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1
Zulkarnain e Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste". Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, n.º 2 (16 de junho de 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste". British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, n.º 1 (13 de janeiro de 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
3
Clark, Andrew. "Your Asia-Pacific Network: The use of Radio Australia by the Australian Government". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, n.º 1 (1 de setembro de 2003): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.758.
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This article examines the use of Radio Australia by the Australian Government. It examines the extent that the Australian Government's foreign policy goals are reflected in the charter and programming of Radio Australia. The paper begins with a brief historical look at Radio Australia followed by description and analysis of the role of an intermediary between the government and the station, which, in this case, is the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), the parent company of Radio Australia; the programme philosophy of, and programming offered by Radio Australia, and criticisms of Radio Australia from within the Pacific.
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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945". Historical Journal 37, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.
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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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Farneubun, Petrus K. "China’s Rise and its Implications for Australian Foreign Policy". Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 2, n.º 2 (7 de agosto de 2022): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2234.
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This article places a particular emphasis on the rise of China and its implications for Australian foreign policy. It qualitatively examines the perceptions of China’s rise, its intentions, and the Australian responses, based on government and international organisation reports, and secondary sources such as books, journals, and media articles. Using realism as a theoretical lens, this article argues that Australia’s foreign policy still reflects an ambiguity, as a result of, on the one hand, the economic opportunities China creates, and on the other hand, uncertainty regarding China’s intentions, whether offensive or defensive, peaceful or aggressive. Facing this condition, this article demonstrates that Australia adopts several important policy strategies. First, it maintains a hedging strategy to balance its economic interests and its security concern. Second, Australia continues to rely on the protection of the US. In the long-term, however, this reliance may be changed. For this reason, Australia needs to increase its own military capability. This article concludes that Australian foreign policy will likely remain ambivalent in its response to the rise of China.KEYWORDSAustralia; China’s Rise; Foreign Policy; Military Capability; Power Shift
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II". Problems of World History, n.º 18 (8 de novembro de 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Bloomfield, Alan. "Australia, and ASEAN at Fifty". Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i2.85.
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In its early documents related to Asianist orientation, Australia looked at engaging its immediate neighbourhood through institution such as ASEAN. ASEAN which was created to bring about synergies within the region and also engage important stakeholders as dialogue partners. Australia has been involved in Vietnam as part of its alliance obligations with US in 1970s and subsequently also. Australia has looked into ASEAN as a vehicle for cooperation, development and building better relations with Indonesia. The author argues that while Australia has aligned itself with the concept of the ASEAN way, there has not been any tectonic shift in the way Australia conducts its foreign policy. Even though Australia was one of the earliest dialogue partner in ASEAN, it has calibrated its policy depending on the national government priorities and the international interests of the country. The article also outlines the narrative from Australian perspective and situates ASEAN in the larger foreign policy discourse in Australia.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia". Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, n.º 2 (27 de maio de 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.
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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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McDonald, Matt. "Australian Foreign Policy under the Abbott Government: Foreign Policy as Domestic Politics?" Australian Journal of International Affairs 69, n.º 6 (21 de agosto de 2015): 651–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2015.1056514.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, e David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973". Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n.º 4 (outubro de 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.
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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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Mulyadi, Martin Surya, Maya Safira Dewi, Yunita Anwar e Hanggoro Pamungkas. "Indonesian And Australian Tax Policy Implementation In Food And Agriculture Industry". International Journal of Finance & Banking Studies (2147-4486) 3, n.º 1 (21 de janeiro de 2014): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijfbs.v3i2.170.
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Tax policy is one of the most important policy in consideration of investment development in certain industry. Research by Newlon (1987), Swenson (1994) and Hines (1996) concluded that tax rate is one of the most important thing considered by investors in a foreign direct investment. One of tax policy could be used to attract foreign direct investment is income tax incentives. The attractiveness of income tax incentives to a foreign direct investment is as much as the attractiveness to a domestic investment (Anwar and Mulyadi, 2012).
In this paper, we have conducted a study of income tax incentives in food and agriculture industry; where we conduct a thorough study of income tax incentives and corporate performance in Indonesian and Australian food and agriculture industry. Our research show that there is a significant influence of income tax incentives to corporate performance. Based on our study, we conclude that the significant influence of income tax incentives to Indonesian corporate performance somewhat in a higher degree than the Australian peers. We have also concluded that Indonesian government provide a relatively more interesting income tax incentives compare to Australian government. However, an average method of net income –a method applied in Australia– could be considered by Indonesian government to avoid a market price fluctuation in this industry.
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Lehmann, Caitlyn. "Editorial". Children Australia 42, n.º 4 (29 de novembro de 2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.
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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).
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MOSOLOVA, Olga V. "DEMOGRAPHICS SITUATION IN AUSTRALIA: REALITY AND FORECASTS". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, n.º 3(56) (2022): 194–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-3-3-56-194-203.
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Demographics situation in Australia determinates by internal and foreign migration floods, as well by natural increment of population. Australia is a multinational country, therefore the solution of demographics problem is important part of the government policy. Before the pandemic COVID-19 the growth rates of Australian population was higher than in the most developed countries. The main factor of population growth in the years before the pandemic was foreign migration. The population of Australia is the association of the people with rich variety in culture, linguistics and religious attitudes. The most of Australians is the immigrants or the posterity of the immigrants. Introduction of international frontier restrictions in times of pandemic led to the reduction of migrant’s flow, as well to the deceleration of Australian population growth rates. Like this, results of pandemic to a great extent changed demographics situation in the country. As far as to further demographics development of Australia, forecasts shows, that in a future population growth rates must restore, since together with the opening of international frontiers starts the return of provisional and constant migrates. In opinion of experts, in a future migration questions also will be important element of Australian demographics policy.
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Juita, Dewi Nawar Sri, e Baiq L. S. W. Wardhani. "Bantuan Australia kepada Kiribati melalui Program Kiribati Australia Nursing Initiative (KANI)". Insignia: Journal of International Relations 8, n.º 1 (24 de março de 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.1.3486.
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Kiribati merupakan salah satu negara yang terletak di Kepulauan Pasifik yang rentan dengan banjir karena kenaikan permukaan air laut dan diperkirakan akan tenggelam pada tahun 2050. Selain itu, Kiribati juga dihadapkan oleh permasalahan domestik, seperti pengangguran dan kemiskinan. Untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut, pemerintah Kiribati berupaya untuk membentuk kebijakan yang dikenal dengan “migration with dignity” dengan meningkatkan program pendidikan dan keterampilan. Untuk mendukung kebijakan tersebut, pemerintah Australia sebagai negara tetangga Kiribati, memberikan bantuan berupa beasiswa kepada masyarakat Kiribati dalam bentuk program beasiswa pendidikan geratis di bidang keperawatan dan memberikan kesempatan bagi masyarakat Kiribati yang telah lulus program tersebut untuk bekerja langsung di Australia. Bantuan beasiswa ini dikenal dengan Kiribati Australia Nursing Initiative (KANI). Penelitian ini menjawab pertanyaan faktor-faktor yang menjadi motif Australia dalam membantu Kiribati. Penelitian ini berupa studi kepustakaan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, mengumpulkan data dari buku, internet, dan artikel ilmiah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa KANI merupakan program beasiswa yang tidak saja menguntungkan Kiribati sebagai negara penerima, tetapi juga menguntungkan Australia sebagai negara pemberi bantuan luar negeri. Self-interest Australia yang dominan dalam program KANI adalah kebutuhannya pada kekurangan tenaga kerja pada sektor kesehatan akibat terbatasnya sumber daya manusia dalam memenuhi kebutuhan tersebut, sekaligus untuk memenuhi tugas regional Australia sebagai ‘big brother’ di Pasifik.
Kata kunci: Australia, bantuan luar negeri, KANI, Kiribati
Kiribati is a nation in the Pacific Island that is exposed to flooding due to rising sea levels and is expected to sink by 2050. In addition, Kiribati is also faced domestic problems such as unemployment and poverty. To solve the problems, Kiribati government seeks to establish a policy known as "migration with dignity" by improving education and skills programs. To support this policy, Australian government as a neighboring country of Kiribati, provides scholarship assistance to the Kiribati community in the form of free education scholarship programs in the field of nursing and provides opportunities for kiribati citizen who have passed the program to work directly in Australia. This scholarship assistance is known as Kiribati Australia Nursing Initiative (KANI). This study answers the question of Australia's motive in helping Kiribati. This research is in the form of literature studies using qualitative methods, collecting data from books, the internet, journals and scientific articles. The result showed that KANI is a scholarship program that not only benefits Kiribati as a receiving country, but also benefits Australa as a foreign aid provider. Australia's dominant self-interest in KANI program is its need for workforce shortages in the health sector due to limited human resources in meeting those needs, as well as to fulfill Australia's regional duty as a 'big brother' in the Pacific.
Keywords: Australia, foreign aid, KANI, Kiribati
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Mulyadi, Martin Surya, Maya Safira Dewi, Yunita Anwar e Hanggoro Pamungkas. "Indonesian And Australian Tax Policy Implementation In Food And Agriculture Industry". International Journal of Finance & Banking Studies (2147-4486) 3, n.º 1 (19 de janeiro de 2016): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijfbs.v3i1.170.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
<p>Tax policy is one of the most important policy in consideration of investment development in certain industry. Research by Newlon (1987), Swenson (1994) and Hines (1996) concluded that tax rate is one of the most important thing considered by investors in a foreign direct investment. One of tax policy could be used to attract foreign direct investment is income tax incentives. The attractiveness of income tax incentives to a foreign direct investment is as much as the attractiveness to a domestic investment (Anwar and Mulyadi, 2012). In this paper, we have conducted a study of income tax incentives in food and agriculture industry; where we conduct a thorough study of income tax incentives and corporate performance in Indonesian and Australian food and agriculture industry. Our research show that there is a significant influence of income tax incentives to corporate performance. Based on our study, we conclude that the significant influence of income tax incentives to Indonesian corporate performance somewhat in a higher degree than the Australian peers. We have also concluded that Indonesian government provide a relatively more interesting income tax incentives compare to Australian government. However, an average method of net income –a method applied in Australia– could be considered by Indonesian government to avoid a market price fluctuation in this industry.</p>
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50". East Asian Policy 14, n.º 02 (abril de 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Capling, Ann, e Kim Richard Nossal. "Parliament and the Democratization of Foreign Policy: The Case of Australia's Joint Standing Committee on Treaties". Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, n.º 4 (setembro de 2003): 835–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778883.
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There is little agreement about the degree to which parliamentary institutions can help overcome the democratic deficit in global governance. While much of the literature on the European Union's democratic deficit focuses on reforming parliament, most commentary on the subject in global governance and foreign policy holds out little hope that national parliaments could be used to mitigate the effects of the internationalization of public policy. This article examines the case of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties (JSCOT), established by the Australian government in 1996 in an explicit attempt to use parliamentary reform to address the democratic deficit. Although JSCOT was highly active, it did not significantly change the way in which Australian national positions in international negotiations were arrived at; the democratic deficit created in Australia by increasing internationalization has not been mitigated by the creation of this committee. While the JSCOT initiatives might have been motivated by the concerns of the government of John Howard to overcome the democratic deficit, the way in which JSCOT actually evolved departed considerably from those original intentions. Ironically, JSCOT evolved in ways not dissimilar to the evolution of NGO consultation in Canada in the 1990s: as a tool of political management, a means by which the government could channel protest, deflect opposition, and in essence legitimize its own policy preferences.
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Buttery, Alan, e Rick Tamaschke. "Marketing Decision Support Systems and Australian Businesses: A Queensland Case Study and Implications Towards 2000". Journal of Management & Organization 3, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1997): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s183336720000599x.
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AbstractLittle is known about the extent to which the Marketing Decision Support System (MDSS) technology is currently used in Australia, or about the scope for the technology in Australia towards the year 2000. This paper reports the results of recent survey research into MDSS in Queensland by industry sector (agriculture and mining, manufacturing, construction, and services). The results suggest that there is an urgent need to boost the pace of MDSS development in all industry sectors, and that this should be given a high priority in government policy initiatives to enhance Australia's competitive advantage. It is possible, otherwise, that the present gap in information usage between Australia and its competitors will widen, with consequent negative implications for the nation's current account deficit, foreign debt and unemployment.
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Buttery, Alan, e Rick Tamaschke. "Marketing Decision Support Systems and Australian Businesses: A Queensland Case Study and Implications Towards 2000". Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management 3, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1997): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/jmo.1997.3.1.51.
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AbstractLittle is known about the extent to which the Marketing Decision Support System (MDSS) technology is currently used in Australia, or about the scope for the technology in Australia towards the year 2000. This paper reports the results of recent survey research into MDSS in Queensland by industry sector (agriculture and mining, manufacturing, construction, and services). The results suggest that there is an urgent need to boost the pace of MDSS development in all industry sectors, and that this should be given a high priority in government policy initiatives to enhance Australia's competitive advantage. It is possible, otherwise, that the present gap in information usage between Australia and its competitors will widen, with consequent negative implications for the nation's current account deficit, foreign debt and unemployment.
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Hennessey, Eileen M. "‘…the cheapest thing in Australia is the girls’: Young Women In Townsville 1942–45". Queensland Review 1, n.º 1 (junho de 1994): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000519.
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Australian foreign policy reached a watershed in late 1941/early 1942. As the Japanese continued their rapid advance through Southeast Asia and into New Guinea, apprehensive Australians believed their country could be next. The government also knew their traditional ally Britain would not come to their aid should the Japanese invade Australia, and as most of their own forces were already out of the country, the remainder would have provided a totally inadequate defence. For Prime Minister Curtin and his advisers it was America that had to provide protection for Australia; both for its own sake, and as the base from which the Japanese advance through the Eastern Pacific rim from North to South could be halted.
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Latimer, Paul. "Anti-bribery laws – compliance issues in Australia". Journal of Financial Crime 24, n.º 1 (3 de janeiro de 2017): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-03-2016-0015.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the scope of the legal responses to bribery and particularly foreign bribery in the global context. It identifies the corrosive effect of bribery and its negative effect on the economy, before turning to Australia’s mixed response to foreign bribery. Design/methodology/approach The paper is theoretical in nature as a review of policy, and the literature has been the main method used for analysis. Given the increasingly transnational and organised nature of foreign bribery, this paper adopts a comparative approach using Australia as the home base with some comparisons with the UK and the USA. Findings This paper finds that Australia’s response to foreign bribery is improving from a low base, and that this is recognised by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. Further improvement could be expected if there were strong government leadership and coordination of law enforcement authorities, including the police, corporate regulators and corruption authorities at the Commonwealth, state and territory levels. This paper acknowledges the work of Australia’s unfinished Senate Foreign Bribery Inquiry, which is due to report by 30 June 2017. Practical implications This paper revisits the debate on bribery and the response of law enforcement, highlighting the importance of effective and coordinated law enforcement. The paper will provide background for those analysing the issues with foreign bribery and the solutions for law enforcement. Originality/value The paper enables the reader to gain insights into the problems and causes and effects of foreign bribery. It is hoped that this paper will contribute to, and facilitate, further analysis of the most effective way to deal with bribery and the legal response.
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Van Hoa, Tran, Lindsay Turner e Jo Vu. "Economic impact of Chinese tourism on Australia". Tourism Economics 24, n.º 6 (23 de abril de 2018): 677–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816618769077.
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China’s trade, tourism and limited foreign direct investment (FDI) to Australia have been regarded as playing an important part in Australia’s growth and prosperity in recent years. In spite of the fact that these activities are the three principal growth determinants in modern economic integration theory, growth studies based on this theory’s structural framework, while highly appropriate, have hardly been undertaken. This article proposes to fill the gap by formally developing an endogenous causal model of simultaneous growth and tourism for policy analysis. In this model, trade, FDI and tourism are specified as the main contributing factors to growth. Simultaneously, gravity theory (including growth) and the Ironmonger–Lancaster new consumer demand theory determine tourism, while ‘economic conditionality’ potentially affecting both growth and tourism in the sense of Johansen is recognized and incorporated. The model is then applied to Australian and Chinese data for the important post-Japanese tourist boom period 1992–2015, to provide substantive findings on three questions: the impact of Chinese tourism to Australia, Chinese tourism determination and the effects of Chinese trade and key macroeconomic indicators on Australian economic growth. Significant policy implications are then developed for use by government tourism planners and policymakers.
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Greenstock, Jeremy. "Reorienting Foreign Policy". National Institute Economic Review 250 (novembro de 2019): R34—R39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000115.
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Executive SummaryAfter Brexit, the UK must show that it has a voice. It will need to re-earn international respect, and in particular establish the concept of a ‘global Britain’ on the basis of performance, not rhetoric. That means re-establishing a strong network of relationships around the world in support of its security and economic health, but also continuing to play a leading role in support of the international rules-based order. For example, it should make the most of its continuing status as a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council to act as a problem-solver and system-enhancer in the collective interest.An early, first-order priority will be establishing a new, mutually beneficial partnership with the European Union, which continues to form our economic and political neighbourhood. Reconstructing a modern relationship with the United States is not secondary to that, but cannot substitute for it and must be undertaken in recognition of the differing interests and instincts of the two sides. A further challenge is building the right relationship with China based on mutual interest in trade, peace, and international respect and on confronting expansionist or opportunistic practices. With Russia, too, it is possible to design a predictable set of behaviours on either side, and with both countries good communication channels will need to be maintained.Brexit gives the UK the scope to construct a more deliberate diplomatic approach to the rest of the English-speaking world than was explicitly possible as an EU member – notably in working with Canada, Australia and New Zealand to promote the international rules-based order. But this should be complemented by more effective outreach to non-English-speaking countries, notably in support of trade and investment opportunities with emerging nations. But with them as with all the UK's interlocutors, the need to earn its place, and to show that it realises that, will be vital.In defence and security, the UK will continue in its commitment to the strength of NATO as its essential alliance under US leadership, while also liaising carefully with EU Member States as they seek to improve their own capacities to contribute to European security. But it cannot simply rely on old institutional structures. It needs to lead, for example by playing a stronger role in the control of non-military forms of aggression, such as cyber warfare, economic sanctions, rivalry in space, and commercial espionage.A strategy for realising the UK's interests in the international arena will require the Prime Minister's constant attention, but also a specific mandate for a very senior minister to supervise the interlinked policy areas of foreign affairs, international development, and international trade within a single government department.
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Syafik, Munjin, Raisha Nadina Nur Fitria, Bama Andika Putra e Darwis. "Australia's Role in Supporting Kiribati's Migration with Dignity Policy Dealing with Sea Level Rise in the South Pacific". Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, n.º 2 (15 de maio de 2022): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2022.4.2.13.
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This study aims to describe Kiribati's adaptation efforts through the "Migration with Dignity" policy that the government made to deal with the sea level rise problem and to describe Australia's role in supporting Kiribati in carrying out this policy. The research method used in this research is a descriptive analytical research type that describes the cause and effect of a certain phenomenon, in this case, climate change, by describing data, facts, and arguments relevant to the discussion. The results of this study indicate that through migration policy as an adaptation strategy, the Kiribati government builds its capacity to respond to human security threats arising from sea level rise and fulfills the responsibility to ensure the survival of the population through education and skills development programs. In this regard, Australia plays a role as the dominant regional actor by providing assistance through AusAID. Australia's foreign aid as a donor country is used to meet the needs of Kiribati as a recipient country to support the "Migration with Dignity" policy.
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Nathania, Christina, e Megahnanda Alidyan K. "An Analysis of Australia’s Foreign Policy through its Domestic Factors to Combat Child Sex Tourism in Project Childhood". ARISTO 11, n.º 1 (11 de julho de 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ars.v11i1.5318.
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2010 was the year Australia initiated and signed Project Childhood, a grant and partnership to protect children from sexual exploitation due to travel and tourism. Four countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, are in a sub-region where child sex tourism occurs a lot. The phenomenon of transnational borders will involve sending country as the country of traveling child sex offenders, and receiving country for victims coordinates to make serious law enforcement regarding this issue. In formulating foreign policy, domestic factors are one way of looking at why Australia provides funding, assistance, and initiate international cooperation to combat child sex tourism in GMS. Through this research, the authors will explain the domestic factors that influence Australia in initiating Project Childhood as its foreign policy, using domestic determinants as the level of analysis. Then, it will be divided into 3 sub-determinants, they are; highly stable, demonstrating an Australian responsibility for TCSO originating in the country. This is related to one of the demographic components that cause migration problems. Moderately stable, in relation to the domestic reforms that are actively being carried out in the context of enforcing the extraterritoriality. The last, unstable, the factor of public opinion which also has played an important role so that the government gives attention to this phenomenon
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Short, Stephanie Doris, Hyo-Young Lee, Mi-Joung Lee, Eunok Park e Farah Purwaningrum. "The Case for a Reciprocal Health Care Agreement between Australia and South Korea". Asia Pacific Journal of Health Management 16, n.º 1 (28 de fevereiro de 2021): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24083/apjhm.v16i1.505.
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Objectives: This study presents the case for a reciprocal health care agreement (RHCA) between Australia and South Korea. Design and Setting: The research utilised a qualitative social scientific methodology. Document analysis was conducted on government reports, official statistics and media articles in English and Korean. Main outcomes: In Australia, the Health Insurance Act 1973 enables health care agreements with 11 nations, however, Korea has no similar legislation in place. Therefore, Korea would need to build a broader consensus on the need for a RHCA in full, based on the precedent of Australia's agreements with other nations, as well as on the Korean Pension Act, which has enabled reciprocal (equal treatment among the countries) pension agreements with 28 nations through an exceptive clause. Results: The active government commitment and involvement of the Ministry of Health and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia, and of the Ministry of Health & Welfare and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in South Korea, would be essential for a successful RHCA process to come to fruition. Conclusions: While a potential health care agreement between Australia and Korea would constitute a significant step forward in strengthening people-to-people links between these two significant trading partners in the spirit of health diplomacy, the feasibility at the current time is very low indeed.
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Johnston, Judy. "Assessing Government’s Performance Management Capability: the Case of the Australian Electricity Industry". International Review of Administrative Sciences 70, n.º 1 (março de 2004): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852304041235.
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When governments open up opportunities for private investment in traditional public sector areas, it is increasingly clear that a useful range of performance management information needs to be available to both government and business. Government needs to know how it is performing, comparatively, within and beyond its own domain, for the development of public policy and productivity enhancement. Business needs to know, understand and monitor the industry environment in which investment is contemplated or has already taken place. Performance measurement and monitoring is especially important where governments wish to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to their shores. Whether governments manage performance and information well or are still constrained by bureaucratic and political thinking is still at issue. Using the example of the contrived national electricity market in Australia, this article, through literature and document review, examines the likely value to government and business of performance information, now available in the public domain. First, the article considers some of the changes to the Australian electricity industry. Second, specific performance indicators relevant to the national electricity market are examined in terms of their utility for government and business decision-making. Third, the impact of the political environment on performance management information is explored. The article concludes that while some important quantitative performance management information is available in a rational sense, other more political, qualitative indicators also need to be taken into account.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, e David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia". Journal of Cold War Studies 13, n.º 4 (outubro de 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.
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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.
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Qiao, Xiaoyong. "The Empirical Research on Macro Decision-Making Factors of Implementing Countervailing Policy". Journal of Systems Science and Information 1, n.º 1 (25 de fevereiro de 2013): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jssi-2013-0060.
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AbstractAt present, with the rapid development of foreign trade, trade friction of China has transformed from the microcosmic aspects of enterprise to the macroscopical aspects of government. Countervailing policy as a trade policy has a profound effect on many aspects. Based on constructing Binary Choice Model of the influencing factors of macro decision-making, this paper tries to carry out an empirical study on the influencing factors of macro decision-making form foreign countries against China with the data of the 38 countervailing files initiated by the United States, Canada, Australia, South Africa and India from 2004 to 2009. This paper makes contributions to provide reference to China’s macro decision-making sectors.
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Long, Kyle, e Carly O’Connell. "Public Discourse and Public Policy on Foreign Interference in Higher Education". Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 14, n.º 5 (9 de dezembro de 2022): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v14i5.4650.
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In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims’ concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China’s exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment long-standing assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.
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Hartwell, John. "2009 Release of offshore petroleum exploration acreage". APPEA Journal 49, n.º 1 (2009): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj08030.
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John Hartwell is Head of the Resources Division in the Department of Resources, Energy and Tourism, Canberra Australia. The Resources Division provides advice to the Australian Government on policy issues, legislative changes and administrative matters related to the petroleum industry, upstream and downstream and the coal and minerals industries. In addition to his divisional responsibilities, he is the Australian Commissioner for the Australia/East Timor Joint Petroleum Development Area and Chairman of the National Oil and Gas Safety Advisory Committee. He also chairs two of the taskforces, Clean Fossil Energy and Aluminium, under the Asia Pacific Partnership for Clean Development and Climate (AP6). He serves on two industry and government leadership groups delivering reports to the Australian Government, strategies for the oil and gas industry and framework for the uranium industry. More recently he led a team charged with responsibility for taking forward the Australian Government’s proposal to establish a global carbon capture and storage institute. He is involved in the implementation of a range of resource related initiatives under the Government’s Industry Action Agenda process, including mining and technology services, minerals exploration and light metals. Previously he served as Deputy Chairman of the Snowy Mountains Council and the Commonwealth representative to the Natural Gas Pipelines Advisory Committee. He has occupied a wide range of positions in the Australian Government dealing with trade, commodity, and energy and resource issues. He has worked in Treasury, the Department of Trade, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Department of Primary Industries and Energy before the Department of Industry, Science and Resources. From 1992–96 he was a Minister Counsellor in the Australian Embassy, Washington, with responsibility for agriculture and resource issues and also served in the Australian High Commission, London (1981–84) as the Counsellor/senior trade relations officer. He holds a MComm in economics, and Honours in economics from the University of New South Wales, Australia. Prior to joining the Australian Government, worked as a bank economist. He was awarded a public service medal in 2005 for his work on resources issues for the Australian Government.
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Caruso, Marinella, e Josh Brown. "Continuity in foreign language education in Australia". Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 40, n.º 3 (31 de dezembro de 2017): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.17029.car.
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Abstract This article discusses the validity of the bonus for languages other than English (known as the Language Bonus) established in Australia to boost participation in language education. In subjecting this incentive plan to empirical investigation, we not only address a gap in the literature, but also continue the discussion on how to ensure that the efforts made by governments, schools, education agencies and teachers to support language study in schooling can have long-term success. Using data from a large-scale investigation, we consider the significance of the Language Bonus in influencing students’ decisions to study a language at school and at university. While this paper has a local focus – an English-speaking country in which language study is not compulsory – it engages with questions from the broader agenda of providing incentives for learning languages. It will be relevant especially for language policy in English speaking countries.
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Bakhturazova, T. V., M. K. Mayorov, N. V. Mayorova e D. A. Edelev. "THREATS TO INDUSTRIAL POLICY, TRADE AND KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN A GLOBAL EMERGENCY". Vestnik Universiteta, n.º 4 (29 de junho de 2020): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-4-42-46.
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The coronavirus epidemic 2019-nCoV in China has already led to a slowdown in the country’s economic growth and the fall of the yuan exchange rate on the stock exchanges. The Russian government has banned visa-free tourist trips between Russia and China and the issuance of work visas to Russia for Chinese citizens; Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Pakistan, and Italy have imposed similar bans. Great Britain, South Korea, Singapore and New Zealand have imposed quarantine for arrivals from China. Military aircrafts of Russia, India and Thailand take their citizens out of China. The US authorities have declared public health emergency and ban on the entry of all foreign citizens who have visited China over the past two weeks. This article gives forecast, how these measures of the governments will affect on global academic mobility and economic growth.
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Trakman, Leon E. "Investor State Arbitration or Local Courts: Will Australia Set a New Trend?" Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2012): 83–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012004.
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The Australian Government announced in April 2011 that it will no longer include arbitration clauses in its investment treaties but will provide that investment disputes between foreign investors and host states be heard by the domestic courts of those host states instead. This statement reflects doubts by a developed state about the efficiency of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in general and investment arbitration in particular. It also raises the question whether other countries will follow particular strategies to suit their discrete needs. One ramification is that resource wealthy states will make tactical decisions, such as entering into BITs only with capital exporting countries, as South Africa has declared. Another is whether developed states will avoid concluding BITs with developing countries whose domestic court systems are unknown or mistrusted. Yet another issue is how a policy statement, such as enunciated by Australia, will impact on its ability to attract foreign investment while protecting its national interests and also its investors abroad. This article deals with these issues, highlighting the significance of competing dispute resolution options in addressing the issues.
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MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, n.º 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.
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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.
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Epper, Mark, e John Charters. "THE ENVIRONMENT FOR RAISING FUNDS FOR PETROLEUM EXPLORATION IN THE 1990s". APPEA Journal 31, n.º 1 (1991): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj90040.
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Private shareholders' equity has traditionally funded greenfield exploration programs in Australia in the 1980s. In the next decade junior exploration companies will again need to rely on funding from both current and potential shareholders. However, the major difference between the 1980s and the 1990s will be the level of difficulty for companies seeking to raise funds. Recent events have sapped potential investor confidence, particularly private investors, and notably, in oil and gas exploration companies.The recent events in the Middle East and the need for some degree of energy self-sufficiency make investment in oil exploration essential for Australia right now. Exploration requires substantial amounts of risk capital which, at this time, is not flowing from traditional sources. Rather, we are seeing a concentration of ownership in the hands of financial institutions and a handful of producing companies and foreign multinationals. It is essential for the Federal Government to recognise the need to offer further incentives to encourage the private sector to invest in exploration companies. In this paper we suggest that the most effective mechanism for such incentives is through some minor modifications to the Australian taxation system.The oil exploration industry must pursue Government in a co-ordinated manner for assistance in raising funds particularly as the requirement for action is urgent. Industry bodies, such as the Australian Petroleum Exploration Association Ltd (APEA) have recently petitioned the Federal Government with recommendations but the Government has failed to accept these proposals on the grounds that they are inconsistent with present tax policy. If this is the case it is time present policy was changed.Clearly, all exploration companies will take whatever action is possible to raise funds for exploration and not simply look in vain for government salvation by handout. However, in the interests of Australian national security, the government has a responsibility to encourage and foster oil and gas exploration.Since planning for this paper commenced in July 1990, oil prices have leapt from US$18 to approximately US$40 per barrel. Should prices such as these (not experienced since the early 1980s) continue, it will make investment in exploration companies more attractive to all investors while at the same time it will test severely the endurance of the equity market generally.
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BOLLEN, JONATHAN. "‘As Modern as Tomorrow’: Australian Entrepreneurs and Japanese Entertainment, 1957–1968". Theatre Research International 43, n.º 2 (julho de 2018): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883318000275.
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This article compares the efforts of two Australian entrepreneurs to import Japanese entertainments for theatres in mid-twentieth-century Australia. David N. Martin of the Tivoli Circuit and Harry Wren, an independent producer, were rivals in the business of touring variety-revue. Both travelled to Japan in 1957, the year that the governments of Australia and Japan signed a landmark trade agreement. Whereas Martin's efforts were hampered by the legacy of wartime attitudes, Wren embraced the post-war optimism for trade. Wren became the Australian promoter for the Toho Company of Japan, touring a series of Toho revues until 1968. These Toho tours have been overlooked in Australian histories of cultural exchange with Japan. Drawing on evidence from archival sources and developing insights from foreign policy of the time, this article examines why Australian entrepreneurs turned to Japan, what Toho sent on tour, and how Toho's revues played in Australia. It analyses trade in touring entertainment as a form of entrepreneurial diplomacy that sought to realize the prospects of regional integration.
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Radjikan, Radjikan. "HUKUM SEBAGAI INSTRUMEN KEBIJAKAN PUBLIK DALAM IZIN USAHA PERTAMBANGAN BATUBARA". Jurnal Widya Publika 8, n.º 1 (12 de junho de 2020): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47329/widyapublika.v8i1.642.
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Indonesia is known as an international coal supplier, as in Borneo. The March 2007 abare report (Australian bureau research for agriculture and economic resource) has placed Indonesia as the world's largest coal supplier (about 25%) in the world, followed by Australia, South Africa, China, the Russian, Colombian, and United States. Massive uncontrolled coal deployment, one day it's going to cause big trouble. On the negative side, this actually encourages both national and foreign private companies to achieve even greater coal extinctions. Therefore, governments should actually be working on the redefinition and reorientation of the mining exploitation to be truly beneficial to the people.
There are two problems that appear: 1) How is the law as a public policy instrument in coal mining business license?, 2) How does the institutional public policy model in mining permissions? To answer the issue is used descriptive research method analysis so that it is concluded that: Mining Problems in Indonesia lies in the exploitation of coal mining that is so great to overlook the interests of local communities and the environment. The role of law as a public policy instrument can be poured through coal mining permissions. This permission policy uses an institutional public policy model where the government is legitimizing licensing. The legitimacy has implications in the sanctions of any violations in the field of coal mining both in the form of criminal sanctions and administrative sanctions. This policy is also universal.
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Ramadhani, Suci Nur, e Mohammad Noer. "CHINA’S INFLUENCE ON AUSTRALIA'S POSITION IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC IN THE SECURITY SECTOR AND DEVELOPING SECTOR". Journal of Social Political Sciences 3, n.º 1 (28 de fevereiro de 2022): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v3i1.98.
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After the economic growth, the government system, and security in the Solomon Islands have started to improve. China is here to increase its influence in the Region. China's presence in the Solomon Islands puts Australia's position at risk. The research entitled "China's Influence on Australia's Position in the South Pacific Region in the Security and Development Sector. (Case Study: the Solomon Islands 2013-2017)”, has a problem formulation because the influence exerted by China on the Solomon Islands can pose a threat to Australia. This study aimed to determine the influence exerted by China on the Solomon Islands, thus posing a threat to Australia's position in the region, especially in the security and security sector. This research uses the library research method or literature study. Researchers use library research as their research by collecting library data, reading, taking notes, and reprocessing research materials. The theory used to answer the problem is the theory of foreign policy and international security. Based on the results of the analysis, the author can find out that the presence of China in the Solomon Islands has had a major influence on Australia in the region. If China succeeds in exerting influence in the Solomon Islands, it will pose a huge threat to Australia's position on a security.
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Rimmer, Susan Harris. "Australian experiments in creative governance, regionalism, and plurilateralism". International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2016): 630–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016686383.
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The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.” This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new emphasis on minilateral dialogues such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia (MIKTA), and more effort directed to bilateral and plurilateral processes such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. This approach has been continued under Prime Minister Turnbull, with a renewed focus on innovation. Part 1 considers minilateral and regional investments in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily, IORA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). I consider MIKTA a unique vehicle for Australian diplomacy. Part 2 considers what issues Australia should be pursuing through these forums, with a focus on the two themes of gender equality (as an example of niche diplomacy) and trade (multilateralism under pressure) as case studies. Beeson and Higgott argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement “games of skill,” especially at moments of international transition. How skilful have Australia’s efforts been in these minilateral dialogues, enhanced regionalism, and plurilateral processes, and what more can be achieved in these forums? Are these efforts creating more fragmentation of the rules-based order, or are they a way to overcome global governance stalemates? I set out the arguments for whether Australia, as a pivotal power, should generate more global options, or be more focused on inclusion in the Asia-Pacific region.
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West, Rachel. "Does pragmatism always work?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, n.º 2 (31 de outubro de 2007): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.2.4.
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As with any country, the political objectives of Australian foreign policy are based on Australian national values. Yet, because such values are inherently based on governmental interpretation, political leanings have created legitimate differences in the objectives pursued in Australian foreign policy over time. This article will explore these differences through Australia’s position as a Western, liberal democracy located in the Asia-Pacific. This will be done by examining Australia’s relations with those countries which represent the convergence of the Asia-Pacific’s most significant economic, strategic, and political links – Northeast Asia. What will be apparent is that, while determined in its resolve, the political objectives pursued by the current Howard government have proved to be both contentious and potentially damaging to Australia’s standing in the region.
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Ng, Kenny. "Combating marine invasive alien species effectively in Australia". Asia Pacific Journal of Environmental Law 24, n.º 1 (24 de setembro de 2021): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/apjel.2021.01.02.
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Marine invasive alien species are sea-based organisms that are non-native to a marine ecosystem, and which can or have spread to a degree that has an adverse impact on biodiversity and human livelihoods. In a globalized and inter-connected world, the threats posed by marine invasive alien species are here to stay. Accordingly, it often has been lamented that the threats from marine alien species are too difficult to combat effectively. In Australia, these threats are exacerbated by the country's unique characteristics such as its sheer size, as well as its geographical and historical isolation from the rest of the world. More importantly for the purposes of this article, Australia's unique constitutional framework that entrenches its national system of federalism has led to complex power-sharing arrangements between the Commonwealth, and the State and Territory governments in the management of invasive alien species, which are arguably inadequate to combat marine invasive alien species effectively. In Australia, laws have been made to manage only one vector of marine invasive species, ballast water from vessels, but not for other vectors. This article analyses how marine invasive alien species are currently managed within the Australian legal framework, and discusses what can be done to improve the status quo in order effectively to control the spread of such foreign organisms. It argues with optimism that marine invasive alien species can be effectively managed under a strong legal framework that seeks to prevent their occurrence and minimize the negative impacts of their occurrence. Such a legal framework consists of sound domestic laws and institutions, the effects of which can be enhanced by greater international cooperation.
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de Jonge, Alice. "Australia-China-Africa investment partnerships". critical perspectives on international business 12, n.º 1 (7 de março de 2016): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpoib-01-2014-0003.
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Purpose – This paper aims to examine the potential for “triangular cooperation” between investment partners from Australia, China and host African nations to contribute to the economic development in Africa. Design/methodology/approach – The paper discusses a number of complementarities between Australian and Chinese investors in mining, agriculture, energy, research and education and finance – sectors vital to Africa’s future development. These complementarities are examined in light of recent development studies on the benefits of triangular cooperation and recent literature examining links between foreign direct investment (FDI) policy and economic development. Findings – The paper concludes that there is much to be gained by making the most of the existing and potential synergies between Australian, Chinese and local investors in African settings. Research limitations/implications – The implications of this paper are, first, that African nations should keep the benefits of triangular cooperation in mind when designing FDI policies and, second, that Australian and Chinese investors should be more willing to explore potential investment partner synergies when investing in Africa. The paper also suggests an agenda for future research into how good design of FDI policies might best promote healthy economic development in African nations. Practical implications – Australian and Chinese companies should be more willing to explore potential avenues for cooperation when investing in Africa, while African governments should be more mindful of how rules and policies can maximise the local benefits of FDI. Social implications – African governments should be more mindful of the quality, rather than the quantity of FDI when drafting relevant laws and policies. Originality/value – The value of the paper is in applying the concept of “triangular cooperation” to direct investment. The paper also provides an original focus on Australia-China investment synergies in African settings.
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Kim, Doo Young. "A Study on Lifelong Education Policy Developments for Persons with Disabilities in South Korea". Korean Society for the Study of Lifelong Education 28, n.º 3 (30 de setembro de 2022): 229–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52758/kjle.2022.28.3.229.
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The aim of this study is to analyze lifelong education policy for persons with disabilities in South Korea in a historical point of view, make comparisons with value and support systems related to lifelong education for persons with disabilities in foreign countries and ultimately seek ways to promote lifelong education policy for persons with disabilities in South Korea. In order to perform this study, a wide variety of data such as official documents issued by the government and local governments, relevant provisions, publications, press releases, journals and papers issued by relevant organizations were collected and put into use for in-depth analysis. In theoretical background, the author assessed lifelong education support systems and its values for persons with disabilities in the United States, Australia and Japan. By dividing up the domestic lifelong education policy developments into the age of absence (~1998), introduction (1999-2007), enlargement (2008-2015) and progress (2016 until present) mainly based on dramatic shift periods, the author closely analyzed the domestic lifelong education policy and practice in South Korea by the defined individual period. What has been discussed on the path forward for the domestic lifelong education policy for persons with disabilities is that, it is necessary to create an environment where persons with disabilities are freely allowed to make use of ordinary lifelong education organizations. Also, it is important to make shifts to developing, distributing lifelong education programs not operated by the government, but by relevant local organizations. Lastly, reducing multiple institutions into a single governmental body tasked with lifelong education for persons with disabilities and expansion of integrated lifelong education programs are required.
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Wicaksono, Raden Mas Try Ananto Djoko, e Irna Nurhayati. "Anti-Dumping Dispute Settlement of A4 Paper Products Export between Indonesia and Australia". Jurnal Global & Strategis 16, n.º 1 (29 de junho de 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.1-30.
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Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang sering dituduh melakukan dumping produk kertas A4 menimbulkan sebuah pertanyaan karena Australia menjadi negara terkini yang menuduh tindakan dumping atas produk Kertas A4 asal Indonesia, yang mana sebelumnya Indonesia pernah mendapat tuduhan dari Korea Selatan (2002), Afrika Selatan (2003) dan Jepang (2012). Hal yang seharusnya menjadi perhatian oleh produsen dan pemerintah Indonesia dalam kasus tuduhan dumping oleh negara luar adalah masalah like product serta kekaburan hukum atas klausul PMS (particular market situation), yang mana selama proses persidangan, baik Indonesia, Australia maupun pihak ketiga memiliki argumentasi masing-masing terkait interpretasi dalam menentukan definisi dari PMS karena belum adanya definisi yang jelas. Penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana WTO menginterpretasikan makna PMS dari kasus sengketa. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum yuridis normatif dan analisis menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan Australia mengenakan BMAD terhadap produk Kertas A4 asal Indonesia, telah melanggar Pasal 2.2 dan 2.2.1.1 Perjanjian Anti-Dumping WTO. Lalu, WTO menginterpretasikan makna PMS dari kasus sengketa anti-dumping ekspor A4 antara Indonesia dengan Australia menentukan bahwa tidak adanya elemen atau batasan terkait dengan intervensi pemerintah. Hal tersebut dikarenakan intervensi pemerintah tidak secara otomatis diterjemahkan secara negatif, karena tidak ada batasan pasti terkait kapan dan bagaimana intervensi pemerintah dapat dianggap berbahaya bagi pasar yang berdampak. Kata-Kata Kunci: Anti-Dumping, Particular Market Situation, Penyelesaian Sengketa Dagang Internasional, WTO. Indonesia as one of the countries that are often accused of dumping A4 paper products raises a question because Australia emerged as the latest country that accuse Indonesian products, in which Indonesia had previously been accused by South Korea (2002), South Africa (2003), and Japan (2012). Things that should be of concern to producers and the Indonesian government in cases of dumping accusations by foreign countries are the issue of like the product and legal ambiguity over the PMS (particular market situation) clause, which during the trial process, both Indonesia, Australia, and third parties had their arguments, each comply to their own interpretation in determining the definition of PMS because there is no clear definition. This study will analyze how the WTO interprets the meaning of PMS from dispute cases. The research is normative juridical law research which conducted the analysis using qualitative methods. The results of the study show that Australia's policy of imposing BMAD on A4 paper products from Indonesia has violated Articles 2.2 and 2.2.1.1 of the WTO Anti-Dumping Agreement. Then, the WTO interprets the meaning of PMS from the A4 export anti-dumping dispute case between Indonesia and Australia, determining that there are no elements or limitations related to government intervention. This is because government intervention is not automatically translated negatively, as there is no definite limit to when and how government intervention can be deemed harmful to the impacting market. Keywords: Anti-Dumping, International Trade Dispute Resolution, Particular Market Situation, WTO.
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Wicaksono, Raden Mas Try Ananto Djoko, Fajar Bambang Hirawan e Safendrri Komara Ragamustari. "An Analysis of Indonesia’s Free and Active COVID-19 Vaccine Diplomacy". Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, n.º 1 (18 de abril de 2022): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13087.
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Amid a global rush for vaccines, Indonesia has had to compete with other countries to secure vaccines to protect its people from the infection of COVID-19. For its survival, Indonesia's vaccine diplomacy deemed it necessary to remain strategically neutral to prevent Indonesia from being one side of global power. The question in this research is how Indonesia’s effort to procure COVID-19 vaccine while maintaining ‘Free and Active’ foreign policy in bilateral, regional and multilateral and why ‘Free and Active’ foreign policy became important for Indonesia in conducting vaccine diplomacy. The study's aims to examine Indonesia's effort to procure COVID-19 vaccine while maintaining free and active principles and analyze the importance of free and active vaccine diplomacy to ensure the country's independence. This study uses qualitative study methods in research design with data collection techniques from primary (official reports and government records) and secondary data (books, journals, and online media). The research shows Indonesia's effort to procure the COVID-19 vaccine in three ways, namely bilateral (Australia, China, Russia, UK, and the US), regional (ASEAN and IORA), and multilateral (UN and Covax-AMC EG) cooperation with six types of vaccines has secure in Indonesia. China readily supported Indonesia in turning into a vaccine manufacturing hub for Southeast Asia. In this regard, the pandemic would possibly, facilitate Jakarta's nearer ties with Beijing. Thus, free and active foreign policy becomes important for Indonesia in vaccine diplomacy because it balances the national interest.
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Seminikhyna, N. "BUILDING LEADERSHIP COMPETENCE WHILE TRAINING MASTERS OF EDUCATION IN UNIVERSITIES OF AUSTRALIA". Aesthetics and Ethics of Pedagogical Action, n.º 22 (27 de dezembro de 2020): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2226-4051.2020.22.222018.
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Academic leadership plays a crucial role in promoting teaching and learning in higher education. In today's changing world future teachers should play a leading role in professional development. One of the main tasks of master's student training is innovative improvement of university education, which provides gradual and continuous development of general (universal) competencies, competitiveness in the foreign labor market, creating favorable conditions for professional development and development of leadership competence. The aim of our article is to identify and analyze the organizational and pedagogical features of leadership qualities in training masters of education at Australian universities. Leadership plays an important role in every aspect of students' lives, as they go through many stages of career development, where they need leadership skills, primarily related to employment issues and conflicts between what is desired and useful. Therefore, it is important that the teacher learns to navigate the models and styles of leadership, understand the impact of leadership on the personality development, gain the basics of leadership ethics and, as a result, create their own philosophy of leadership.Over the last four decades, Australia's higher education system has undergone significant changes. This was facilitated by social, economic and demographic changes in society and the country. It is they who have led to government reforms in Australia's education policy that promote quality and affordable higher education that builds, including leadership competence. Leadership skills help to overcome challenges, solve problems and analyze career choices. Therefore, it is important that leaders of leaders, i.e research and teaching staff, develop leadership skills in students. Higher education in Australia is responding quickly to the demands and needs of educational circles, expanding opportunities for educators to improve the quality of their training, in particular through postgraduate leadership programs, which are characterized by their flexibility and diversity. They have the opportunity to get a holistic view of pedagogical activities not only from the position of a teacher who implements educational policy, formed externally, but also from the position of the subject of educational policy of the state.It has been found that Australian universities offer teachers postgraduate leadership programs, including master's programs, leadership certification programs as an additional specialization, and leadership programs at the education specialist level. Leadership education is an integral part of leadership development and requires a structured and formal educational environment, which allows through specially organized training to form and improve the leadership qualities of future teachers. The cognitive component is an important component of leadership education.
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Ames, David. "The things that batter". International Psychogeriatrics 28, n.º 6 (27 de abril de 2016): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610216000387.
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Over 20 years ago, the Australian Liberal/National Party Federal Opposition had a set of policies with which it hoped to persuade the Australian people to return it to government in the election due in 1996. This particular collection of proposed initiatives was called “The things that matter”. When the then leader of the opposition, Alexander Downer (later Australia's Foreign Minister 1996–2007 and now Australian High Commissioner in London), launched the Opposition's policy on family violence (the Coalition parties, like their Labor opponents, were and are against it in principle), his introductory line was: “From the things that matter to the things that batter”. Not long afterwards he lost his job as Opposition Leader, his engagement with what was and is a serious and troubling issue having been deemed too glib by half by the shapers of public opinion.
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Salem, Saber. "Chinese Foreign Aid to Fiji: Threat or Opportunity". China Report 56, n.º 2 (29 de abril de 2020): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445520916875.
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China’s political, economic and cultural influence is steadily rising in Fiji and the Pacific region as a whole. The Sino–Fiji cooperation deepened at multiple levels after the Fijian military assumed power through a coup d’état and removed the civilian government from power in late 2006. This ‘undemocratic behaviour’ infuriated the two regional powers—Australia and New Zealand who then applied sanctions on Fiji, particularly the military brass, and encouraged their counterparts as well as multilateral aid organisations to ‘punish’ Fiji’s military ‘regime’. The military government in order to derail the impact of sanctions from its traditional donors adopted the ‘Look North Policy’, which was opening cooperation with China and attracting Chinese investment in Fiji. China welcomed the friendship gesture and furnished Fiji with financial assistance. This Chinese friendship was also due to Taiwanese involvement in the region, which was providing aid for diplomatic recognition and support at the UN. The ‘microstates’ hold about 7 per cent of UN votes. Both China and Taiwan need their votes at multilateral organisations and given that these microstates are mostly aid-dependent economies, initiated an era of Chequebook diplomacy, which is basically money for diplomatic recognition in the case of Taiwan or acceptance of One China Policy in the case of China. The microstates have time and again switched between China and Taiwan and played one against the other to get more aid money out of their diplomatic rivalry. The Sino–Taiwan aid competition in the Pacific forced US to make a strong comeback and ensure that China under the pretext of denying Taiwan space in the region actually spies on the US activities in the region. As a result, the US and its regional allies have significantly increased their foreign aid to the island nations in order to coax them to diminish their level of financial dependence on China. So far, they have not been successful enough and China’s aid package has gone far beyond the level US is giving. Today, China is the second largest donor to the region and largest financier to Fiji. Fiji has become the ace in this game as it is the regional hub of the Pacific Island states. Bearing the current high level of aid competition between traditional and emerging donors in mind, it is too early to judge whether Chinese aid will cause more harm to Fiji than benefit or vice versa. It also entirely depends on the Fijian government as to how much it relies on Chinese aid and how clean Chinese are with their soft loans. China has been blamed for not being clear and specific about the terms and conditions of its concessional loans. This vagueness and secrecy that is associated with Chinese aid been a cause for concern, especially among traditional donors.
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Howe, Joanna. "A Legally Constructed Underclass of Workers? The Deportability and Limited Work Rights of International Students in Australia and the United Kingdom". Industrial Law Journal 48, n.º 3 (24 de outubro de 2018): 416–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwy021.
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Abstract International students have not traditionally been the focus of labour law scholarship, in part because their central purpose in a foreign country is to study rather than work. It is also generally accepted that there is no special reason to focus on international students as a distinct category of workers. This article attests to the particular vulnerability of international students in domestic labour markets, drawing on a comparative study of government policy and practice in relation to international students in Australia and the UK. Immigration rules in both jurisdictions frame the manner in which international students engage in the labour market during their studies. These rules restrict the hours in which international students can engage in paid work during semester, and if breached can result in the international students being deported from the host country. This has the effect of limiting the job market for international students, increasing the power of employers and reducing the likelihood international students will report exploitative work. Instead of strict work hour limits and deportation for breach, governments should rely on other regulatory mechanisms for ensuring international students are present in the host country for the purpose of education rather than work.