Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Feudalism in France"

Abstract: At the very time when the feudal system of land tenure was being abolished in France, and elsewhere in Europe, it was enjoying an unexpected revival in Scotland as a means of controlling urban development. Land which was sold under the feudal system could be subjected to permanent conditions, known as “real burdens”, which regulated its future use; and in this way planning control was achieved by a mechanism of private law. Real burdens could (and can) also be used in a non-feudal context, in which case they resemble praedial servitudes. But, unlike servitudes, real burdens can impose affirmative obligations, such as an obligation to construct and maintain a building. Today Scotland is one of the last jurisdictions in the world to have an operational feudal system. That will shortly change. Legislation passed in 2000 abolishes the feudal system with effect from 28 November 2004. At the same time the law of real burdens is reformed and codified. The continued existence, and importance, of real burdens was the greatest obstacle to feudal abolition. For if feudal lords (“superiors”) were to disappear, who was to enforce the burdens? The legislation tackles the difficulty with various improvisations, in some cases reallocating enforcement rights to neighbours (including former superiors), and in others allowing the burdens to lapse altogether. Affirmative burdens will be a permanent legacy of the feudal era, but in other respects its continuing influence on land law is likely to be slight.

A brief course of lectures (introduction and three lectures) is dedicated to the social and economic history of France, as the main country of the medieval era. The course addresses issues of the genesis of the classic French feudalism. Special attention is paid to the problem of formation of the feudal land ownership from allodium and benefice to the hereditary feud (fief). The course interprets the feudal division causes and ways to overcome it, as well as the evolution of the socio-economic characteristics of the main classes of French feudal society, most of all the nobility and dependent peasants. Particular attention is paid to the economic policy of absolutism in France, which was reflected in the work of famous historical figures: King Henry IV, his first minister Maximilien Sully, the Cardinal de Richelieu, the Controller-General of Finances Jean-Baptiste Colbert.

AbstractHeide Gerstenberger’s book offers a comparative view of the origins and emergence of the bourgeois state in England and France. Both, according to her, emerged out of ancien-régime type structures which were themselves distinct from feudalism. Whilst recognising the value of Gerstenberger’s attempt to avoid economic reductionism when explaining changing power-structures, it is suggested that analytical tools such as ‘class’, ‘mode of production’ and the ‘state’, which she confines to capitalism, do have considerable utility for the analysis of precapitalist régimes. More importantly, it is suggested that her attempt to maintain that in England, as in France, an ancien-régime type society endured at least to the end of the eighteenth century obscures the fundamentally divergent paths taken by the two countries. This is compounded by her rejection of the idea of a French absolutism and an underestimation of the extent to which power-structures in England were modified by the precocious development of capitalism. Whilst suggesting that a bourgeois public space was able to develop in the interstices of structures of the ancien régime, Gersternberger fails to recognise the extent to which this had transformed the English polity by the mid-seventeenth century.

In this research paper, I have studied about the historical study of the role of feudalism in the history of the world, the objectives of the study, research methodology, results and conclusions. The term 'feudalism' has been used by historians to describe the economic, legal, political and social relations of medieval Europe. It is derived from the German word 'feud' meaning a piece of land and refers to a society that developed in central France and later also in England and southern Italy. The period from 600 AD to 1500 AD has been given the noun of Middle Ages or Medieval period in European history. Many social and economic changes took place during this period, especially in Western Europe. Feudalism (English: thomankonspeu feudalism) was a practice in England and Europe during the Middle Ages. There were several categories of these feudatories whose top position was the king. Below him there were various categories of feudal lords and the lowest level were peasants or slaves. It was an association of protectors and subordinates. The king was considered the master of all the land. The feudatories owed allegiance to the king, equipped an army to protect him, and received land from the king in return. The feudatories were not entitled to buy and sell land. In the early period, feudalism rendered commendable service to the society by making proper arrangements for local security, agriculture and justice. Later on, personal war and personal selfishness became the aim of the feudatories. during the medieval period. Western Europe developed a social system that was very different from the rest of the world. This is known as 'feudalism'. Feudalism was such a new social and economic system that prevailed in Western Europe during the medieval period (600-1500 AD) and later in other parts of Europe. Under this. The division of classes in the society was rigid, politically there was no central power and village-based economy prevailed. Thus the village-based economy was virtually self-sufficient and the surplus production was very low, which reduced the scope for trade. Therefore, the decline of trade and cities has been seen as a feature of it. Due to the absence of a central political power under feudalism, political supremacy was maintained by a number of feudal lords who controlled political, social and economic affairs. At this time the king was not very powerful. Samant used to exploit the farmers. In addition, the influence of the Church in Europe extended beyond religious matters. The rise of resourceful new cities, the invention of gunpowder, and the rise of patriotism in place of local royalism led to the disappearance of feudalism. Feudalism in Europe generally developed under these conditions. After the breakup of the Roman Empire, it was taken over by the uncivilized tribes of Western Europe – Frank, Lombard and Goth etc. These marauding castes gave a completely new look to the society and the government. By the fifth century the Roman Empire was unable to defend itself. The villages of Italy had become unsafe due to the invasion of German barbarians, because the government was not able to provide protection, as a result of which the people had to compromise with the powerful class for their protection. This powerful class later became the basis of feudalism. Encyclopædia Britannica has also given special emphasis on the need for security. According to him, “The feeling of security was predominant in the birth of feudalism. To get rid of the possible foreign invasion and the uncontrolled demands of the government officials, the need of such a power was being felt, which could provide them security at any cost. Abstract in Hindi Lanaguage: इस शोध पत्र में मैंने विश्व के इतिहास में सामंतवाद की भूमिका का ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन, अध्ययन के उद्देस्य, अनुसन्धान पद्धति, परिणाम और निष्कर्ष के बारे अध्ययन किया है। इतिहासकारों द्वारा ’सामंतवाद’ शब्द का प्रयोग मध्यकालीन यूरोप के आर्थिक विधिक, राजनीतिक और सामाजिक संबंधों का वर्णन करने के लिए किया जाता रहा है। यह जर्मन शब्द ’फ़्यूड’ से बना है जिसका अर्थ एक भूमि का टुकड़ा है और यह एक ऐसे समाज को इंगित करता है जो मध्य फ्रांस और बाद में इंग्लैंड और दक्षिणी इटली में भी विकसित हुआ। 600 ई. से 1500 ई. तक की अवधि को यूरोपीय इतिहास में मध्य युग या मध्यकाल की संज्ञा दी गयी है। विशेष रूप से पश्चिमी यूरोप में इस अवधि के दौरान कई सामाजिक और आर्थिक परिवर्तन हुए। सामंतवाद (अंग्रेज़ीः थ्मनकंसपेउ फ़्यूडलिज़्म) मध्यकालीन युग में इंग्लैंड और यूरोप की प्रथा थी। इन सामंतों की कई श्रेणियाँ थीं जिनके शीर्ष स्थान में राजा होता था। उसके नीचे विभिन्न कोटि के सामंत होते थे और सबसे निम्न स्तर में किसान या दास होते थे। यह रक्षक और अधीनस्थ लोगों का संगठन था। राजा समस्त भूमि का स्वामी माना जाता था। सामंतगण राजा के प्रति स्वामिभक्ति बरतते थे, उसकी रक्षा के लिए सेना सुसज्जित करते थे और बदले में राजा से भूमि पाते थे। सामंतगण भूमि के क्रय-विक्रय के अधिकारी नहीं थे। प्रारंभिक काल में सामंतवाद ने स्थानीय सुरक्षा, कृषि और न्याय की समुचित व्यवस्था करके समाज की प्रशंसनीय सेवा की। कालांतर में व्यक्तिगत युद्ध एवं व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थ ही सामंतों का उद्देश्य बन गया। मध्यकाल के दौरान । पश्चिमी यूरोप में ऐसी सामाजिक व्यवस्था विकसित हुई जो शेष विश्व से बहुत भिन्न थी। इसे ’सामंतवाद के नाम से जाना जाता है। सामंतवाद ऐसी नई सामाजिक और आर्थिक व्यवस्था थी जो मध्यकाल (600-1500 ईस्वी) में पश्चिमी यूरोप में तथा आगे चलकर यूरोप के अन्य भागों में प्रचलित हुई। इसके अंतर्गत. समाज में वर्गों का विभाजन कठोर था, राजनीतिक रूप से देखें तो यहाँ कोई केंद्रीय शक्ति नहीं थी और ग्राम आधारित अर्थव्यवस्था का प्रचलन था। इस प्रकार ग्राम आधारित अर्थव्यवस्था वस्तुतः आत्मनिर्भर थी और अधिशेष उत्पादन बहुत कम था जिससे व्यापार की संभावना न्यून हो गयी थी। अतः व्यापार एवं शहरों के पतन को इसकी एक विशेषता के रूप में देखा गया है। सामंतवाद के अंतर्गत केंद्रीय राजनीतिक शक्ति के अभाव के कारण बहुत सारे सामंतों का राजनीतिक वर्चस्व कायम था जो राजनीतिक, सामाजिक एवं आर्थिक मामलों को नियंत्रित करते थे। इस समय राजा बहुत शक्तिशाली नहीं था। सामंत किसानों का शोषण करते थे। इसके अतिरिक्त, यूरोप में चर्च का प्रभाव धार्मिक मामलों से परे भी विस्तृत था। साधन-संपन्न नए शहरों के उत्थान, बारूद के आविष्कार, तथा स्थानीय राजभक्ति के स्थान पर राष्ट्रभक्ति के उदय के कारण सामंतशाही का लोप हो गया।.यूरोप में सामंतवाद का विकास सामान्यतः इन परिस्थितियों में हुआ। रोमन साम्राज्य के टूटने के बाद उस पर पश्चिमी यूरोप की असभ्य जातियां-फ्रैंक लोम्बार्ड तथा गोथ इत्यादि ने अधिकार कर लिया। इन लुटेरी जातियों ने समाज और सरकार को सर्वथा नवीन रूप दिया। पांचवीं शताब्दी तक रोमन साम्राज्य अपनी रक्षा करने में असमर्थ हो चुके थे। जर्मन की बर्बर जातियों के आक्रमण के कारण इटली के गांव असुरक्षित से हो गए थे, क्योंकि सरकार सुरक्षा करने में समर्थ नहीं थी जिसके परिणामस्वरूप जनता ने अपनी सुरक्षा के लिए शक्तिशाली वर्ग से समझौता किया। यही शक्तिशाली वर्ग आगे चलकर सामंतवाद के आधार बने। इनसाइक्लोपीडिया ब्रिटेनिका में भी सुरक्षा की आवश्यकता पर विशेष बल दिया गया है। उसके अनुसार ‘‘सामंतवाद के जन्म में सुरक्षा की भावना प्रधान थी। संभावित विदेशी आक्रमण तथा सरकारी अफसरों की अनियंत्रित मांगों से छुटकारे के लिए एक ऐसी सत्ता की आवश्यकता अनुभव की जा रही थी, जो उन्हें किसी भी कीमत पर सुरक्षा प्रदान कर सके।’’ Keywords: राजनीतिक और सामाजिक संबंध, व्यक्तिगत युद्ध, सामाजिक और आर्थिक व्यवस्था, राजनीतिक वर्चस्व, राष्ट्रभक्ति, परिणामस्वरूप, शक्तिशाली वर्ग।

Abstract This inquiry examines Le Recueil des Loix, Coutumes, et Usages Observes par les Juifs de Metz. Evocative of the medieval German Sachsenspiegel, the volume’s detailed regulations supply a rich portrait of a Jewish community in Alsace-Lorraine during the turbulent final decades of the ancien regime. While France evolved during these decades from feudalism to democracy, the Jews transitioned from serfs main-mortables or royal chattels to citizenship. Ideals of the emerging French democracy were imprinted upon the Code Napoleon (1805), a distinctively anti-feudal, secular expression of French citizens’ newfound autonomy. In contrast, the Recueil originated in an act of will on the part of the Jews’ overlords. In accordance with royal orders, it was deposited in the records of the royal court at Metz in about 1742; royal judges and members of the bar consulted the Recueil in all manner of disputes involving Jewish litigants and Jewish law. The Recueil, as the handiwork of eighteenth century Alsatian Jews, was unique in engrafting Jewish law and ethics upon French law of the ancien regime.

No período situado entre os séculos X-XV, as relações de poder na Europa ocidental se encontravam inseridas em um complexo de articulações e desdobramentos. Em A Idade Média na França: de Hugo Capeto a Joana d’Arc (987-1460), Georges Duby (1992) investiga a trajetória e as especificidades das expressões do poder a partir do exemplo da França feudal, percebendo suas repercussões nos diversos domínios humanos e políticos. Partindo da obra citada, o artigo analisa o arcabouço da organização política medieval a partir de quatro características indicadas por Duby: as dimensões doméstica e sagrada do poder e seu carácter masculino e fragmentado. Associam-se a obra outras bibliografias para viabilizar um horizonte de compreensão das possibilidades e circunstâncias do poder na época medieval. A abordagem metodológica utilizada é revisão bibliográfica. Palavras-chave: Política; Poder; Feudalismo.AbstractIn the period situated as the 10th - 13th centuries, the power relations in western Europe were inserted in a complex of articulations and unfoldings. In A Idade Média na França: de Hugo Capeto a Joana d’Arc (987-1460), Georges Duby (1992) investigates the trajectory and specificities of expressions of power as of on the example of feudal France, realizing its repercussions in the various human and political domains. Correlating with the oeuvre cited, the article analyzes the framework of medieval political organization as of four characteristics indicated by Duby: the domestic and sacred dimensions of power and its masculine and fragmented character. Other bibliographies are associated with the oeuvre to make viable a horizon of understanding the possibilities and circumstances of power in medieval period. The methodological approach used is bibliographic review.Keywords: Politics; Power; Feudalism.

ABSTRACTHenrion de Pansey (1742–1829) is an important but neglected constitutional historian whose views on the French past served as a commentary on the unwritten and written constitutions of his own age. A feudal lawyer before the revolution and an appeal judge under Napoleon and the restored Bourbons, he published a variety of works combining liberal sentiment with judicial traditionalism. His career illustrates the shift of moderate conservative opinion across the revolutionary divide. The alteration in his political thought is best understood through its conjunction with the three historical modes prevalent in his time: a discontinuous approach, accepting the past as a series of different regimes interrupted by revolutions; a developmental view, charting the progressive growth of institutions from seeds planted in antiquity; and a fundamentalist habit of thought that saw change as decline from pristine perfection. The jurists of sixteenth-century France remained Henrion's most admired models, and he used his roseate vision of the early modern French monarchy as a sometimes critical commentary on the constitutions designed in his own day. In prerevolutionary days he recast the ideas of the sixteenth-century rationalizer of feudalism, Charles Dumoulin, into Enlightenment terms. After the revolution, De l'Autoritéjudiciaire (1810) depicted the moderating role of the judiciary as defenders of past constitutions, and formed an oblique commentary on Napoleon's civil code. Des Pairs et de l'ancienne constitution (1816) appraised the charter of 1814. It accepted a measure of popular participation in government, but held judicial expertise essential in legislation. Des Assemblées nationales (1826) shifted the emphasis from judicial oversight to the separation of powers and representative government, although Henrion, like Guizot and the doctrinaires, remained critical of popular democracy.

The creation and development of modern law is a long historical process spanning several centuries and began with the writing of barbaric Truths (Salichna Pravda, Ripuarska Pravda, Primorsky Salic Franks, etc.). This process was more smooth and evolutionary than the corresponding processes in the field of state formation, where they were often established in a revolutionary way. The origin of modern law begins with the reception of Roman law and the law of ancient Greece .. Thus was born city law, international trade law, whose roots are quite deep and strong. But at the same time the legal systems of the Middle Ages were very imperfect, and many of their provisions hampered the development of political democracy and capitalist entrepreneurship in the era of feudalism. These features of medieval legal systems, characterized by the lack of internal unity, prevented progressive changes, both in the state and in law. The reform of the old feudal law on a new bourgeois basis was carried out by revolutionary coups - the English Revolution of the 17th century and the French Revolution of the 18th century. These revolutions have largely led to the unjustified destruction of the legal structure created over the centuries, to the breakdown of traditional legal culture, to legal nihilism and voluntarism. Ultimately, they led to significant changes in the field of law, to the formation of a new legal order, which led to the formation and rapid development of capitalism. Modern law in the West (primarily Anglo-Saxon and European continental law of France) was formed and developed as a logical continuation of the previously formed systems of medieval (eg, "common law") and even ancient Roman law. The new law could not be something significantly different from the previous law, because in its self-development it absorbed, preserved and used many of its constructive, socially useful elements. Modern law of the 20th and 21st centuries is largely based on previous law, the same laws of France (customary law), Roman law; moreover, the pre-revolutionary systems of England and France and Germany did not disappear without a trace. Much of it has been updated in modern law, as medieval law functioned in a society that already knew both private property and market relations and a fairly high level of legal technique. The formation of new law meant the formation of bourgeois capitalist law, broke guild corporations and feudal monopolies, creating the necessary space for the growth of production and trade, for personal initiative, for the full use of needs is developing rapidly. (1, 48-51) Modern law, in contrast to pre-revolutionary law, which was characterized by disunity and particularism, was born everywhere in the form of integrated national legal systems. It was capitalism, breaking all kinds of castes, regional, customs and other barriers, led to the emergence of not only nation-states but also national legal systems. The legal system acquires a new way of its existence - the system of legislation and the system of law, which was practically present only in its infancy in ancient and medieval societies. The dominant principle in the legal systems of modern times is constitutional (state, public) law, on the basis of which the legal structure of any society was built. Legislation had a special system-forming significance in the formation of the new law.

The article analyzes historical and legal aspects of the right to petition. It had determined that the concept of petitioning the authorities dates back to the Magna Carta (1215), which provided for the freedom of barons to petition the king if they felt injustice The author notes that in the XIV century. Petitions gained particular importance due to the collapse of feudalism, the strengthening of political institutions, and the emergence of a strong sovereign with a centralized bureaucracy; in particular, the English monarchs openly encouraged and considered petitions.It had noted that an essential historical stage in the further development of the right to appeal could be considered the Petition of the Right, the purpose of which was to limit the powers of the monarch and included issues of taxation, the application of martial law, imprisonment without trial etc.The author analyzes the further development of petitions in Great Britain and summarizes that the right to petition arose from the need to maintain relations between the community and state authorities long before the election period.The historical aspect of the right to petition in the USA is analyzed. It had determined that in 1789, the US Congress included the right to petition and other freedoms in the US Constitution’s First Amendment.It had noted that the intensification of petitioning had connected with the suffragette movement in the USA.Features of forming and developing the right to petition in France had described. It indicated that petitions gained central importance during the Great French Revolution when they became a true expression of the will of citizens to participate in public life.The author points out that the right to submit petitions belonged to the civil rights of a person along with such rights as the right to freedom, the right to freedom of movement and choice of residence, the right to assemble peacefully, and others.The article pays special attention to the peculiarities of forming petitions in the European Union. It emphasized that Article 21 of the EU Treaty and the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights established the right to submit petitions. Submitting petitions, requirements for petitions, and submission subjects considered separately.The author concludes that petitions were important not only in terms of whether their requests granted at all but also because of the connection they created between representatives and the represented in the era before universal suffrage.

Remarks on the problems associated with the inculturation of the Napoleonic Code in the Kingdom of Poland — doubts concerning Article 530A serious problem can arise when a society has to deal with regulations not adapted to its internal relations, regulations that have been imposed on that society. Such a situation occurred in Poland in the early nineteenth century in connection with the introduction of the Napoleonic Code within the territory of the Duchy of Warsaw. This generated a lot of controversy, not only among members of the Council of State, but also among wealthy and lesser nobility as well as Catholic clergy. The state was characterised by numerous remnants of feudalism. The conditions, when it came to both social and economic relations, were different than those in France. Consequently, the provisions of the Code referring to property were not fully applicable in practice. After the fall of the Duchy of Warsaw the Napoleonic Code remained in force in the Kingdom of Poland and the Free City of Kraków. However, it still had many opponents in the Kingdom of Poland. In the end there emerged a concept of reform of property law, with one of its points being a change in the provisions guaranteeing inferior owners a possibility of redeeming their obligations. Such a right was guaranteed by Article 530 of the Code, which could lead to dominium utile or inferior ownership being transformed into dominium plenum or full ownership. A draft amendment was prepared by the Legislative Deputation and then adopted by the parliament on 13 June 1825. The inculturation of the Code in the Kingdom of Poland, a country on a lower level of socio-economic development than France, was doomed to failure. While in the Duchy of Warsaw the Napoleonic Code was fictitiously used in practice, as it were, in the Kingdom of Poland legislative work was undertaken to change civil law and adapt it to the conditions in the country. Bemerkungen zu den Problemen der Inkulturation des Code Napoléon im Königreich Polen — Fragen vor dem Hintergrund des Art. 530Das Aufzwingen der Gesellschaft der Vorschriften, die den dort herrschenden Verhältnissen nicht entsprechen, kann ein wesentliches Problem darstellen. Gerade mit dieser Situation hatte man auf polnischen Gebieten am Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts im Zusammenhang mit der Einführung des Code Napoléon im Warschauer Herzogtum zu tun. Diese Maßnahmen weckten viele Kontroversen nicht nur unter den Mitgliedern des Standesrates, sondern auch des vermögenden und mittleren Adels sowie der katholischen Geistlichkeit. Den Staat charakterisierten zahlreiche feudale Überreste. Es herrschten dort andere als in Frankreich sowohl soziale, wie auch wirtschaftliche Verhältnisse. In der Folge fanden die Vorschriften des Gesetzbuches betreffend das Sachenrecht keine vollständige Anwendung in der Praxis.Nach dem Fall des Warschauer Herzogtums bewahrte das Code Napoléon die Kraft auf den Gebieten des Königreiches Polen und der Freistadt Krakau. Im Königreich Polen hatte es jedoch weiterhin viele Gegner. Letztendlich klärte sich die Konzeption einer Reform des Vermögensrechtes und ein ihrer Punkte war die Änderung der Vorschriften, die die Möglichkeit des Rückkaufs der Obliegenheiten durch die unterliegenden Eigentümer garantierten. Dieses Recht sicherte Art. 530 des Code Napoléon zu, dessen Geltung zur Umwandlung des unterstellten Eigentums in ein volles Eigentum führen könnte. Der Entwurf der Novellierung wurde von der Rechtsgebenden Deputation vorbereitet und dann durch das Parlament am 13. Juni 1825 beschlossen.Der Inkulturationsprozess des Gesetzbuches im Königreich Polen, einem Staat, der auf einer niedrigeren Ebene der sozial-wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung als Frankreich stand, war zu einer Niederlage verurteilt. Obwohl im Warschauer Herzogtum eine Fiktion der Anwendung des Code Napoléon in der Praxis angenommen wurde, so unternahm man im Königreich Polen legislatorische Arbeiten mit dem Ziel der Änderung des Zivilrechtes und seiner Anpassung an die im Lande herrschenden Verhältnisse.

The article analyzes the legal status and economic condition of the cities of Galicia as part of the Austrian Empire (1772–1867). It is noted that urban planning activity is traditionally determined by several factors that influence the form and nature of the development of urban settlements. First, it is a factor of natural conditions – the influence of climate, geographical and topographical position, geological conditions, relief. Secondly, it is an economic factor – conditions that contribute to the development of the economy and trade, including the availability of natural resources. Thirdly, it is a security (military) factor – the ability to protect life and property during potential wars (historically, this factor was often associated with favorable natural conditions – hills, swamps, river basins). Fourthly, it is a communication factor – connection with other cities, location on trade routes. Fifth, the factor of urban composition is the conscious creation of the form and structure of the city; activity of the urban planner. Sixth, the legal factor is a set of regulatory acts that regulate the organization of the city, development both from a spatial (location) and social point of view (this factor is at the center of our research). These factors are universal in nature and operate regardless of country or culture.It has been established that urban development activity was determined by the owners of the cities: some of the owners sought to demonstrate their wealth and success. The city, which functioned effectively, was distinguished by its appearance on the landscape. However, the functioning of cities did not go beyond the model of the functioning of feudalism in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In this regard, it is worth quoting the words of tycoon Jan Zamoyski: “Cities flourish in Western Europe, because the city-state has great rights there. But since this splendor comes at the expense of noble liberty, I prefer not to have it at such a price. People’s happiness is judged not by crafts, not by walls and large buildings, which we do not lack.” This quotation well characterizes the role of private cities in the urban network of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th and 17th centuries.Urbanization on the territory of Galicia as part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth differed from that of Western Europe in that it was not a matter of the central government, but mainly of private initiative. Royal foundations were rare in Poland in the 17th and 18th centuries. As a result, the share of private cities in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth increased in the 17th–18th centuries. to about two-thirds. Private cities also existed in other European countries, such as in Germany, France and England, but nowhere were they as dominant as in Poland. This specific aspect of Polish urbanization played a major role in shaping the ethnic and religious structure of cities. Poles and Jews made up the majority of the inhabitants of cities and towns, while Ukrainians were mostly peasants and lived in villages and city suburbs.

The twelfth-century Anglo-Norman poet Marie de France undertook to preserve for posterity the adventures and romances embodied in a vanishing genre, the old Breton lais as she had heard them recounted by minstrels. That she succeeded is evidenced by the popularity of these lais for more than eight hundred years; that she perhaps succeeded too well is suggested by the fact that, within a century of her lifetime, the Breton lais had become exclusively a French form of literature, and whatever might have been the original form, linguistic structure and cultural content in Breton has been relegated to the realm of hypothesis. This raises questions about the relationship between translation and cultural autonomy. Marie’s purported memorial to the Bretons became instead an institution of French language and culture. Had the Breton features been totally effaced, this could be called assimilation; had they been preserved intact, it would have been literal translation. In fact, Marie’s work can be reduced to no such simple binary. Nor can her aims be analyzed through any single lens, whether political, religious, cultural or artistic. Rather, I argue that her unsettling and robust positioning of contradictory elements—sorcery, sensuality, feudality, religion—results from her strategy of adopting the memory of the Bretons: neither glossing over its strangeness nor highlighting it as foreign, but making its distant and exotic characteristics part of her own invented heritage. I conclude that her translation project is more effectively analyzed as an ethical process of incorporation and restitution (Steiner) than as a placement along the spectrum of foreignization versus domestication (Venuti).

Analiza bogate dokumentacije Državnoga arhivu u Trstu, nastale između 1818. i 1840. tijekom prve sustavne katastarske izmjere i ustroja Stabilnoga katastra Franje I. u ukupno 19 katastarskih općina sjeverne i središnje Istre koje su tada činile kotar Motovun, daje uvid u njihove zajedničke značajke i specifičnosti. Te su općine bile administrativno organizirane u tri glavne općine s ukupno 16 podopćina (Motovun i podopćine Brkač, Kaldir, Karojba, Muntrilj, Novaki, Rakotule, Sovišćina, Zumesk, Višnjan, Bačva, Sv. Ivan od Šterne i Sv. Vital; Oprtalj i podopćine Zrenj i Čepić; Vižinada i podopćine Kaštelir i Labinci); sjedište političke i sudbene vlasti bilo je u Motovunu, dok su crkvene institucije bile podložne Porečkoj ili Novigradskoj biskupiji. Godine 1827. kotar Motovun broji 11.564 duša, 2767 obitelji i 2024 stambenih građevina; pučku školu imaju samo glavne općine; prevladava opća nepismenost. Od 28.704,74 ha ukupne površine Kotara čak 27.777,88 ha (96,77 %) je plodno zemljište koje je, uz pokoji zanemariv izuzetak, obrađeno u cjelini. Od četiriju (iznimno pet) klasa plodnosti plodnoga zemljišta, prevladavaju zemljišta nižih klasa. Čak 70 % produktivnoga zemljišta je poljoprivredno zemljište, a preostalih je 30 % šumsko, koje uključuje Motovunsku šumu od 1671,71 ha. U Kotaru je zabilježena koegzistencija višeetničkoga stanovništva; primarna mu je aktivnost bila poljoprivreda tradicionalnoga tipa plodoredom i plodosmjenama različitih dužina, kojoj slijedi sječa šuma. Poljoprivredne i šumske površine obrađivane su u režimu nedostatnoga broja kako krupne, tako sitne stoke i konzekventno nedostatnoga stajskoga gnoja. Za oranje i prijevoz zaprežnim kolima uz volove se često zaprežu krave, a za prijevoz se rabe i magarci i konji. Mnoge poljoprivredne obitelji teško se opskrbljuju ogrjevnim drvom i drvom neophodnim za poljoprivredne aktivnosti; taj problem bilježe i vrlo šumovite katastarske općine, čije su šume djelomično ili u cjelini u državnom vlasništvu. Premda Kotarom protječu rijeka Mirna i njezin pritok Butoniga, koji su bogati vodom, vodoopskrba je kronično nedostatna: ti vodotokovi dijelom su državnoga dobra Motovunska šuma, a ostali vodni tokovi ne zadovoljavaju potrebe poljoprivrednih domaćinstava i poljoprivrede. Od elementarnih nepogoda najpogubnije su suša i tuča. Kotar nema vlastito tržište pa se prodaja malobrojnih tržišnih viškova, prije svega vinogradarstva, a manje od sječe šuma, obavlja izvan njegovih granica, osobito na porečkom tržištu. Izuzev dobro održavane poštanske ceste Trst – Pula, prometnice su loše, najčešće zapuštene, a za kišnoga vremena pretvaraju se u vodotokove. Mnoge su poljoprivredne obitelji imale u vlasništvu zemljišta terećena raznim feudalnim nametima, dok druge obrađuju zemlju veleposjednika pod teškim uvjetima kolonatskih ugovora. Uvjeti pribavljanja egzistencijalnoga minimuma općenito su teški, a u nekim katastarskim općinama ekstremno teški.

El texto aborda la evolución del análisis historiográfico que se ha llevado a cabo sobre la Cataluña moderna entre finales del siglo XVI y principios del XVIII. Aunque la frontera moderna de Cataluña puede ser múltiple, nos centramos esencialmente en aquella que va desde el Valle de Arán hasta el Mediterráneo. El texto abre con una primera reflexión sobre el camino hacia el cambio de modelo, luego evoca los efectos de las guerras con Francia, con algunos ejemplos concretos, como el de Cerdaña, y, por último, expone la realidad percibida y llevada a cabo con la nueva “fortificación” de la frontera catalana a finales del siglo XVII, cuando el control de Francia se hace evidente. Palabras clave: Frontera, fronterización, fortificaciónTopónimos: Francia, España, Cataluña,Período: época moderna ABSTRACTThe text addresses the evolution of the historiographical analysis that of modern Catalonia between the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 18th century. 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This paper contributes to the literature on the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe, with a specific focus on the process of primitive accumulation during France’s absolutism, from the 14th to the 17th century. Drawing on Regulation Theory and Marxism and supported by archival research, the article aims to demonstrate that France and England followed different paths in their journey toward capitalism. Due to the premodern structure of the state and the process of political accumulation, a small fraction of the state bourgeoisie amassed wealth, facilitated by war and by levying taxes. Officeholders could thus extract surplus labour, primarily from the peasantry. The transition to an economy where markets became a compulsory stage for tax payment and the resurgence of the state established a regime of rent-exploitation and relationships of indirect, collective exploitation. In France, the state and public finances played a pivotal role in separating the peasantry from its land and means of production. This paper offers new insights into the role of absolutism in Marxist historiography. It argues that absolutism constitutes a distinct social formation from feudalism, paving the way for the transition to capitalism by proletarianizing a part of the French peasantry.

Majority people of the District are Saraiki speaking in Dera Ghazi Khan but they under the strong hold of Baloch feudal Lords. Feudalism is not a new issue in our society actually it is an ancient issue of the human society. The term feudalism was started from Europe in medical period during the decline of Roman empire. The continuous wars between Great Britain and France divided the people and stratification of society appeared in Europe. Feudalism was very close to the policy of divide and rule. In 1857 colonial Government was established in India and they also exercised the same. They won the second Sikh war in 1849 and then with annexation of Punjab they became the ruler of India. With their extension policy they marched toward the west of Indus. During forward policy they granted and obliged the various tribes of Dera Ghazi Khan. But after 1854 when they marched in Balochistan they faced a strong and powerful resistance in the tribal belt of Dera Ghazi which was an important route and area before Balochistan. The continual resistance forced the colonial government to negotiate with tribes. In this regard Robert Sandeman was given the Task to manage these tribes and after mutual discussion in 1866 Sandeman became successful to form the Tumans in Dera Ghazi Khan. The tribal Chief was appointed as a Tumandar. Tumandar or the feudal lord is very powerful in his Tuman and the feudal system is still existing even in 21st century.

Abstract In notes to Hegel's Rechtsphilosophie lectures, written around the time of Haiti's 1825 ‘ransom’—the 150 million francs demanded by France to indemnify former slave and plantation owners—we find an uncanny remark. Hegel appears to report on a different ransom, a compensated abolition of slavery in North America that never happened, anticipating an application of the Fifth Amendment's takings clause that US legal scholarship routinely fails to mention. In view of Alan Brudner's enlistment of Hegel as the philosopher ‘uniquely’ able to understand the Fifth Amendment's requirement for compensation for expropriations—a ‘constitutional essential for liberalism’—this paper explores the meaning of these passages in the historical context of the legal abolitions of Hegel's time: feudalism and slavery. The slaveholder indemnities were clearly the unjust ‘dividends’ of the colour line, but their legal foundations and developments in US thought of the nineteenth century also usefully illustrate takings law's foreclosure of political and social transformation through the securitization of value. Reading these histories and Hegel's comments alongside the critical interventions of the black radical tradition, I suggest that Hegel's curious remarks on compensated takings suggest not only a critical divergence from Brudner's understanding of ‘dialogic community’, but a crucial limitation in his field of analysis which pivoted on the denigration of black sovereignty. This paper thus suggests an understanding of US takings law through the shifting understandings of the term ‘ransom’—which for abolitionists such as Frederick Douglass signified not a resolution of slavery, but rather the threat of its perpetuation—and Douglass's elaboration of the pathology of the colour line.

Recent scholarship has examined Alexis de Tocqueville's underexplored assertion that American racial stratification functioned as an extension of European feudalism. However, Tocqueville was not alone in his insights. At least a half-dozen nineteenth-century African American writers and thinkers, including Frederick Douglass, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Maria Stewart, Harriet Jacobs, Sojourner Truth, and especially Hosea Easton, have also described America's racial hierarchy as a continuation of antecedent European feudal social structures. Not only do their perspectives on what I call racial feudalism in America lend credence to Tocqueville's hypothesis that the afterlife of medieval social frameworks continued to persist in the post-Enlightenment United States, but also black Americans establish a distinctive body of knowledge that must be read alongside Tocqueville to render a more complete understanding of antebellum US social hierarchy.