Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Índice
Consulte a lista de atuais artigos, livros, teses, anais de congressos e outras fontes científicas relevantes para o tema "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research"
1
KAGOTANI, KOJI. "National Security Environments, Patriotism, and Japanese Public Opinion". Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, n.º 1 (10 de fevereiro de 2015): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000401.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThis study examines Japanese reactions to neighboring countries’ behavior by addressing possible micro-motives, such as patriotism, the rational demand for national defense, and retrospective policy evaluation. This theoretical development leads to distinctive hypotheses from different motivations and directly tests them using macro-data (not survey data). This research will apply this framework to Japanese politics and will show that foreign threats stimulate patriotism in the public mind and enhance political support for national leaders. It will also demonstrate that the Japanese public has no optimistic view of the new prime minister and that the honeymoon effect in previous research may be confounded with the patriotic effect because the new leader is less experienced and is often challenged by foreign countries.
2
Nikiporets-takigawa, Galina Yur'evna. "Japanese non-mainstream political discourse in the context of the latest Russia-Japan relations". Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, n.º 5 (15 de dezembro de 2023): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049923050076.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The state and prospects of Russian-Japanese relations after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis depend on both foreign and domestic political factors, including the views on geopolitical issues of Japanese political elites and also the degree of their independence relative to the US. The official Japanese political discourse is completely consolidated with the American after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis. The opposition to mainstream discourse within Japan, its effectiveness and significance for Russian-Japanese relations is studied. Analysis of the expert opinion with help of in-depth interviewing, as well as secondary sources and public speeches are presented. The conclusion is that the support of the US and the unified Western narrative is due to the current leadership of PM F. Kishida, as well as the traditional weakness of the Japanese opposition under the dominance of the ruling LDP. The visibility of consolidation is also strengthened by specific conductors of mainstream discourse - the Japanese media. Nevertheless, for a number of representatives of the Japanese political opposition, the Ukrainian crisis has become a weighty argument in criticizing the official discourse. Non-mainstream discourse increases its influence on mainstream, as well as on Japanese public opinion. The research results are also important because in the current Russian-Japanese relations, Russia is willing to know the political actors and their activities, which can be relied on to normalize these relations and promote in Japan the Russian point of view on the Ukrainian crisis and the role of the US in it.
3
Erskine, Kristopher C. "“American Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Genesis of the China Lobby in the United States, and how Missionaries Shifted American Foreign Policy between 1938 and 1941”". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, n.º 1 (15 de março de 2018): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02501003.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The China Lobby in the United States attracted much scholarly attention after 1945, yet it found its footing in the late 1930s and played a critical role in re-shaping American public opinion prior to World War ii. Historians have devoted relatively little time to investigating this earlier period. The overwhelming majority of China’s lobbyists during these early years were American missionaries who the Chinese government often funded and managed. This article examines the role of two of those missionaries—Frank and Harry Price—and their American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression. It relies on research in Taiwan, China, and in archives across the United States. The author also has interviewed members of the Price family, as well as former associates of Frank Price in the United States, Taiwan, and China. The evidence this article presents demonstrates that while difficult to quantify, the Price brothers played a crucial role in helping to re-shape American public opinion about China between 1938 and 1941.
4
Kim, Yeon-Ok. "Japanese Media Reports and Perceptions of the Invasion of Gando: Focusing on the Yomiuri Shimbun". Korean Association For Japanese History 59 (31 de dezembro de 2022): 287–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.24939/kjh.2022.12.59.287.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In this paper, through the Yomiuri Shimbun, the aspect of Japanese society‘s perception of Gando Invasion was reviewed during the period from departure (October 1920) to withdrawal(May 1921). What is the difference between this review and research based on reports or official records recorded by the Ministry of Army and Foreign Affairs? First, images based on reports or official documents from the Ministry of the Army describe the invasion of Gando as if the ’joint invasion‘ agreement between China and Japan went smoothly, but the actual situation revealed by the Yomiuri Shimbun met with strong ‘disapproval’ opposition from the Beijing government, making it difficult. It was a 'temporary understanding' obtained. In other words, only the pattern was a ‘joint invasion’, but in reality it was a ‘solo invasion’ of Japan.
Second, on November 2, two weeks after obtaining permission for ‘invasion’ the Japanese government had to accept the Chinese government’s request for “withdrawal.” However, the position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is concerned about security maintenance with the military stationed in the country, is to ‘delay withdrawal’ as much as possible or to obtain prior consent from the Chinese government for ‘re-invasion’ departure as a negotiating card. In response to this attitude of the Japanese side, the Chinese government continued to respond hard, calling it “excessive power” or “infringement of sovereignty.” It is only through the Yomiuri Shimbun that the reality of the Chinese government's strong protests and persistent negotiations against Japan's “crossing the line” was revealed.
Third, despite the protests from China, the Japanese side did not understand the promise of a speedy withdrawal and withdrawal of all members, and in the process of planning a strategy of delaying the withdrawal or dispatching replacement police officers, the ‘Invasion of Gando’ received global attention on the contrary spread public opinion. In particular, in the case of the UK, the ‘Gando issue’ was brought up as a topic of discussion in the parliament. However, the essence of the problem is not limited to the superficial wording of Mizumachi's statement or criticism of the military's extravagant diplomacy, but also avoided ascertaining the authenticity of the massacre of civilians, an inhumane act. It is dismissed as nothing more than ‘fabrication(捏造)’. This part can be said to be the limit of the perception of the Yomiuri Shimbun.
5
Park, Deokyu, Anyong Lee, Sujung Kim, Youngmoon Kwon, Minyeong Song, Kyungyoung Nam, Hakbeom Kim e Suyeon Lee. "A Study on Improvement of Public Language in the field of Sports". Korean Association For Learner-Centered Curriculum And Instruction 24, n.º 7 (15 de abril de 2024): 627–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22251/jlcci.2024.24.7.627.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Objectives The purpose of this study, in terms of ‘Sports Terminology’ and ‘Terms related to Sports Human Rights’, is to allow public institutions and ordinary citizens to improve their understanding and use of difficult sports terms by selecting foreign languages, excessively abbreviated terms and new words that do not fit the grammar and refining them into easy-to-understand terms to promote and educate the general public.
Methods As for the research method, first, a terminology selection committee and terminology improvement committee were formed to select terms, and more than 400 sports-related terms were selected through the literature research method and replaced with refined words. Second, 100 refined words were selected from the selected terms through consultation with an expert committee. Third, a citizens’ review committee of 100 people was formed to analyze the acceptance survey of terms through surveys and interviews, and based on this, 50 terms were finalized by the specialized committee of public institutions, taking tin to account that they can be easily used across all sports or in various sports. Fourth, outputs with the finally confirmed terminology were produced and distributed to public institutions, related academic societies, and general citizens.
Results As a result of the study, first, the number of vocabulary words by language for collected terms subject to improvement was 323 English (78.2%), which accounted for the largest amount, 36 hybrid words (8.7%), 32 Chinese characters (7.7%), and 11 French (2.6%). In addition, incorrect Japanese and Chinese expressions and newly words were also included. Second, a total of 100 refined terms were selected, through consultation with the expert committee, by evaluating the selected terms based on the suitability of term selection and the accuracy and ease of term alternatives. Third, as a result of 50 terms selected by the citizens’ review committee based on the analysis of the acceptance survey of suitability and ease of use, sports terms adopted from difficult foreign words, abbreviates of Japanese words, or new words appeared at the top. Additionally, as a result of the interview survey, people responded that the process of refining difficult terms into easy terms was not only very good, but also refreshing and fun. Fourth, in order for the distribution and use of refined terms for people, academic societies, related institutions and businesses, the finally determined terms were actively promoted by producing three videos as well as booklets, pamphlets and posters containing terminology explanations and examples of terms, distributing them to people, and educating them.
Conclusions This study is valuable in that it produced and distributed outputs containing terminology commentary and examples for easy understanding and use in everyday life by selecting difficult terms related to sports and/or sports human rights. In addition, by reflecting the opinions of the expert committee and ordinary citizens, public institutions can become more familiar with such research, and through active communication with citizens, it is expected to contribute to the movement to improve the environment for using the Korean language in the future.
6
Editors. "Foreword". Acta Linguistica Asiatica 11, n.º 2 (30 de julho de 2021): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.11.2.5-6.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Covid-19 pandemic imposes a new way of life on us, and in this new reality, we try in every way to find positive aspects for language studies in particular and science in general. One of such aspects is the switch to online scientific meetings and conferences, which have therefore become more accessible also to language enthusiasts from more remote locations. Besides, the already ongoing digitalization of linguistics in different respects, from teaching and learning materials, linguistic data collection, and others, only seems to accelerate in the situation. And finally, as unfortunate as it is, it nevertheless offers numerous new insights into our social lives. The summer issue of Volume 11 is dedicated though not limited to such insights. In the first article “A Comparative Corpus-Based Content Analysis of Head of Government Addresses in Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic: Japan and Western Countries” by Nagisa MORITOKI ŠKOF discussed the speakers’ perspectives and political orientation in public addresses made by heads of government in Japan, the USA, New Zealand, Germany, and Slovenia in response to the coronavirus disease. Following, SAWADA Hiroko and INOUE Rizu in their article “Network for Supporting Education of Foreign Children During Covid-19: Language Assessments as a Tool for Promoting Community Integration” introduce problems of the present Japanese education system, which does not adequately support children whose mother language is not Japanese. Their action research project in collaboration with several schools and one university proposed a support system through online media that would soften the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. The third article in this issue was written by Oleg KALININ. “Comparative Analysis of Coronavirus Metaphoric Representation in Chinese and Russian Online Media” compared the coronavirus metaphorical image in the online media of China and Russia to find out that their basic difference is in discussing or not discussing the positive outcome of the coronavirus battle, which consequently impacts the public opinion. WANG Aiqing’s “Causation in Classical Chinese during the Warring States Period and in the Han Dynasty” explores causation in Classical Chinese and shows that the strategies to form causation structures are compatible with a prosodic theory, according to which agentive and causative constructions involving covert causative verbs are prosodic words, while those involving overt causative verbs exhibit properties of phrases. The article “’I Am Not Punjabi, My Parents Are’: Degradation of the Language of Dominant Majority” by Sham HAIDAR, Tehreem WALI, Tehreem TAHIR, and Mehwish PARVEEN discuss the present status and explore the predicament of the Punjabi language based on the findings that the Punjabi speakers themselves disown their language and the Punjabi identity due to social, economic, religious, and political reasons. Last but not least, Mária IŠTVÁNOVÁ in her article “On The Use of Corpora in Second Language Acquisition – Chinese as an Example” presents several language corpora and points out advantages of their use in the process of Chinese language acquisition together with some practical examples of the corpora's direct and indirect use for teaching and learning Chinese as a second language. Editors and Editorial board wish the regular and new readers of the ALA journal a pleasant read full of inspiration, and a rise of new research ideas inspired by these papers.
7
Abenova, A. S. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION". BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, n.º 1 (15 de março de 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.
8
KABASHIMA, IKUO. "Opinion Polls in 2003". Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, n.º 2 (novembro de 2003): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001191.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
On 26 April 2001, Junichiro Koizumi emerged as the new prime minister of Japan, representing the public's desire for economic recovery through fundamental structural change in Japanese politics. More than two years have passed since then, and Japan has seen neither significant economic revival nor major changes in its political and administrative structures. People's expectation and faith in this henjin (“weirdo” as labeled by Former Foreign Minister Makiko Tanaka) prime minister for rescuing Japan's economy has been greatly undermined as Japan's unemployment rate stays high and stock prices low. Japanese banks are performing poorly as usual, and bad loans seem to never go away or decrease in amount. Despite these seemingly critical shortcomings, however, Prime Minister Koizumi and his administration have maintained a high approval rate from the public.
9
Lotchin, Roger W. "A Research Report". Southern California Quarterly 97, n.º 4 (2015): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ucpsocal.2015.97.4.399.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Public opinion polls taken between 1939 and 1945 questioned Americans’ attitudes toward Japan and Germany and toward the people of Japan and Japanese Americans. The polls’ quantified responses provide previously overlooked data that should be taken into account by scholars of Japanese American and World War II history.
10
Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland". Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, n.º 1 (7 de julho de 2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research"
1
Pohlkamp, Elli-Katharina [Verfasser], e Robert [Akademischer Betreuer] Horres. "Public Opinion and Japanese Foreign Policy Decision-Making Processes During the Koizumi Administration / Elli-Katharina Pohlkamp ; Betreuer: Robert Horres". Tübingen : Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1162971568/34.
Texto completo da fonte
2
Tollefson, Julie Jo. "Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.
Texto completo da fonte
3
Gagle, Michael Todd. "A Bridge Across the Pacific: A Study of the Shifting Relationship Between Portland and the Far East". PDXScholar, 2016. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2655.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
After Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931, both Japan and China sought the support of America. There has been a historical assumption that, starting with the hostilities in 1931, the Japanese were maligned in American public opinion. Consequently, the assumption has been made that Americans supported the Chinese without reserve during their conflict with Japan in the 1930s.
The aim of this study is to question the accuracy of that assumption in the case of Portland, Oregon. An analysis of newspapers and print material specifically focusing on Japan and China from before the conflict reveal that the general American opinion of Japan by 1931 had shifted from admiration to suspicion and fear. The American view of China, meanwhile, had shifted from contempt to pity. When Japan invaded China, both countries lobbied for support via books, articles, and public speakers. By analyzing the speeches and publications available, this study finds that the Japanese argued for security and economic benefit, while the Chinese argued for liberty and justice.
In Portland, the public opinion was strongly supportive of Japan before the 1930s, and Japan's hostilities toward China did not immediately change the opinion. Instead, an analysis of The Oregonian, the Portland City Club, and a student summit at Reed college reveal that the opinion in Portland was far more forgiving of Japan than the general American outlook. Portlanders focused on how to ease the tensions between Japan and America, even supporting Japanese calls for an Asian League of Nations headed by Japan.
Further complicating the discourse in Portland was the issue of communism. Portland -- and the Pacific Northwest in general -- had been very involved with socialism in the period before the First World War. After the war, support for socialism had diverged into support for communism, for those who remained radicals, and vehement distrust of communism, for those who did not. The tension between these two groups led to outbursts of violence that left a mark on the memories of the people of the Northwest. Those who supported communism remembered the slights, which would lead them to support the Bolsheviks in the 1930s. Those who distrusted communism remembered the real threat that communism represented.
When the Japanese began their propaganda against China, one of their strongest claims was that the Chinese could not hold back the tide of communism, and that only Japan was properly prepared to do so in East Asia. This claim brought up old fears in the Portland populace, most of whom did not support communism. Thus, Japanese claims of working to prevent the communist threat, coupled with the assertion of an economic boon, helped maintain a more favorable view of Japan in Portland. Following the 1937 attack on Nanking, however, Japanese action was deemed reprehensible and Portland began to turn against Japan.
By profiling the public opinion of Portland toward Japan in the 1930s, this study adds to the growing body of research on the complexities of the relationship between America and Japan during the twentieth century.
4
Ngoro, Blackman Rodrick. "Framing the other : representations of Africa in The Japan Times/Online between January and December 2000 : a case study". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002931.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The aim of this study is to find out, against the news genre norms, how representations of particular regions are produced in the structure of newspaper reporting in the foreign news sub-genre. The study focuses on news reports concerning Africa, or African countries, in one Tokyo-based newspaper: The Japan Times/Online. The study is theoretically informed by Cultural Studies – a field of study concerned with the study of ideology and power in discourse – and investigates how Africa and African countries are represented as “other” than developed countries. This is a textual study that focuses on the production moment using Critical Discourse Analysis methods. Critical discourse analysis is interested in the study of ideological forms that have become naturalised over time, so that ideology has become common sense. The first part of the study analyses headlines and reveals evidence of ideological positions adopted by The Japan Times/Online in the representation of, firstly, home or Japanese actors, which is very different to the representation of African actors. The second part of the analysis examines the structures of the texts and the language used therein. The evidence from this analysis shows how Africa is represented as a Third World entity through various crises, including a health epidemic, perceptions of political instability and economic instability, an inadequate business image, as well as market and managerial skills, and wars and conflict. The study concludes with a discussion of the representation of Africa and African countries as a part of the Third World entity. This representation reflects and naturalises social inequality between developed countries and those of the Third World, of which Africa is a part. The representation of Africa as a Third World entity also naturalises the social, health, economic and political conditions said to be characteristic of African countries. It is this process of representation that reveals the power relations between Japan as a First World country and Africa as part of the Third World.
5
Jiang, Wei. "A discourse of devils :representations of the Japanese in Chinese war films after 1949". Thesis, University of Macau, 2017. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3690649.
Texto completo da fonte
6
Ahlbrecht, John James. "College Student Rankings of Multiple Speakers in a Public Speaking Context: a Language Attitudes Study on Japanese-accented English with a World Englishes Perspective". PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4334.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This language attitudes study used a matched guise technique to compare participant reactions of American-accented English to Japanese-accented English. Participants (n = 40) were college educated adults living in the Portland area who completed an online survey which measured characteristics related to Status, Solidarity, and Dynamism using semantic differential Likert scales. Results showed that while Japanese-accented English received less favorable ratings on the Status and Solidarity dimensions on a statistically significant level, the small effect size may have indicated that the differences were negligible. Interpreting the results from the data through the World Englishes Kachruvian paradigm, it is argued that English learners and users would benefit by focusing more on achieving intelligibility than on attaining perfect control of an idealized variety of English.
7
Namkung, Gon. "Japanese images of the United States and other nations a comparative study of public opinion and foreign policy /". 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/44064656.html.
Texto completo da fonte
8
Sirin, Villalobos Cigdem. "Public Support for Military Interventions across Levels of Political Information and Phases of Intervention". 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2009-05-516.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Scholars widely acknowledge that democratic political leaders seek public
support for their policy endeavors, particularly when conducting costly policies as in the
case of military interventions. A deeper understanding of the factors that affect public
support for military interventions is crucial to explaining more definitively the
determinants of foreign policy decisions regarding military interventions. However, most
studies in this area of research examine the public as an undifferentiated mass that reacts
uniformly to changes in the course of an intervention. In addition, scholars often
overlook the varying dynamics of public support across different phases of a military
intervention. Given these shortcomings in the literature, the objective of this dissertation
is to examine the formation of public support as a function of political information levels
and intervention stages.
This dissertation is important in both methodological and theoretical terms.
Methodologically, the major contribution of my dissertation is the adoption of a multimethod
approach that is almost non-existent in this line of research. By bringing together
a formal framework, experimentation, and statistical analyses of public opinion survey
data, I develop a more refined theory and attain more robust empirical results. Theoretically, the study challenges the dominant mode of research on military
interventions in which public opinion is treated as a homogenous mass. Specifically, I
explore how major factors related to public support for military interventions (such as
casualty rates) play different roles and weigh differently in their impact on the opinions of
politically informed versus less informed individuals across stages of an intervention.
The results of the experiments and survey data analyses demonstrate that
politically informed individuals express less support for a military intervention at the
starting (rally) phase of that intervention compared to the less informed. That said, as the
intervention proceeds and casualties are incurred, support of politically uninformed
individuals decreases at higher rates than does support of politically informed ones. In
other words, politically informed individuals demonstrate more stable levels of support
across intervention stages. In addition, both experimental and survey data analyses show
that policy-specific information is generally a more influential factor on public support for
military interventions compared to general political information.
9
Lee, Seung Hyok. "Missiles, Abductions, and Sanctions: Societal Influences on Japanese Policy Toward North Korea, 1998-2006". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/29657.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
North Korea twice conducted ballistic missile tests close to Japan in 1998 and 2006. While Japan responded with non-coercive condemnations to demonstrate its disapproval in 1998, it imposed unilateral economic sanctions in 2006, marking the first instance in post-World War II of applying a substantial coercion to punish a neighbouring state. The research asks why Japanese policy toward the North shifted for a seemingly identical type of provocation.
The dissertation seeks contextual explanations by using inductive process-tracing, a type of ‘middle approach’ between historical narratives and parsimonious theories. It is applied to highlight the underlying mechanism through which public discursive changes concerning national security and North Korea during this eight-year period influenced the subsequent policy shift in 2006.
The dissertation concludes that the unilateral sanctions were not necessarily a calculated strategic response to punish the missile launch (or North Korean nuclear programs) per se, but were a direct consequence of a deeper shift in societal discourse taking place beforehand. During the eight-year period, there had been other visible provocations and shocks originating from the North, especially the sensational revelation in 2002 of past North Korean abductions of Japanese citizens. These highly-publicized incidents facilitated the Japanese public to be increasingly conscious about Japan’s security weaknesses and re-evaluate its historical relations with its neighbour, leading to a hardened domestic environment in which the new idea of pressuring the North became a feasible option even before 2006.
These North Korean provocations and the resulting societal security discourse, along with concurrent structural changes in the Japanese government and mass media which made them both highly susceptible to discursive currents among citizens, mutually interacted to produce the policy result when the opportunity arose.
The research, however, also challenges the popular view that the sanctions are the first example of the wholesale transformation of Japan’s post-war ‘pacifist’ security principles. It argues that the confined means (economic) by which the sanctions were imposed reflects the highly nuanced discourse, which endorses Japan’s legitimate right to specifically punish the North for the harms done, but that the societal momentum is not equally supportive of the more controversial areas concerning military usage and the current constitution.
Livros sobre o assunto "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research"
1
Saywell, John. How Japanese students view Canada. [Toronto]: University of Toronto-York University, Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, 1988.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
2
Yu, Lydia N. Japan views the Philippines, 1900-1944. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1999.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
3
H, Juviler Peter, e Kimura Hiroshi 1936-, eds. Gorbachev's reforms: U.S. and Japanese assessments. New York: A. de Gruyter, 1988.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
4
Johnson, Sheila K. The Japanese through American eyes. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1988.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
5
Chū-kinsei ni okeru Chōsenkan no sōshutsu. Tōkyō: Azekura Shobō, 1999.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
6
Alam, Bachtiar. Perceptions of Japan and the Japanese by Filipinos and Indonesians: An intergenerational study. Manila, Philippines: Yuchengco Center, De La Salle University, 2002.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
7
Sakuwa, Tōru. Nihonjin "kankokujin" wa suki daga Nihon "Kankoku" wa kirai: Nikkan no gakusei ishiki chōsa. Tōkyō: Nisshin Hōdō, 1998.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
8
Conference, on Japan (2nd 1993 Kuala Lumpur Malaysia). Japan and East Asia: Attitudes and policies : past, present, and future. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Centre for Japan Studies, 1994.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
9
Katkova, Z. D. Kitaĭ--I͡A︡ponii͡a︡: Li͡u︡bovʹ ili nenavistʹ? : k probleme ėvoli͡u︡t͡s︡ii sot͡s︡ialʹno-psikhologicheskikh i politicheskikh stereotipov vzaimovosprii͡a︡tii͡a︡ VII v. n.ė. - 30-40-e gody XX v. 2a ed. Moskva: Rossiĭskai͡a︡ akademii͡a︡ nauk, In-t vostokovedenii͡a︡, 2001.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
10
Roshia ni tsuite: Hoppō no genkei. Tokyo: Bungei Shunju, 1986.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research"
1
Umpierrez de Reguero, Sebastián, Santiago González-Paredes e Ingrid Ríos-Rivera. "Immigrants as the ‘Antagonists’? Populism, Negative Emotions and Anti-immigrant Attitudes in Ecuador". In IMISCOE Research Series, 187–206. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23996-0_11.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractGiven the increasing migration inflows in Ecuador in recent years, both the ruling government and the opposition, as well as a part of the public opinion, have expressed concerns about the very presence of certain foreign residents, occasionally portraying them as the ‘antagonist’ by natives. Considering this context of rising anxiety for Ecuadorians over immigrants of certain nationalities, particularly Colombians, Cubans and Venezuelans, we focus in this chapter on emotions and the political psychology of the voter. This is to explore to what extent Ecuadorian voters’ emotional underpinning and anti-immigrant attitudes are associated with their populist and elitist attitudes. Using individual-level data and structural equation modelling to unpack the nexus between different negative emotions, attitudes and prospective electoral behaviour, our results report that populist attitudes significantly lead to higher immigrant attitudes and are also positively correlated to electorally supporting a populist radical left-wing candidate. Furthermore, having negative emotions – predominantly anger and distrust – towards some foreign residents increases the probability of depicting anti-immigrant attitudes and voting for populist choices.
2
Diurlin, Lars. "The Nordic Mobilization of Public Opinion on Foreign Aid in the UN’s Second Development Decade". In Nordic Media Histories of Propaganda and Persuasion, 261–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05171-5_13.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThis chapter contributes to the understudied research areas of Nordic foreign aid media history and Nordic co-operations concerning the mobilization of public opinion on foreign aid. The study asks: What exchanges of ideas regarding information strategies took place between the Nordic aid agencies during the launch of the Second Development Decade (1970s)? Utilizing governmental archive documents the study demonstrates that Nordic co-operations shifted from embracing “Nordicness” in field projects to using Nordic connections as a backstage think-tank for mutual, but domestic, goals of public persuasion, focusing on film as an information device. It is revealed that cooperative efforts were hampered by the agencies’ lack of experience in audio-visual co-production, by different discursive understandings of “development” and by the difficulty to transnationally co-operate around nationally grounded information regimes.
3
WATANABE, AKIO. "Japanese Public Opinion and Foreign Affairs:". In The Foreign Policy of Modern Japan, 105–46. University of California Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.13167873.9.
Texto completo da fonte
4
"Japanese Public Opinion and Policies on Security and Defence [1987]". In Japanese Foreign Policy and Understanding Japanese Politics, 91–110. Global Oriental, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004227101_010.
Texto completo da fonte
5
Chubb, Andrew. "Public Opinion and Geoeconomics". In The Oxford Handbook of Geoeconomics and Economic Statecraft. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197673546.013.11.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract The multifaceted relationships between domestic public opinion and geoeconomics are an increasingly salient feature of world politics. This chapter first details four common roles of public opinion in geoeconomics: (1) supporting and incentivizing economic statecraft; (2) implementing economic statecraft; (3) initiating economic punishments against foreign targets; and (4) responding to foreign economic statecraft. The second section provides an overview of recent research on public attitudes toward economic statecraft in both sending states (seeking to utilize economic statecraft) and receiving countries (targeted by such measures). The third section explores the further research needed to understand the role of public in geoeconomic competition in an era of unprecedented cross-border interaction.
6
Boucher, Jean-Christophe. "Public Opinion, News, Digital Media, and Foreign Policy". In The Oxford Handbook of Foreign Policy Analysis, 249–66. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198843061.013.14.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract This chapter looks at the current state of the field of public opinion, and news and digital media. The central question organizing this research programme focuses on measuring and delineating the interactive relationship between the public, news media—and to some extent social media—and decision-makers. The literature on these issues is extensive and both theoretically and empirically rich and well developed. Nevertheless, with the rapid digitalization of our modern society, it is a field of research ready for disruption. New research questions on the role of the digital world in the realm of foreign policy as well as the development of new methodologies, especially those assisted by artificial intelligence, will possibly represent the future of Foreign Policy Analysis.
7
Fields, David P. "Mr. Rhee Goes to Washington". In Foreign Friends, 85–107. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177199.003.0004.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Chapter 3 examines how Rhee and the Korean independence movement utilized this constituency to place pressure on American policymakers during the fight over the ratification of the Versailles Treaty and during the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–1922. The chapter pays special attention to the common cause the Korean activists and their American supporters made with the so-called Irreconcilables in the US Senate. The Korean independence movement provided these senators with an “internationalist” justification for opposing the treaty and thus an answer to the charge that they were advocating isolationism. The Koreans in return received an airing of their views in the US Senate and even a vote on a Korean reservation to the Versailles Treaty. While scholars have examined the importance of the issue of the Shantung Peninsula to the case against the Versailles Treaty in the Senate, few have realized that it was the brutal Japanese suppression of the March First Movement that injected such passion into the debate over the Shantung. While Korean activists’ passionate invocations of the American mission during both the fight over the Versailles Treaty and the Washington Naval Conference did not result in any official policy changes toward Korea, they significantly shifted American perceptions of the Japanese colonization of Korea and brought much of informed American public opinion on the situation into sympathy with the Koreans.
8
"Public Opinion and Foreign Affairs: The Conscription System, National Consciousness, and the Warfare Propaganda of Japanese Empire". In Asian Culture, Diplomacy and Foreign Relations, Volume II, 79–96. BRILL, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004508279_005.
Texto completo da fonte
9
"Balancing threats foreign and domestic: the case of Japanese public opinion and the 2007 Upper House election". In Governing Insecurity in Japan, 50–67. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203070451-12.
Texto completo da fonte
10
Yamamoto, Hidehiro, e Taisuke Fujita. "State-Society Relations Under the COVID-19 Disaster in Japan". In Handbook of Research on Socio-Economic Sustainability in the Post-Pandemic Era, 139–57. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9760-6.ch007.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The COVID-19 pandemic forced states worldwide to intervene in citizens' lives, especially in two critical aspects: behavioral constraints and economic compensations. Accordingly, the pandemic provides an opportunity to reconsider the role of the state. Given that public opinion is an essential determinant of state-society relations in a democracy, this chapter investigates the extent to which people in Japan think the state should intervene in people's lives. The authors propose four hypotheses (political party support, anxiety about infection risk, authoritative attitude, and economic ideology) and test them by analyzing data from a questionnaire survey. The analysis reveals that whereas support for the ruling party and authoritarian attitudes positively affect support for COVID-19 measures, economic ideologies such as liberalism and redistribution do not affect it positively or negatively. The results indicate both the similarities and differences in public opinion regarding the state's role between Japan and Western countries and provide implications for Japanese society in the post-pandemic era.
Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research"
1
Inaba, Takashi, Kazuhiko Yamazaki e Shota Hiratsuka. "Visioning design for making the law familiar - Four utilization models of the law". In 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003345.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Japanese government has proposed Society 5.0, which is now known as the 4th Industrial Revolution, and the use of open data is attracting more and more attention and rapidly changing society and industrial structure. In line with these changes, the existence of law is also being called upon to change. However, while it is "extremely important to make the judiciary more familiar and accessible to the public," [Note 1] this has yet to be achieved. Rapid innovation has led to the creation and expansion of markets that have no legal system in place, and the law is still left to only a few experts.This study aims to create new social value by exploring the ideal form of law suited to the current social situation. We will also utilize design as a means to achieve this goal, and summarize the results as a case study of initiatives in the fields of law and design.3. This study contentBased on the aforementioned background, we surveyed domestic and foreign cases of advanced efforts regarding the Japanese people's awareness of and relationship with laws, and presented the characteristics of these cases. Based on these characteristics, we proposed a vision of "Law and Design for All. Finally, we will discuss and summarize the process that led to the vision proposal and discuss what is needed for collaboration in the fields of law and design in Japan.In this paper, we show what a "vision utilizing law and design" looks like, based on the current research we have conducted. In addition, the definition of vision in this study is "a desired vision of the future based on an individual's intrinsic motivation.4. research resultsA literature review was conducted to examine the Japanese people's awareness of the law. The survey revealed that they perceive that current laws are made by lawmakers whom they trust but do not trust, and that they are not involved in the process. In addition, they are not aware that they are making the laws, and are only required to decide and abide by them without knowing it. As a result, we believe that the problems are that they do not know that the law exists, they do not know how to use it because they do not know it, and the law is not up to date.We surveyed examples of activities, technologies, and services to solve these problems, and categorized them according to the target areas. As a result, we were able to classify them into LegalTech, OpenGovernment, GovTech, CivicTech, and Others (cases of utilization other than technology). It was found that there is a major trend toward the use of open data and citizen participation.In addition, a workshop was held to survey individuals' awareness of legal issues and use it as a reference for creating a vision. The theme was "issues and desires that you feel in your daily life that you think are related to the law. The participants were asked to write their awareness of legal issues on post-it notes and paste them on imitation papers. The reason for the ambiguity of "I think it is related to the law" was not the fact that the law is actually related to the issue, but rather to find out "what the person who wrote the post-it thinks is related to the law.As a result of the workshop, it can be said that the state that "Law and Design for All" aims for is a state where "people's awareness of the law is changing," "people are becoming more familiar with the law," "people are thinking about creating a better society," and "people feel their personal opinions are reflected in policy and law. It can be said that "people's awareness of the law is changing. We believe that law is subject to change, and that it is necessary to move from passive involvement to active involvement. Based on the above given conditions, we proposed a model in which law is viewed from the perspective of four relationships: "utilize," "protect," "improve," and “create.5. ConclusionBased on a survey of Japanese people's awareness of the law, case studies, and workshops, we have proposed a model that views the law from four perspectives. In the future, we plan to increase the number of cases in which this model is used and elaborate on it.The proposed model will enable us to understand the stages of legal utilization, and to realize the state that "Law and Design for All" aims to achieve through the cycle of the four stages. In other words, the "vision of utilizing law and design" can be described as the creation of a story that utilizes the proposed model.
2
Zhang, Zhenhua, e Li Zhu. "Research on Improving the Science Popularization System of Nuclear-Related Projects in China". In 2022 29th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone29-90546.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract Nuclear power itself has the characteristics of safety, cleanliness and high efficiency, but due to the professional particularity of nuclear energy and the people’s lack of knowledge about nuclear energy, it leads to the “social amplification of risks” in nuclear-related projects. Some basic data in the discipline of nuclear safety and radiation protection are analyzed, and the effects of the nuclear power chain on health, environment and climate were compared with those of the coal power chain and then the advantages of the nuclear energy industry are given. The article also compares and analyzes the nuclear energy risks and other risks, and analyzes the reasons for the public misunderstanding and fear of nuclear and radiation accidents (events). Now there are many problems existing in the nuclear science popularization work, such as the trend that the risk of nuclear-related projects is easy to be amplified by the society hinders the process of the nuclear energy industry to some extent. Also there are many deficiencies of support and popularization, and many problems in the development of high-quality popular science teaching materials and models and the cultivation and sharing of high-quality resources. Based on the above analysis, it is proposed that nuclear power science popularization should make precise efforts, distinguish groups, take measures according to people, classified implementation and precise communication. Specific suggestions and measures have the following aspects: Multilevel nuclear science education should be carried out and it includes nuclear science for nuclear experts and non-nuclear experts (including educators), nuclear science for government staff and public opinion media, and nuclear science for the public; At the same time, it is necessary to improve the form of nuclear science education, and we will actively and extensively carry out popular science activities that are practical, close to the people, distinctive and effective and establish a long-term nuclear science education mechanism; Drawing on foreign experience to accelerate the formulation of China’s atomic energy law, and clarify the status of public participation in the law. So as to improve the legal and regulatory system, improve the public participation system, and strengthen the capacity building of the information disclosure platform.
3
Bularca, Maria Cristina, Claudiu Coman, Luiza Mesesan Schmitz, Doina Draguinea e Radu Tudorica. "THE ROLE OF ONLINE MEDIA CHANNELS IN PORTRAYING THE EFFECTS OF THE COVID-19 VACCINE". In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s10.100.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
During the COVID -19 pandemic, among other institutions, mass media has played an essential role in disseminating information about the evolution of the pandemic, but also in shaping peoples� opinion about the COVID - 19 vaccine. The purpose of our paper was to identify the way online media channels portrayed the positive and negative effects of the COVID � 19 vaccines in order to raise awareness regarding the importance of analyzing the subject from several perspectives. We considered such an analysis to be both necessary and relevant, because often, exposure to mass � media can determine people to develop certain beliefs and to act in specific ways. We were interested in identifying which types of vaccines were presented in a more positive manner, and in identifying similarities and differences between the approaches of Romanian and foreign online media channels. Content analysis was used as a method, while having as a research instrument a content analysis grid. The sample of the research includes 5 official websites of Romanian media channels and 5 official websites of foreign media channels. The analysis period was: August 2020 - October 2020. The results of our research revealed that online media presented the COVID -19 vaccines both from a positive and negative perspective, the vaccines discussed most being the Russian vaccines, AstraZeneca and the Chinese vaccines. The context in which the vaccines was described most were represented by: effectiveness of vaccines and side effects. Considering the theoretical and practical implications, from a theoretical point of view, the paper contributes to the literature on the effects and influence of mass � media. From a practical point of view, the paper can be used as a frame of reference for further studying the influence of the messages sent through online media about the COVID � 19 vaccines on the public.
4
Pronske, Keith, Larry Trowsdale, Scott Macadam, Fermin Viteri, Frank Bevc e Dennis Horazak. "An Overview of Turbine and Combustor Development for Coal-Based Oxy-Syngas Systems". In ASME Turbo Expo 2006: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. ASMEDC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2006-90816.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Coal combustion technology is required that is capable of: (1) co-producing electricity and hydrogen from coal while; (2) achieving high efficiency, low capital cost, low operating cost, and near-zero atmospheric emissions; and (3) producing a sequestration-ready carbon dioxide stream. Clean Energy Systems, Inc. (CES) and Siemens Power Generation, Inc., are developing this technology that would lead to a 300 to 600 MW, design for a zero emissions coal syngas plant, targeted for the year 2015, CES and Siemens received awards on September 30, 2005 from the U.S. Department of Energy’s; Office of Fossil Energy Turbine Technology R&D Program. These awards are designed to advance turbines and turbine subsystems for integrated gasification combined cycle (IGCC) power plants. Studies have shown [1–4] that replacing air with nearly pure oxygen and steam in a turbine’s combustion chamber is a promising approach to designing coal based power plants with high efficiency and near-zero emissions. Siemens will combine current steam and gas turbine technologies to design an optimized turbine that uses oxygen with coal derived hydrogen fuels in the combustion process under a DOE Turbine Development Project [5]. CES will develop and demonstrate a new combustor technology powered by coal syngas and oxygen under a DOE Combustor Development Project [6]. The proposed programs build upon twelve years of prior technical work and government-sponsored research to develop and demonstrate zero-emission fossil fuel power generation. The planned system studies build upon previous work conducted by private, public, and foreign organizations, including CES [7–9], DOE’s National Energy Technology Laboratory (NETL) [10–12], Air Liquide (AL) [1,13], Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL) [2], Fern Engineering, Inc. [14], and Japanese investigators [15, 16]. Other pertinent data related to coal gasification, advanced air separation unit (ASU), plant integration and plant systems optimization, etc., can be found in references [17–23].
Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Foreign public opinion, japanese – research"
1
Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, março de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.