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1
Tertychna, Anna. "The Bulgarian National Minority in Ukraine in Bulgaria-Ukraine Relations: The Impact on Ukraine’s Image in Bulgaria". Diplomatic Ukraine, n.º XX (2019): 520–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-32.
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The article deals with the issues of observance of the rights of the Bulgarian national minority in Ukraine as an element of forming a positive image of Ukraine in Bulgaria. The issue of the rights and freedoms of ethnic Bulgarians in Bessarabia first arose in the bilateral relations between the Ukrainian people’s Republic and the Kingdom of Bulgaria after the establishment of diplomatic relations in accordance with the Ukraine-Bulgaria Supplementary Treaty of 12 February 1918. The informational explanation of the UNR’s open policy on national minorities immediately became an integral part of the activities of the first Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Sofia. Ethnic Bulgarians won the right to revive the study of their native language, history, and identity only after the restoration of Ukraine’s independence in 1991. In particular, the non-governmental sector has played a significant role in shaping Bulgaria’s state policy towards foreign Bulgarians. The article analyses the existing Ukraine-Bulgaria agreements that regulate relations between Ukraine and Bulgaria in the issue of the rights of Bulgarian and Ukrainian citizens of Ukrainian origin, as well as the legislative framework of Bulgaria in the field of state policy towards foreign Bulgarians. Despite the sensitivity of the Bulgarian society to the topic of foreign Bulgarians in Ukraine, which was and still is their largest and oldest historical Diaspora, the guarantee of the rights of ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious identity of persons of Bulgarian nationality and Ukrainian nationality is enshrined in the Ukrainian-Bulgarian international treaties. The article highlights the impact of the issue of the Bulgarian national minority on the political dialogue between Ukraine and Bulgaria. Special attention is paid to the issues of ensuring the language rights of Ukrainian ethnic Bulgarians in the context of recent changes in Ukrainian legislation. Keywords: Ukraine, Bulgaria, Ukraine-Bulgaria relations, rights of the national Bulgarian minority, positive image of Ukraine.
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Mironova, Elena Mihaylovna. "Representation of the Council of ambassadors of the Russian diaspora in Bulgaria (1919–1940)". Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 33, n.º 1 (2023): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2023.110.
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The article is based on materials previously not used in the scientific circulation and highlights the dramatic history of the creation, activities, and closure of the Russian non-bolshevik representation in Bulgaria. The Russian Foreign Diplomatic Corps was the only remnant of the old state apparatus that survived the October Revolution in Russia (1917). The embassy in Sofia became a part of it at the end of 1919, after Bulgaria’s withdrawal from World War I. The article clarifies the circumstances and personal composition of the Representation. The embassy played an important role in the formation of the Russian refugee colony and was closed at the very beginning of 1923. The article identifies the causes of the crisis in relations between the Bulgarian authorities and the embassy, its development, assesses its collapse and shows the hard work that was aimed at preserving the informal non-bolshevik representation. The new representative of the Council of Russian Ambassadors in Bulgaria was B. S. Serafimov. Over two decades he defended the interests of the Russian colony there.
3
Bogomolova, Daria Konstantinovna. "Serbian-Montenegrin relations and the prospect of the creation of the Balkan Union in 1904-1905". Исторический журнал: научные исследования, n.º 3 (março de 2024): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2024.3.70835.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the prospects for the creation of the Balkan Union in 1904-1905, the idea of which arose under the influence of the aggravation of the international political situation in connection with the Eastern question, as well as due to the beginning of the Ilinden uprising in Macedonia. This was the first attempt in the twentieth century by young Slavic states to unite and coordinate joint foreign policy goals in the fight against the Ottoman Empire. The main sources of research are the diplomatic documents of the Balkan countries, as well as reports from Russian diplomats, the analysis of which led to the conclusion that the agreements reached during the negotiations between Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro, although they did not lead to the final formation of the alliance, still played a major role in the future and formed the basis of the Balkan Union of 1912-1913. They also stressed the role of the Russian Empire as an arbitrator in inter-Balkan relations. The main focus of the article is on analyzing the Serbian-Montenegrin negotiations aimed at concluding a union treaty between the countries and strengthening bilateral relations, which became possible after the change of the ruling dynasty in Serbia. Despite the fact that at first Serbian and Montenegrin politicians highly appreciated the importance of possible agreements, later negotiations failed due to serious disagreements between the parties on the issue of future territorial delimitation in the event of victory over the Ottoman Empire and the inability to work out a compromise text of the treaty. The conducted research made it possible to significantly complement and expand the picture of the Serbian-Montenegrin and inter-Balkan negotiations of 1904-1905 and to conclude that during this period conditions had not yet developed for rapprochement and coordination of foreign policy goals between the Slavic countries of the Balkan peninsula, and the beginning of negotiations on the formation of the Balkan Union was dictated to a greater extent by the temporary aggravation of the situation in connection with the uprising in Macedonia.
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Piskova, Mariyana. "TRACING THE ARCHIVAL SOURCES OF THE FRENCH FEATURE FILM “ANDRANIK” ABOUT THE ARMENIANS IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR(1928)". History and Archives, n.º 2 (2021): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-2-126-140.
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The first and still the only film about Andranik Ozanian (1865– 1927) was shot during the summer of 1928 in Bulgaria. Who financed and created the movie, why did the director Archavir Chakhatouny (1882–1957) choose Bulgaria for the scenes in the open, why wasn’t the film shown in Soviet Armenia and how did it get to Yerevan – those are part of the questions the paper will try to answer. To that end the author searched for the archival documents in the archives and museums of Armenia and Bulgaria. The richest source is the personal fund of the Armenian emigrant in Paris Arshavir Shakhatuni (1882–1957). After his death, the documents were transferred to the Yeghishe Charents Museum of Literature and Arts in Yerevan. Among them, a special place is occupied by biographical documents, documents about theatrical roles and roles in cinema, which he performed, materials about early cinema and the history of the creation of the film “Andranik”. The National Archives of Armenia keeps the documents which detail the participation of Chakhatouny in the First World War and in the government of the First Armenian Republic (1918–1920) as the commandant and chief of police of Yerevan. The most valuable source is the film “Andranik” which was received by the State Archives of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) in 1972. During the period, the name of Andranik was banned until the end of the 80s of the 20th century. There was censorship and contradicting assessments of Andranik by Armenians and Azerbaijanis (“hero” or “enemy”) were “concealed”. For this reason, the film might have got into Armenia through the Armenian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, founded by the resolution of the Communist Party of the ASSR. The official activity of the Society was related to the cultural events abroad but in fact it was used to gather information about the political emigrants. In the Bulgarian archives one may find the archive “traces” of Chakhatouny’s performances on the Bulgarian theatrical scenes and also his correspondence with the actor Georgi Stamatov (1893–1965), that documents contain the valuable data on the history of the film creation. Thanks to the archives, the film ‘Andranik’ can be seen and the story of its creation and distribution in the past century can be reproduced.
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Vlasenko, V. M. "TO EPISTOLARY BY KOST’ MATSIYEVYCH AND ANDRIY NIKOVSKY IN 1920-1921". Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), n.º 60 (2022): 5–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2022.60.1.
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In the published documents (18 letters and 3 telegrams), which are kept in the fund 3696 «The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian People's Republic, 1918-1924» in the Central state archive of highest authorities and management of Ukraine, the information is provided about the activities of Ukrainian diplomats Kost’ Matsiyevych and Andriy Nikovsky. At that time the first one headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the latter was the head of the UPR extraordinary diplomatic mission in Romania. The documents cover the period from April 7, 1920 to November 21, 1921. The sender of 13 letters and 2 telegrams is Kost’ Matsiyevych while the author of 5 letters and 1 telegram is Andriy Nikovsky. The documents concern a wide range of foreign policy issues on the eve and during the first year of the UPR government’s immigration. The most important problems mentioned there include the following items: financing the activities of the UPR government, the Ukrainian delegation at the Prague Peace Conference, the Ukrainian embassy in Turkey, the UPR extraordinary diplomatic mission in Romania, the UPR military mission in Romania; the return of prisoners of war, World War I disabled persons and refugees; negotiations about the joint actions of the UPR army and Wrangel’s “Russian army” against the Bolsheviks; the imposition of the UPR embassy in Bulgaria governor’s duties on Kost’ Matsiyevych; the development of relations with Bulgaria, Poland and Romania, the review of the political and social-economic situation in those countries; the issue of the UPR’s joining the League of Nations, discussing the Ukrainian issue in the League of Nations; the supply of arms and ammunition to Ukraine; the implementation of the cultural diplomacy; ensuring the tour of the Ukrainian republican choir’s headed by O. Koshits; providing the organizational and financial support for the Bessarabian group during the second winter military campaign of the UPR army; termination of the UPR diplomatic mission in Romania activities and its functions transfer to the Civilian assistance of Ukrainian immigration committee.
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Zakharchenko, Petro. "Russia's sanctions policy in the context of the First World War". Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, n.º 68 (24 de março de 2022): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.68.1.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the sanctions policy of the Russian Empire towards the countries that were its opponents in the First World War. Such states included Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, which joined forces in the military bloc of the Central Powers to fight the Allies.
The victories of the member states of the Entente bloc were forged not only on the fronts, but also achieved through the partial or complete abolition of trade, financial and economic relations with the countries of the Fourth Bloc. The aim of this paper is to study and comprehend the experience of imposing sanctions by the Russian Empire against states that participated in the war against it during the war of 1914-1918. , which is waging a long-running hybrid war with Ukraine. The article demonstrates an example of an adequate response of state institutions to encroachment on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. It has been proved that immediately after the start of hostilities, measures were taken against the subjects of the states fighting against Russia to limit their legal capacity and legal capacity. They could be deported both outside the country and outside its individual localities.
These people were allowed to enter Russia only with the permission of the relevant authorities. Merchant ships of countries fighting against Russia, seized in Russian ports, were detained. Merchant ships built for foreign countries were confiscated and converted for military purposes.
Investment policy has also been revised. This is confirmed by the approval by the Russian emperor in 1915 of the Regulations on the Liquidation of Trade Enterprises Belonging to Enemy Citizens, which referred to the liquidation of enterprises and joint-stock companies that co-owned with Russian nationals. It is noteworthy that only those enterprises that operated at the expense of German, Austrian, Hungarian or Turkish investments were subject to liquidation. Other normative legal acts abolished the right of ownership of land of the same group of foreign citizens.
The result of the scientific article was the conclusion that by applying the emergency legislation, the Russian government did everything possible to prevent national security from financing the citizens of those countries that were at war with it.
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Zarković, Vesna. "Diplomatic activities and meetings between Petar I Karadjordjević and Nikolai II Romanov on the eve of the Balkan wars". Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, n.º 4 (2021): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-35362.
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The May coup and the change of dynasties in the Kingdom of Serbia brought the state into an unenviable position. The aggressive Austro-Hungarian policy, which endangered Serbian interests, came to the fore. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the mood that was present in the diplomatic circles of Austria-Hungary forced the Kingdom of Serbia to become active in the foreign policy field and get closer to Russia. Although there was a need and initiative of politicians in Serbia to organize a meeting between King Petar I Karadjordjević and Russian Tsar Nikolai II Alexandrovich Romanov, this idea did not materialize. Russia was busy in the war with Japan, but after resolving the issue in the East, it became more actively involved in the events in the Balkans. At that time, Russian plans related to San Stefano Bulgaria were an obstacle in the rapprochement between the Kingdom of Serbia and Russia. The ruler of Bulgaria Ferdinand pursued a changing policy that could very easily lead to rapprochement with AustriaHungary. In contrast, relations between Serbia and Austria-Hungary had strained, prompting Serbian diplomats to ask the Russian side for a meeting between the two rulers. The Government of the Kingdom of Serbia received great support from Nikola Hartving, the Russian ambassador to Belgrade who was appointed to this post in 1909. His understanding of Balkan issues coincided with Serbian interests. Thanks to the engagement of the Russian ambassador, but also thanks to Serbian diplomacy, for the first time in 1910, King Petar I Karadjordjević and Tsar Nikolai II met in Petrograd. Along with numerous politicians, the King was accompanied on that trip by Nikola Pašić and Milovan Milovanović, who asked the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alexandar Petrovich Izvolsky, for support in concluding the Balkan Alliance. At that moment, Izvolsky stated for the first time that injustice had been done to Serbia by the San Stefano Treaty and expressed the need to change it. Such an attitude of Russian diplomacy paved the way for Serbia's reliance on Russia, which represented its support for the creation of a Balkan alliance.
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Zarković, Vesna. "Visit of King Peter I Karađorđević to Constantinople in 1910". Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 53, n.º 1 (2023): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp53-41161.
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The visit of King Petar I Karađorđević to the Turkish sultan is one of the eight visits in modern Serbian history. Seven meetings of Serbian rulers with sultans took place in Constantinople, except for one that took place in Bulgaria. In the visits made before 1878, the Serbian rulers went as vassals. The meeting between the Serbian king and Sultan Mehmed V Rešad in 1910 was the third in a row since Serbia became an independent state. King Petar I Karađorđević spent the second half of March and the first half of April 1910 travelling. First, he visited Russia, then Constantinople, Mount Athos, and finally Thessaloniki. The trip lasted a little over 24 days, six of which he spent in Constantinople. The Serbian delegation led by the king was warmly received by the sultan, the common people, and the Christian population living in the Turkish capital. Upon their return, the members of the delegation were convinced that Turkey would remain on the path of improving Serbian-Turkish relations, friendly agreement, and strengthening of economic relations. This intention was highlighted in the official statement of the Porte published on the occasion of the visit of the Serbian king. In the announcement, it was expressly emphasized that a complete agreement was reached at the conferences of the foreign ministers of the two countries and that the Turkish side will grant Serbian wishes for strengthening economic and trade relations. It was of great importance for the Kingdom of Serbia to remove the obstacles that existed until that time regarding the construction of the Adriatic railway. In addition, practical results were achieved because Turkish officials expressed their readiness for the greatest possible benefits that would contribute to the export of Serbian goods through Thessaloniki. The visit to Constantinople brought success in the issues regarding religion as well, because after four years of resistance, the Patriarchate and the Synod, just before the king's arrival, accepted the election of the Serb Varnava Rosić as bishop of the Veles-Debar eparchy. The meeting of the two rulers received great attention in the diplomatic circles of European countries, especially Austria-Hungary. The relations between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire, apart from the economic aspect, soon fell into the shadows due to the Albanian riots and rebellions that engulfed the entire Kosovo vilayet. In that case too, the Serbian state tried not to interfere in Turkey's internal affairs.
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Milchev, Volodymyr, e Viktor Filas. "Ivan Shterev’s memoirs as a source for studying the self-identification of the population living north of the Azov Sea in the 1920s–1930s under conditions of multiculturalism". JOURNAL OF ETHNOLOGY AND CULTUROLOGY 31 (2022): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/rec.2022.31.08.
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The article is devoted to the study of the informational content of the records of Ivan Shterev (1910–1989), a native of the Bulgarian village of Inzovka, located in the Northern Azov Sea (Tavria) – “The Shterev family. Autobiographical Memoirs”. Their text shows the main trends in the mutual influences of the main ethnic groups of the region. It makes it possible to study specific manifestations of an antagonistic and complementary nature in interethnic relations and the role of the Sovietization factor of the Bulgarian village in southern Ukraine in the interpenetration of cultures. The influence of the education factor on the formation of foreign and supranational identities among the Bulgarian youth of the region is established. Based on broad empirical material, the penetration of the so-called "new socialist way of life" into the traditional Bulgarian peasant environment is studied: the assimilation of national clothes, forms of leisure, a shift in the emphasis of life strategies. Particular attention is paid to the perception of "strangers" (non-Bulgarians) – the author himself, his relatives and the closest circle. The death of xenophobia and the spread of the ideas of internationalism among the Sovietized youth of the Bulgarian village are shown.
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Ambartsumyan, Karine, e Lyudmila Velichko. "“...The Time Has Come to Put an End to the Armenian Issue Once and for All”: The Problem of the Armenian Vilayets of the Ottoman Empire in the International Agenda in 1894–1912". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 5 (novembro de 2023): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.5.10.
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Introduction. The interest in the “Armenian issue” is linked to the current international agenda and the impact of significant historical events on it, such as the genocide of 1915. Methods and materials. The interdisciplinary principle determines the use of traditional historical approaches (historical-genetic and historical-comparative) and international relations theories (defensive realism) simultaneously. The sources contain the published documents and publicism, as well as the archival documents of the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the State Archives of the Russian Federation. Analysis. Starting with the signing of the Berlin Treaty and the introduction of an article into it obliging Ottoman Porte to reform the management of the Armenian population, the inclusion of the “Armenian issue” in the foreign policy agenda of European states began. At the same time, the responsibility for the reforms carried out by the Ottomans was collective, and the leadership of Russia in this matter was considered impossible. Collectivity was the reason for the erosion of responsibility; the Sultan was not actually made to reform. With the beginning of the “Hamid pogroms” in 1894, the “Armenian issue” threatened the balanced position of the powers in relation to the Ottoman Empire and actualized the issue of the Ottoman Porte’s responsibility for reforms in the Armenian vilayets. Obviously, Russia could be the most effective. France, Germany, and Italy initially did not plunge into this problem; in Asian Turkey, the main actors were still Great Britain and Russia. Results. Neither England nor Russia dared to act decisively, but they did not want to give in to each other either. For the British, control of the straits and the dominance of Russia in the Middle East were unacceptable. On the other hand, Russia was afraid to create a “second Bulgaria” near the Caucasian border. Therefore, the “Armenian issue”, complicated by rivalry, went through a cycle on the international agenda, as a result of which Russia returned to dominance in its solution after 1908. The contribution of the authors to the writing of the article is related to the research by L.N. Velichko on European and Ottoman Porte’s policy in resolving the “Armenian issue”, K.R. Ambartsumyan has dealt with the evolution of Russia’s position and explored the factors that influenced its change.
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Gorcheva, T. "Foreign Investment in Bulgaria". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 7 (2001): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2001-7-103-108.
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Podchasov, Nikolay. "TURKISH INFLUENCE ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY OF BULGARIA". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 28, n.º 4 (31 de agosto de 2022): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420225162.
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The article analyzes the Bulgarian-Turkish relations from the late 2000’s to the early 2020’s. The author insists on the presence of patterns, specific to this stage of bilateral relations. Sofia's readiness to act as a «lobbyist» for Ankara’s interests in the EU is noted. The significant influence of internal political processes in Bulgaria on the nature of its relations with Turkey is emphasized. In particular, the paper indicates a decrease in the level of Bulgarian-Turkish contacts after the end of the period of rule of the party «Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria» (CEDB) in 2021. The important role of the Turkish diaspora in Bulgaria and Bulgarian citizens of Turkish origin living in Turkey in the relations between Ankara and Sofia is also recorded. Attention is drawn to the attempts of the Turkish authorities to use these social groups to promote their own goals. The emphasis is placed on the independent behavior of the political elite of the Bulgarian Turks and on their ability to resist the desires of the leadership of the neighboring country, despite the existence of close economic and cultural ties. It is also stated, that there is a causal link between the struggle of the leaders of the Turkish ethnic minority in Bulgaria for their independence from Ankara’s policies and the crisis of Bulgarian-Turkish relations in 2015–2016.
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Stamatović, Aleksandar. "Montenegrin–Bulgarian Relations before and during the First Balkan War". Transylvanian Review 32, n.º 4 (19 de fevereiro de 2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.4.08.
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This article discusses Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations before the First Balkan War, which Montenegro and Bulgaria, together with their allies Serbia and Greece, waged against Turkey. Montenegrin–Bulgarian relations improved from 1878 to 1912. These two states had no territorial conflicts, but both were conscious that war against Turkey would be essential if they were to liberate the Balkans from the Ottoman occupation that had lasted five centuries. There was also an emotional basis for this idea of a war. Both countries were Slavic, a feature also shared by Russia, the protector of the Balkan League. Russia wanted to expel the Ottoman state from the Balkans. The Balkan League of States under its patronage was against the thesis of the Central Powers. The way events turned out at the end of the First Balkan War, as well as the fact that Montenegro was ethnically closer to Serbia than to Bulgaria, led to Montenegro going to war against Bulgaria in 1913, although Montenegro had no particular benefit from that war.
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Ungureanu, George Daniel. "Romania, Bulgaria and the Dobrujan Issue in the First Year of the Great War (1914-1915)". Open Journal for Studies in History 5, n.º 2 (28 de dezembro de 2022): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0502.02021u.
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The problem of the Dobrujan land frontier between the Bulgarian and Romanian national states, which officially came up after the San Stefano and Berlin (1878) peace treaties and was aggravated by the Peace of Bucharest (1913), dominated the bilateral relations for a few decades. The hereby study focuses on the period August 1914 – September 1915, when both South-Eastern European states were neutral towards the Great War. This context led to various proposals, projects and scenarios concerning the Romanian-Bulgarian relations and implicitly related to the fate of Dobruja. Our effort deals with three levels: the positions of the Great Powers, their relations with Bucharest and Sofia, and the direct relations between the two South-Eastern European states. Chronologically, this period is divided into several stages, marked by the Ottoman Empire’s entry in the war (1 November 1914), the deadlock of the negotiations between Bulgaria and the Entente (March 1915), Italy’s option to renounce neutrality (23 May 1915) and the onset of the final talks concerning Bulgaria’s option to join the Central Powers (July 1915). Among the most relevant sources, we need to mention the Romanian Military Archives from Piteşti and the works of synthesis written by the Bulgarian historians Georgi Markov, Ivan Ilčev and Žeko Popov, dealing with the period 1913-1919.
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Šabotić, Sait Š. "Utjecaj austro-ugarskih planova o izgradnji Sandžačke željeznice na Bihor i Novopazarski sandžak". Historijski pogledi 6, n.º 10 (15 de novembro de 2023): 72–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.72.
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The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway would necessarily impose. Furthermore, it is essential to mention how the realization of the “Novi Pazar Railway” would have affected the ethnic and religious dynamics in the Bihor district and the broader area. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire intervened with Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph and Count Goluchowski on several occasions to abandon the plan to build the “Novi Pazar Railway,” as the Russian government maintained the same view it had expressed in 1900. Austro-Hungary eventually agreed, leaving only a political influence supported by the propaganda activities of secret services. This work serves as a foundation for further research and discussions on this topic.
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Rodionova, M. E. "Dynamics of Bilateral Cooperation between Russia and Bulgaria at the Present stage". Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, n.º 6 (10 de fevereiro de 2020): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-95-99.
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The purpose of this article is to examine Bulgarian-Russian relations. The author provided a detailed analysis of some economic areas of bilateral cooperation, taking into account transformations in the international system, European sanctions, and scientific prerequisites for further development. The material presents a brief analysis of the course of the recent mutual meetings of the heads of state, as well as their representatives. The author also considers the prerequisites for the formation of diplomatic relations between Russia and Bulgaria. The author expresses the opinion that there exists a positive vector of development of political dialogue with regards to the analysis of the leading parties in Bulgaria and cultural similarity of countries. The author paid particular attention to trade and economic cooperation, using official statistics of the Federal Customs Service of Russia are given (based on the report on foreign trade between Russia and Bulgaria in 2018: trade, exports, imports, structure, goods, dynamic). Russia ranked sixth in the number of foreign tourists visiting Bulgaria. Therefore, the sphere of tourism in bilateral relations needs more detailed review. The decline for 2018 can only be attributed to the World Cup in Russia, intense competition from other areas, as well as the fluctuation of the exchange rate of ruble. The author considered business forums such as, for example, “Bulgarian Business Day in Russia: Bulgaria — a bridge to the European Union” and cooperation in the field of education and science, with Financial University as the leading partner of the Bulgarian universities. The author discussed some issues of regional cooperation within the framework of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) as the platform for dialogue between the countries. The material is dedicated to the celebration of 140 years of diplomatic relations between Russia and Bulgaria.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914". Knowledge International Journal 28, n.º 7 (10 de dezembro de 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914". Knowledge International Journal 28, n.º 7 (10 de dezembro de 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Burdjak, Vira. "Changes in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Bulgaria under the Russian Influence". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n.º 40 (15 de dezembro de 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.34-41.
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The article explores changes in the foreign policy of the Republic of Bulgaria, which began with the transformation of the political regime in the state and the establishment of a democratic political system. At the turn of the century, Bulgaria became a member of influential international organizations – NATO and the European Union. Bulgarian officials have stepped up their relations with NATO officials and the military departments of the Allies. The Russian war in Ukraine has transformed RB into a “frontal zone” of the EU and NATO, increased its strategic importance, strengthened the desire of the politicians of the Republic of Bulgaria to seek guarantees of their security in the United States. However in the last six years, under the influence of a Russian factor, Bulgaria often takes other positions, different from the NATO and EU common line, in particular, seeking to re-establish traditional close ties with Moscow, advocates a good and constructive dialogue with the Russian Federation, in the European arena, stands for softening sanctions and giving the European Union a position more pragmatic about Russia.
Keywords: Republic of Bulgaria, NATO, European Union, Ukraine, Russian Federation, Russian factor, sanctions.
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Lisanin, Mladen. "Regional position of Serbia in light of foreign policy relations with its “old neighbors”". Medjunarodni problemi 69, n.º 4 (2017): 483–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704483l.
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Due to turbulent circumstances and controversial heritage in regard to the breakup of ex-Yugoslavia, regional position of Serbia is, within academic as well as the wider public, most often observed in the context of its relations with the ?new? neighbors - the states that have emerged from the breakup of the former common country. This is in part because of constant tensions in the relations with ex-Yugoslav states, but also due to the political agenda of Western actors, which sets the framework for regional integration processes through the concept of ?Western Balkans?. Foreign policy relations of Serbia with its ?old? neighbors (most notably, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, given that Albania has a distinct status as a de facto interested party in the dispute regarding the status of Kosovo and Metohija), nonetheless, remain at least just as important element of Serbia?s regional position. It is the author?s intention to point towards determinants of the foreign policy of Serbia, as factors that work, or are visible, through relations with Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. This will be observed in the context of bilateral and multilateral, formal and informal foreign policy connections and relations. The conclusion, in the form of a recommendation, is that international political dynamics in the ?Western Balkans? should not completely avert research attention away from Serbian relations with its non-Yugoslav neighbors.
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Banchev, Biser. "Bulgarian Foreign Policy and Recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina". Historijski pogledi 7, n.º 11 (6 de outubro de 2024): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.11.318.
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This paper explains that Bulgaria took the responsibility to be the only country to recognise the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina already in January 1992, with the deep conviction that only in this way equality could be achieved between all former Yugoslav republics, and specifically for Bosnia and Herzegovina – the impending tragedy could be prevented. The chronological framework of the article presents Bulgarian foreign policy from the mid-1980s to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood in April 1992. In the early 1990s Bulgaria had a special interest and a specific concern regarding the process of rethinking the existing relations between the detached republics in the multinational Yugoslav federation. When negotiations on the future of Yugoslavia ended in failure in the spring of 1991, the Bulgarian Foreign Ministry developed a new approach in relations with Yugoslavia. The emphasis shifted from contacts with the leadership of the federation to contacts with the leaderships of the republics. As soon as Croatia and Slovenia declared their independence on June 25, 1991, the official Bulgarian position followed that of the European Community (EC), which had initially advocated the preservation of the Yugoslav federation. At the same time, Sofia expressed its principled view that the individual Yugoslav republics were free to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. Already during the early autumn of 1991, Sofia officially received guests at government level from Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia. After them, Bulgaria’s attention turned to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bulgarian ambassador in Belgrade visited Sarajevo on 22 and 23 October 1991. He held an impressive number of meetings covering the whole spectrum of state and party institutions. At the end of 1991 Bulgaria was preparing to establish full relations with the Yugoslav republics. It was ready to recognise their independence, but it had stated an official position that it would synchronise concrete steps in this respect with the moves of the EC. The positions of Turkey and Greece were also important for Bulgaria. On January 13, 1992, the Bulgarian Foreign Ministry decided to include Bosnia and Herzegovina „in a package” with the other Yugoslav republics to be recognised as independent states. The Bulgarian government’s decision was officially announced on 15 January 1992. Some Bulgarian politicians had some concerns about Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had not even yet held a referendum on secession from Yugoslavia. The opinion of the Bulgarian Prime Minister Philip Dimitrov was decisive: „It was more beneficial for me to look incompetent in constitutional and legal terms on the issue of Bosnia than to create a mess for me and be one of the people who encouraged Milosevic to enter Bosnia”. Although it claimed that it was relying on the criteria adopted by the EC, Bulgaria actually went much further than the EC, which only recognised Slovenia and Croatia. Sofia’s recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina was symbolically important because it came in a moment of rising extreme internal conflict when the whole of Europe was silent and hesitant how to react.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "North Macedonia and its Neighbours: Challenges and Perspectives". Croatian International Relations Review 25, n.º 85 (1 de novembro de 2019): 90–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2019-0007.
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Abstract In this paper, the author has analysed the perspectives of Macedonia’s new foreign policy concept regarding its neighbours since the second half of 2017. Therefore, he points to Macedonia’s numerous bilateral issues, primarily about its name with neighbouring Greece. The paper also includes a review of other open issues with Bulgaria and Albania, which jeopardize its path towards the EU and NATO membership. The signing of two crucial bilateral agreements with Bulgaria (2017) and Greece (2018) has significantly changed its foreign policy position and accelerated the realization of its Euro-Atlantic perspective. Additionally, Macedonia has improved relations with Albania and Kosovo. Although the relations with Serbia have oscillated, they cannot, in general, be labelled as bad. The author concludes that the determination of the new Macedonian political elite to resolve the accumulated bilateral issues with its neighbours is very significant in the broader regional context. It also represents a stimulus for the rest of the Western Balkans.
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Dragišić, Olivera. "Savezničko usaglašavanje oko potpisivanja Primirja s Bugarskom 1944. godine". Tokovi istorije 31, n.º 2 (31 de agosto de 2023): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.2.dra.193-216.
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The paper analyzes the circumstances in which Bulgaria and the Allies signed the Armistice in October 1944. It is the fundamental document from which the post-war structure of power arose in Bulgaria (as well as in other countries that were Nazi satellites). The attitude of the Allies towards the term “unconditional surrender” is discussed on the basis of the collection of sources: Foreign Relations of the United States. The work contributes to a more detailed understanding of the Yugoslav context at the end of the war.
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Gjuzelev, Vasil. "The Bulgarian Kingdom in the 13th century: Trends and factors in its foreign policy". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, n.º 46 (2009): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946119g.
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An attempt has been made in the article in order to summarize the foreign policy of Bulgaria during the 13th century. The author's observations are based both on individual sources and on a number of studies (above all on Bulgarian medieval studies). It is stressed that, once the Latins had conquered Constantinople in 1204, the Bulgarian Kingdom emerged on the historical scene as the main support and defender of the Balkan Orthodox world. It played, having been the main ally of Nicaea, an important role in restoring of the Byzantine Empire in 1261. The Tatar Golden Horde was an extremely negative factor for the foreign policy of Bulgaria after 1242-1243. Special attention is devoted to rich Bulgarian-Serbian relations. The animosity between the two states was connected to the expansion of the Serbian Kingdom during the second half of the century in Macedonia, and in the areas of Belgrade, Branicevo and Vidin. A considerable place in the Bulgarian foreign policy was attributed to the relations with the Roman Church and the Catholic states (the Hungarian Kingdom, the Latin Empire in Constantinople, the Kingdom of Naples, etc), as well as with the merchant republics of Ragusa, Venice and Genoa.
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Kruszka, Michał. "Znaczenie kapitału zagranicznego w sektorach bankowych Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej". Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 2011, n.º 7-8 (28 de julho de 2011): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.59139/ws.2011.07-08.6.
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The purpose of this paper is to estimate empirically the relations between credit growth and the presence of foreign banks in the East-Central European countries. A sample of 152 banks from eleven countries (Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia) is used in the analysis. The panel estimation technique is used in regressions. The research results show that foreign banks entry can raise credit growth, but it is also connected with some negative effects, because foreign banks can be treated as a transmission channel of turbulence in international financial markets.
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Kudryavtseva, Anastasia A. "The Balkan Peninsula in 1912-1913 and the Aggravation of the Situation on the Eve of the First World War". IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, n.º 3 (219) (25 de setembro de 2023): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-3-92-96.
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The key issues of increasing international tension on the Balkan Peninsula before the First World War are considered. The subject of the study is the Balkan Peninsula, located at the crossroads of civilizations, which has been the sphere of geopolitical interests of various coalitions for thousands of years. The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 are presented as a pivotal moment in the history of the peninsula in the 20th century. First of all, the process of national liberation of the territories of the Balkans from Ottoman rule, as well as the process of military actions aimed at gaining independence, is considered. The article analyzes the importance played by the countries of the Balkan peninsula during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, and also shows the actions of these countries to form the moods they need to achieve the greatest territorial gains. At the same time, the role of the great powers, primarily Russia, in the process of the Balkan conflicts is analyzed. The chronicle of the foreign policy events of the early 20th century related to Russia's participation in the solution of the Balkan issue is researched. On the basis of publications of that time, the existing image of Bulgaria and Serbia is reconstructed, an attempt is made to restore the real picture of the life of these states on the eve of the First World War and its features, to understand the peculiarity of Westernization “in the Balkan way”. The complex of the two Balkan wars of 1912-1913 is considered primarily as a basis for the development of the future conflictogenicity of the region, which led to the First World War.
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Burant, Stephen R. "Poland, Ukraine, and the Idea of Strategic Partnership". Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, n.º 1308 (1 de janeiro de 1999): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1999.81.
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Both Ukrainian and Polish policymakers have come to use the term strategic partnership to characterize the relationship between their two countries. Teodozii Starak, an adviser to the Ukrainian Embassy in Poland, has stated that strategic partnership "means that both [Ukraine and Poland] demonstrate coordinated stances and support each other in the most important political areas. " However, Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma also regularly uses the term to characterize his country's relations with Russia. In addition, Ukrainian officials have labeled China, the United States, Germany, and Bulgaria as Ukraine's strategic partners. The use of the term with reference to Russia-with which Ukraine throughout the 1990s has had serious political differences-or Bulgaria or China, which are not priorities for Ukrainian foreign and security policy, appears to strip it of any significance; the term implies, at best, a goal, or, at worst, a public relations effort.
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Nabigulaeva, Marzhanat N. "Bulgaria in the Works of R. Gamzatov". Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 25, n.º 3 (30 de setembro de 2021): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2021-3-76-86.
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R. Gamzatov is a world-famous poet, whose work during his lifetime enjoyed a huge polarity, not only in Russia, but also far beyond its borders. He was a welcome guest in many foreign countries and republics of the Soviet Union, which he visited and absorbed their poetic, cultural, historical atmosphere. These visits inspired the poet for new creative achievements, enriched and expanded his work. As a result, whole cycles of works about different countries have been developed. One of these, that captivated the poet’s heart, was Bulgaria, to which he dedicated a number of works. R. Gamzatov warmly talks about his impressions of Bulgaria, friendly relations with figures of its literature, culture and society, and poetically recreates its multicolored image. The poet’s main attention is directed to the images of nature, glorifies the national character of the Bulgarians, moral and ethical principles, their commonality with the mentality of the Dagestan people.
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Fatic, Aleksandar. "NATO enlargement and relations between Serbia and Montenegro and Bulgaria and Romania". Medjunarodni problemi 55, n.º 2 (2003): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0302223f.
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The discussion of bilateral relations in modern international relations is usually in the shadow of the new character of global international politics, which is mediated through the large international relations. Bilateral diplomacy is slowly giving way to multilateral diplomacy in the solving of most international issues, including those that have been traditionally perceived as belonging exclusively to the domain of state sovereignty. However, bilateral relations remain crucial in situations where integration processes into large international bodies encounter obstacles and problems. The current development of bilateral diplomacy between Serbia and Montenegro on the one, and Bulgaria and Romania, on the other hand, serves predominantly the purposes of regional harmonisation that will eventually lead to NATO and EU accession, and this process also serves to iron out not so infrequent problems and dissonances in the recent history of bilateral relations, especially between Bulgaria and the former FRY, and particularly during the NATO bombing of FRY in the Spring of 1999. Today, however, all three countries have proclaimed the EU and NATO accession projects as the top priorities of their foreign policies. In the course of pursuit of their accession policies, Bulgaria and Romania have realised that the so-called ?beauty contest? approach, namely the countries' insistence on their own qualifications for membership in the EU and NATO, as opposed to the qualifications of the other countries of the region, is largely futile, and they have opted instead for a regional cooperation approach. The latter approach is consistent with the founding principle of regionalism in the internal organisation of the European Union, and this principle includes, among others, the sub-principle of subsidiarity, whereby all decisions are made on the lowest hierarchical level possible, preferably on the level of European regions. This approach implies that countries that are candidates for membership in the EU must first demonstrate the ability to cooperate and integrate regionally, and this is why Romania and Bulgaria, as well as Serbia and Montenegro, have now refocused their efforts on mutual bilateral relations within the context of NATO (and EU) accession.
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Wolff, David. "Stalin's Cold War: Soviet foreign policy, democracy and communism in Bulgaria, 1941–48". Cold War History 10, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2010): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740903398987.
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Kakovkina, Olga M. "Diplomatic Activity of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria in Ukraine on the basis of the Central State Archives of Public Organizations of Ukraine (TsDAGO)". Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, n.º 1-2 (26 de dezembro de 2019): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611809.
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The article deals with the diplomatic activities of the People's Republic of Bulgaria (PRB) in the Soviet Ukraine on the basis of materials from the Central State Archive of Public Organizations of Ukraine (TsDAGO). These are documents of the secret part of the general department of the foundation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. The chronological scope of the study was from 1944 to 1989, from the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Bulgaria after the 1944 Bulgarian coup d’etat until the democratization of the Bulgarian state and society began. The development of Bulgarian-Soviet diplomatic relations, their activity and peculiarities were condi tioned by the subordinate status of Bulgaria, the formation of Moscow’s directive diplomacy, and the high intensity of economic and other ties. Particular attention in them belonged to Ukraine, which became the field of activity of Bulgarian diplomats. Before the opening of the consulates, the coordination of diplomatic activities in Ukraine was conducted from the embassy in Moscow. In 1965, the first Consulate General of Bulgaria was opened in Odessa; in 1971 – in Kiev, which had features – the Consulate General in Odessa was focused on economic issues, the Consulate General in Kiev – the problems of political and international importance. The author shows that the documents of the archive reveal the functional aspects of consulates, as well as their composition, characteristics of Bulgarian diplomats, everyday life, problems of stay and work. The documents include the personalities of some of the general consuls like S. Ralev, N. Minkov, K. Evtimov, I. Radonov. An important feature of the diplomatic activity of the Bulgarian diplomatic missions was their complete control of the Party centers of the USSR and the People’s Republic of Bulgaria. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in these conditions was the executor of the tasks of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, the Central Committee of the CPSU, the translator of their position, the informer, while performing traditional functions within the framework of international diplomatic law. The most meaningful for the characteristics of the Soviet/Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are the conversations with the consuls of Bulgaria, which testify to the dependent position of the country. At the same time, the Bulgarian diplomats were trustees who reported on relations in the consular corps of Kiev, the political views of diplomats, especially criticism of the USSR. The author comes to the conclusion that the diplomatic missions of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria in Ukraine were part of a fairly well-established system of Soviet-Bulgarian relations in general, the study of which continues.
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Panushev, Emil. "STRUCTURAL CHALLENGES FOR THE BULGARIAN ECONOMY DUE TO THE PRESENCE OF GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS". Economic Thought journal 64, n.º 3 (20 de junho de 2019): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.56497/etj1964301.
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Changes in the trade and economic relations of Bulgaria under the influence of Global Value Chains have been analysed. The changes in the value added trade of the national industries under the influence of the country’s participation of a country in the integration processes were have been examined. The characteristic structural elements of the foreign trade flows have been identified and the impact of the international trade regulatory framework on the country's external economic environment has been assessed.
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Podchasov, Nikolay. "Relations between Sofia and Moscow against the background of domestic political processes in Bulgaria". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 35, n.º 5 (31 de outubro de 2023): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520231829.
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The article analyses the development of Russian-Bulgarian relations after February 24, 2022. The author draws attention to the fact that in the post-socialist period Sofia has developed a practice of viewing bilateral relations with Moscow not as an independent direction of foreign policy, but as a secondary part of a more general task of integrating the country into Euro-Atlantic community. Because of that the reaction of the Bulgarian political mainstream to the beginning of a special military operation of the Russian armed forces in Ukraine does not represent anything fundamentally new, but rather looks like a logical development of the traditions of Bulgarian diplomacy of recent decades. At the same time, the article emphasizes the presence of political players in Sofia who are interested in adjusting the course of Bulgarian-Russian relations by reducing their dependence on ideological and geopolitical factors.
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Schwartz, Herman. "Foreign Creditors and the Politics of Development in Australia and Argentina, 1880-1913". International Studies Quarterly 33, n.º 3 (setembro de 1989): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600461.
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Liargovas, Panagiotis, e Spyridon Repousis. "International Development Assistance and Economic Growth: the Case of Four Southeast European Countries". Southeastern Europe 37, n.º 3 (2013): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03703002.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of international development assistance on economic growth in the case of four Southeast European countries, Albania, Bulgaria, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Serbia, during the period 1991-2010. Foreign aid as additive to domestic savings is expected to cause an increase in economic growth and domestic savings. Surprisingly, our empirical results do not support this hypothesis, since foreign aid is negatively related to domestic savings. These results are consistent with the notion that foreign aid transfers can distort individual incentives, and hence hurt savings and growth, by encouraging rent-seeking as opposed to productive activities.
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Konstantinova, Yura. "The Greek Consular Network in Bulgarian Lands before The Liberation". Istoriya-History 31, n.º 5 (15 de setembro de 2023): 455–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2023-5-2-gre.
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The aim of the proposed study is to trace the creation and the development of the Greek consular network in Bulgaria in the second half of the 19th century. The topic has not been the subject of scientific research so far, but is important for understanding the unequal positions with which the Balkan states enter the period of their independent existence. The study of the Greek consular network on the Balkans also makes it possible to outline the priorities in Athens’ foreign policy, as well as to trace the importance it assigns to its compatriots left outside the borders of the free Greek state. Last but not least, it is of interest to Greece to fight to preserve the privileged status it enjoys under the regime of capitulations. However, this effort creates serious problems in Greece’s bilateral relations with the Ottoman Empire and with Bulgaria in post-liberation period.
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Yakimova, Irina Konstantinova. "The “Russian Factor” in Bulgarian Foreign Policy in the Years of Post-Communist Transition". Hiperboreea 9, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2022): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.9.1.0095.
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This article seeks to give counterarguments against the claims of some political scientists that Moscow continued to exercise control over the foreign-policy decision-making process in Bulgaria even after the country left the Soviet sphere of influence in the early 1990s. To this end, the term Russian factor is used in the light of Bulgaria’s post-Communist “distancing” from the Russian Federation and its integration into the Euro-Atlantic community. Dwelling on some examples taken from the diplomatic practice of Sofia–Moscow bilateral relations, the author has tried to prove that soon after the end of the Cold War, the “Russian dominance” gave way to the much more attractive idea of Bulgaria’s pro-Western spatial reorientation.
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Самедов, Фарман Фамиль. "Foreign Economic Relations of Sumgait city (On the Chemical Industry. 1991-2003)". Bulletin of Science and Practice, n.º 8 (15 de agosto de 2022): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/81/42.
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В статье анализируется экономический кризис в сумгаитской химической промышленности в результате распада СССР и разрыва традиционных экономических связей с бывшими советскими республиками после обретения Азербайджаном независимости и меры, предпринятые для выхода из этого кризиса. Кроме того, рассмотрены установление экономических связей и обмен опытом в химической промышленности с экономически развитыми странами: Германией, США, Турцией, Японией, Великобританией, Кореей, Италией, Болгарией и Испанией, замена физически и морально устаревшего оснащения сумгаитских химических предприятий новым и разработка новых проектов по увеличению производственных мощностей заводов, а также инвестиции этих стран в сумгаитскую химическую промышленность и совместная работа с группой экспертов ЕС по устранению экологической проблемы. The article analyzes the economic crisis in the Sumgait chemical industry as a result of the collapse of the USSR and the severance of traditional economic ties with the former Soviet republics after the independence of Azerbaijan and the measures taken to overcome this crisis. In addition, the establishment of economic relations and exchange of experience in the chemical industry with economically developed countries in the chemical industry: Germany, USA, Turkey, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Italy, Bulgaria and Spain, replacement of physically and morally obsolete equipment at Sumgait chemical enterprises with new ones and develop new projects to increase the production capacity of factories, as well as the investment of these countries in the Sumgait chemical industry and joint work with a group of EU experts to eliminate the environmental problem were also searched.
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Smirnov, P. A. "Bulgarian Vector for North Macedonia Foreign Policy: the Problem of Identity". EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, n.º 2 (9 de julho de 2021): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-02-86-96.
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The article is devoted to the role of the identity factor in the Bulgarian-Macedonian relations. The main controversial issues acute in the period 1991–2021 are the question of the independence of the Macedonian language and the question of the “starting point” of Macedonian history. The foreign policy of the Macedonian republic is investigated in the context of Balkan states` striving for Euro- Atlantic integration. An important part of the study is analyzing the problems of the European Union enlargement to the south-east.As a result of the research, the author comes to several conclusions: Sofia’s opposition to Skopje’s accession to the EU has a solid economic implication; relations with the Bulgarian state have always been of key importance for the Macedonian republic, regardless of plans to join NATO and the EU, since touched upon the key issues of self-determination of the Macedonian people; the rhetoric of the Bulgarian side has a certain tendency to revise the role of Bulgaria in the Second World War, which is categorically unacceptable for the EU member states seeking to withdraw the historical agenda from the negotiation process on the Republic of North Macedonia’s accession to the European Union.
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Dobrovolsky, L. V., e A. S. Nogmova. "Evolution, Current State of Foreign Trade Activities of the Russian Federation and its Influence for the Development of the Country’s Economy". Post-Soviet Issues 9, n.º 1 (2 de junho de 2022): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-1-77-91.
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The article shows the role and place of the foreign trade activity of the Russian Federation in the development of its economy. The commodity composition, the main routes and the results of foreign trade in Kievan Rus and in the Moscow (Russian) kingdom have been investigated. The requirements of the Trade Charter of 1653, the New Trade Charter of 1667, the Customs Charter of 1775, customs tariffs, regulating foreign trade relations and aimed at developing foreign trade of the state, protecting it from foreign unfair competition are analyzed and summarized. The generalized results of foreign trade of the Russian Empire in the period 1901–1913 are presented. and the USSR in the pre-war and post-war periods (1940–1884). The current state of Russian foreign trade and its influence on the development of the country’s economy have been investigated. The features of the functioning of the entire system of international trade in the conditions of the formation of a global information society are revealed, the general characteristics and dynamics of the development of the information market are given. Comparative results of foreign trade of the Russian Federation for 2019–2021 are generalized and presented. The main problems of foreign trade and approaches to their solution are revealed.
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Anghel, Florin. "Proletkult Diplomacy. What About Romania in the Last Minutes of Tsardom 1 and the First of People’s Republic of Bulgaria (1945-1947) Foreign Affairs". Acta Marisiensis. Seria Historia 3, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2021): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amsh-2021-0007.
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Abstract The Romanian-Bulgarian relations were assigned the role of satellites belonging first to the Axis, and then to U.S.S.R., following the regulation of the territorial statute of South Dobrudja on September 7th 1940, through the Treaty from Craiova. After the Red Army has entered Bulgaria, on September 8th 1944, an unusual fact has intervened between Bucharest and Sofia, from the perspective of Kremlin’s influence, of course: the priority of Bulgarian political, ideological and diplomatic factors over the Romanian ones, unprecedented fact in the history of almost seven decades of the modern bilateral relations. The lack of human and ideological resources of the Romanian Communist Party has become obvious during the not even declared competition with the Bulgarian Communists and their leader, Georgi Dimitrov. The Communist Bulgaria has become a model that Romanian communists do not only seriously took into account, yet, at least the year King Mihai I has abdicated (1947), they zestfully were also studying and copying, as the case may have been. Being a so-called People’s Republic even since September 1946, following a falsified popular referendum, Bulgaria has undertaken during the next months to coordinate plans of internal and external politics of Romania. In order to finalize a “Bulgarian way” in Romania, the government led by Petru Groza and the media of propaganda, and mainly the press official of the Romanian Communist Party, “Scânteia”, have scrupulously assumed the role of protagonists. And Communist Bulgaria, just like U.S.S.R., has become for more than two years (1946- February 1948) an extremely important and valuable topic of the Romanian public speech, of the Romanian Communists’ confirmation, of establishing the project for instituting the totalitarian regime. The similarity of actions and of institutes’ organization is striking for this short period, and the treaty signed in January 1948 is nothing but the final of a stage extremely abundant in models and suggestions for the Romanian communists.
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Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact". Journal of Cold War Studies 18, n.º 3 (julho de 2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.
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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CSCE and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks. This case study of the establishment of diplomatic relations between a powerful European state and a smaller one with opposite political orientation amid the East-West détente in the 1970s contributes to scholars’ understanding of the complex nature of international relations in Europe during the Cold War.
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Katsikas, Stefanos. "Millets in Nation-States: The Case of Greek and Bulgarian Muslims, 1912–1923". Nationalities Papers 37, n.º 2 (março de 2009): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902745726.
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It is estimated that, in 1913, less than 500,000 Muslims lived in the regions ruled by Greece and around 800,000 Muslims in those areas which were under the authority of the Bulgarian state. In the aftermath of the 1923 obligatory Greco-Turkish population exchange the number of Muslims in Greece reduced to approximately 200,000, of which around 180,000 lived in the region of Western Thrace and 20–25,000 Albanian-speaking Muslims, known as Çams, in Epirus and Greek South-West Macedonia. In the same period, the number of Muslims in Bulgaria was between 800,000 and one million people. Meanwhile, during the two Balkan and the First World Wars a hardly definable number of Muslims lost their lives due to starvation, disease, massacres and physical destruction caused by the military and paramilitary troops of the two Balkan states, as well as due to voluntary and forced migration to areas controlled by the Ottoman Empire.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "History of Hellenic-Serbian (Yugoslav) alliances from Karageorge to the Balkan Pact 1817-1954". Balcanica, n.º 51 (2020): 143–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2051143m.
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The paper provides a review of efforts to make Serbian-Hellenic alliances and formal agreements since the last years of Karageorge?s life within the context of the relations between Serbia and Greece, and later between Yugoslavia and Greece. The circumstances that led to the signing of six formal alliances have been analysed including their content and scope. Out of the six alliances, four were bilateral, and two were Balkan (1934, 1953/54). All of them have been reviewed both in the bilateral and Balkan context. The following agreements have been analysed: The Treaty of Alliance and the Military Treaty from 1867/68, The Treaty of Alliance of the Kingdom of Serbia and the Hellenic Kingdom and the Military Convention of June 1, 1913, The Pact of Friendship, Conciliation and Judicial Settlement between Yugoslavia and Greece of 1929, the Balkan Pact (the Balkan Entente) of 1934, The Treaty on the Balkan Union between the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Hellenic Kingdom of January 1942, the Balkan Pact of 1953/54. The issues related to the struggle of Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria about Macedonia and the question of the Serbian Free Zone of Salonica have also been discussed, as well as mutual relations during the Great War and at the beginning of the Cold War.
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Nehring, Christopher. "Active and Sharp Measures". Journal of Cold War Studies 23, n.º 4 (2021): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01038.
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Abstract During the Cold War, Bulgaria was a staunch ally of the Soviet Union, and the Bulgarian State Security (DS) service worked extremely closely with the Soviet State Security Committee (KGB) on a wide range of matters, including disinformation operations as well as “sharp measures”—abductions, sabotage, and, most notably, assassinations. Not until the Cold War ended and the DS archives in Bulgaria were made accessible were scholars able to explore these intelligence operations in great depth. Although the lack of access to the KGB's foreign intelligence collections in Yasenevo poses certain limits, the availability of DS collections, including many copies of KGB records, has been a gold mine for Western scholars of Cold War–era intelligence activities. Drawing mainly on Bulgarian archival sources, this article analyzes KGB-DS intelligence cooperation regarding disinformation and “sharp measures.” Among the topics covered are recently disclosed sources on the assassination of the dissident Bulgarian writer Georgi Markov in London 1978 and the assassination attempt against Pope John Paul II in May 1981. The article thus provides historical context for contemporary debates about Russian security services and their strategic use of disinformation and active measures.
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Karchaeva, T. G. "The Role of Foreign Authorities in the Property Relations of the Khakas in 1822–1913 (a Historical Aspect)". Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 29 (2019): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2019.29.91.
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Bojinov, Voin. "The Struggle for Bulgaria between the Entente and the Central Powers and the Role of the Russian Empire (August 1913–July 1914)". Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S11 (dezembro de 2022): S1045—S1049. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622170051.
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Antić, Dejan. "NEWSPAPER POLITIKA ON THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE KINGDOMS OF SERBIA AND BULGARIA IN 1904-1905". MEDIA STUDIES AND APPLIED ETHICS 3, n.º 1 (11 de março de 2021): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/msae.1.2021.06.
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A considerable amount of the historical material has been preserved for the study of the political relations of the Balkan countries in the first two decades of the 20th century. We are acquainted with the details of these relations based on the documents of the governments of the Balkan countries or the governments of the great powers, the correspondence of ministers, official notes, decisions and commands of officers, the reports of Serbian and foreign newspapers, etc. The subject of this paper is the course and intensity of political and economic relations between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Bulgaria during 1904 and 1905. This paper resulted from the analysis of newspaper articles and reports published in the daily newspaper Politika, but also from archival materials and relevant literature. The paper also contains the analysis of the media response related to the signing of the Serbian-Bulgarian Alliance Agreement in 1904, as well as the signing of the Customs Alliance Agreement in 1905 between Belgrade and Sofia. The Macedonian issue, as a topic that placed emphasis on the relations between the two neighbors, is also an inevitable part of the research corpus of this paper.
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Oneal, John R., e Frances H. Oneal. "Hegemony, imperialism, and the profitability of foreign investments". International Organization 42, n.º 2 (1988): 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032847.
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Socialists at the turn of the century explained modern imperialism as an attempt to escape the crisis of monopoly capitalism. “Super-profits” that could be secured in the periphery, according to Lenin, were necessary to offset declining rates of return in the advanced economies. Today, radical theorists stress the role of the multinational corporations in accounting for neocolonialism. If great national power does produce material benefits for foreign investors, this should be apparent in two cases: the experience of British capitalists in the “high age of imperialism,“ 1870–1913, and the operations of U.S. multinational corporations abroad after World War II. But rates of return on foreign investments have not been significantly different in the developed and less developed regions of the world—a finding that is relevant not only for theories of imperialism but also for understanding development and modernization, the operation of the multinational corporation, and international capital markets.
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Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union". University Economic Bulletin, n.º 48 (30 de março de 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.