. This was mainly driven by the practice of state legislation that sets out other laws, such as the ITE Law and the Pornography Law after the Press Law which contains provisions that open multiple interpretations of the provisions of the Press Law. The role of the Press Council in legal protection for journalists has also not been seen and it is as if it has become a new institution that repressed journalists.

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Habib, Khalil M. "PERSECUTION AND THE ART OF FREEDOM: ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE ON THE IMPORTANCE OF FREE PRESS AND FREE SPEECH IN DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY". Social Philosophy and Policy 37, n.º 2 (2020): 190–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505252100011x.

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AbstractAccording to Tocqueville, the freedom of the press, which he treats as an extension of the freedom of speech, is a primary constituent element of liberty. Tocqueville treats the freedom of the press in relation to and as an extension of the right to assemble and govern one’s own affairs, both of which he argues are essential to preserving liberty in a free society. Although scholars acknowledge the importance of civil associations to liberty in Tocqueville’s political thought, they routinely ignore the importance he places on the freedom of the press and speech. His reflections on the importance of the free press and speech may help to shed light on the dangers of recent attempts to censor the press and speech.

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Sumarwan, Untung, Arief Hidayat e Lita Tyesta. "Amendments to Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 40 of 1999 Concerning the Press: Between Needs and Obligations". Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 8, n.º 1 (25 de junho de 2023): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v8i1.826.

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Amendments to the law, as a manifestation of legal politics designed to promote public contentment is inevitable. The theory of law stipulates the significance of developments that are deemed highly necessary. Problems arose when the government of Indonesia's agenda to amend Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning the press raised concerns about the threat of oppression in the media. This study aims to determine the urgency of amending the Press Law to realize press freedom in Indonesia. This study used a qualitative method through literature studies and interviews with practitioners. The results of this study showed that Law Number 40 of 1999 concerning the Press is a legitimate tool for press freedom at this time. It can be stated that the substance of Law No. 40 of 1999 regarding the Press is still relatively accommodating democracy in terms of ensuring freedom of opinion as human rights. However, the dominance of the media company as the capital owner will limit press freedom, necessitating a structure that can finally separate the company from the press product. In the end, the success of Law Number 40 of 1999 pertaining to the Press must be evaluated based on institutions, enforcement, and the legal culture of the society.

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