Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Feudalism in France"

Abstract: At the very time when the feudal system of land tenure was being abolished in France, and elsewhere in Europe, it was enjoying an unexpected revival in Scotland as a means of controlling urban development. Land which was sold under the feudal system could be subjected to permanent conditions, known as “real burdens”, which regulated its future use; and in this way planning control was achieved by a mechanism of private law. Real burdens could (and can) also be used in a non-feudal context, in which case they resemble praedial servitudes. But, unlike servitudes, real burdens can impose affirmative obligations, such as an obligation to construct and maintain a building. Today Scotland is one of the last jurisdictions in the world to have an operational feudal system. That will shortly change. Legislation passed in 2000 abolishes the feudal system with effect from 28 November 2004. At the same time the law of real burdens is reformed and codified. The continued existence, and importance, of real burdens was the greatest obstacle to feudal abolition. For if feudal lords (“superiors”) were to disappear, who was to enforce the burdens? The legislation tackles the difficulty with various improvisations, in some cases reallocating enforcement rights to neighbours (including former superiors), and in others allowing the burdens to lapse altogether. Affirmative burdens will be a permanent legacy of the feudal era, but in other respects its continuing influence on land law is likely to be slight.

A brief course of lectures (introduction and three lectures) is dedicated to the social and economic history of France, as the main country of the medieval era. The course addresses issues of the genesis of the classic French feudalism. Special attention is paid to the problem of formation of the feudal land ownership from allodium and benefice to the hereditary feud (fief). The course interprets the feudal division causes and ways to overcome it, as well as the evolution of the socio-economic characteristics of the main classes of French feudal society, most of all the nobility and dependent peasants. Particular attention is paid to the economic policy of absolutism in France, which was reflected in the work of famous historical figures: King Henry IV, his first minister Maximilien Sully, the Cardinal de Richelieu, the Controller-General of Finances Jean-Baptiste Colbert.

AbstractHeide Gerstenberger’s book offers a comparative view of the origins and emergence of the bourgeois state in England and France. Both, according to her, emerged out of ancien-régime type structures which were themselves distinct from feudalism. Whilst recognising the value of Gerstenberger’s attempt to avoid economic reductionism when explaining changing power-structures, it is suggested that analytical tools such as ‘class’, ‘mode of production’ and the ‘state’, which she confines to capitalism, do have considerable utility for the analysis of precapitalist régimes. More importantly, it is suggested that her attempt to maintain that in England, as in France, an ancien-régime type society endured at least to the end of the eighteenth century obscures the fundamentally divergent paths taken by the two countries. This is compounded by her rejection of the idea of a French absolutism and an underestimation of the extent to which power-structures in England were modified by the precocious development of capitalism. Whilst suggesting that a bourgeois public space was able to develop in the interstices of structures of the ancien régime, Gersternberger fails to recognise the extent to which this had transformed the English polity by the mid-seventeenth century.

In this research paper, I have studied about the historical study of the role of feudalism in the history of the world, the objectives of the study, research methodology, results and conclusions. The term 'feudalism' has been used by historians to describe the economic, legal, political and social relations of medieval Europe. It is derived from the German word 'feud' meaning a piece of land and refers to a society that developed in central France and later also in England and southern Italy. The period from 600 AD to 1500 AD has been given the noun of Middle Ages or Medieval period in European history. Many social and economic changes took place during this period, especially in Western Europe. Feudalism (English: thomankonspeu feudalism) was a practice in England and Europe during the Middle Ages. There were several categories of these feudatories whose top position was the king. Below him there were various categories of feudal lords and the lowest level were peasants or slaves. It was an association of protectors and subordinates. The king was considered the master of all the land. The feudatories owed allegiance to the king, equipped an army to protect him, and received land from the king in return. The feudatories were not entitled to buy and sell land. In the early period, feudalism rendered commendable service to the society by making proper arrangements for local security, agriculture and justice. Later on, personal war and personal selfishness became the aim of the feudatories. during the medieval period. Western Europe developed a social system that was very different from the rest of the world. This is known as 'feudalism'. Feudalism was such a new social and economic system that prevailed in Western Europe during the medieval period (600-1500 AD) and later in other parts of Europe. Under this. The division of classes in the society was rigid, politically there was no central power and village-based economy prevailed. Thus the village-based economy was virtually self-sufficient and the surplus production was very low, which reduced the scope for trade. Therefore, the decline of trade and cities has been seen as a feature of it. Due to the absence of a central political power under feudalism, political supremacy was maintained by a number of feudal lords who controlled political, social and economic affairs. At this time the king was not very powerful. Samant used to exploit the farmers. In addition, the influence of the Church in Europe extended beyond religious matters. The rise of resourceful new cities, the invention of gunpowder, and the rise of patriotism in place of local royalism led to the disappearance of feudalism. Feudalism in Europe generally developed under these conditions. After the breakup of the Roman Empire, it was taken over by the uncivilized tribes of Western Europe – Frank, Lombard and Goth etc. These marauding castes gave a completely new look to the society and the government. By the fifth century the Roman Empire was unable to defend itself. The villages of Italy had become unsafe due to the invasion of German barbarians, because the government was not able to provide protection, as a result of which the people had to compromise with the powerful class for their protection. This powerful class later became the basis of feudalism. Encyclopædia Britannica has also given special emphasis on the need for security. According to him, “The feeling of security was predominant in the birth of feudalism. To get rid of the possible foreign invasion and the uncontrolled demands of the government officials, the need of such a power was being felt, which could provide them security at any cost. Abstract in Hindi Lanaguage: इस शोध पत्र में मैंने विश्व के इतिहास में सामंतवाद की भूमिका का ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन, अध्ययन के उद्देस्य, अनुसन्धान पद्धति, परिणाम और निष्कर्ष के बारे अध्ययन किया है। इतिहासकारों द्वारा ’सामंतवाद’ शब्द का प्रयोग मध्यकालीन यूरोप के आर्थिक विधिक, राजनीतिक और सामाजिक संबंधों का वर्णन करने के लिए किया जाता रहा है। यह जर्मन शब्द ’फ़्यूड’ से बना है जिसका अर्थ एक भूमि का टुकड़ा है और यह एक ऐसे समाज को इंगित करता है जो मध्य फ्रांस और बाद में इंग्लैंड और दक्षिणी इटली में भी विकसित हुआ। 600 ई. से 1500 ई. तक की अवधि को यूरोपीय इतिहास में मध्य युग या मध्यकाल की संज्ञा दी गयी है। विशेष रूप से पश्चिमी यूरोप में इस अवधि के दौरान कई सामाजिक और आर्थिक परिवर्तन हुए। सामंतवाद (अंग्रेज़ीः थ्मनकंसपेउ फ़्यूडलिज़्म) मध्यकालीन युग में इंग्लैंड और यूरोप की प्रथा थी। इन सामंतों की कई श्रेणियाँ थीं जिनके शीर्ष स्थान में राजा होता था। उसके नीचे विभिन्न कोटि के सामंत होते थे और सबसे निम्न स्तर में किसान या दास होते थे। यह रक्षक और अधीनस्थ लोगों का संगठन था। राजा समस्त भूमि का स्वामी माना जाता था। सामंतगण राजा के प्रति स्वामिभक्ति बरतते थे, उसकी रक्षा के लिए सेना सुसज्जित करते थे और बदले में राजा से भूमि पाते थे। सामंतगण भूमि के क्रय-विक्रय के अधिकारी नहीं थे। प्रारंभिक काल में सामंतवाद ने स्थानीय सुरक्षा, कृषि और न्याय की समुचित व्यवस्था करके समाज की प्रशंसनीय सेवा की। कालांतर में व्यक्तिगत युद्ध एवं व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थ ही सामंतों का उद्देश्य बन गया। मध्यकाल के दौरान । पश्चिमी यूरोप में ऐसी सामाजिक व्यवस्था विकसित हुई जो शेष विश्व से बहुत भिन्न थी। इसे ’सामंतवाद के नाम से जाना जाता है। सामंतवाद ऐसी नई सामाजिक और आर्थिक व्यवस्था थी जो मध्यकाल (600-1500 ईस्वी) में पश्चिमी यूरोप में तथा आगे चलकर यूरोप के अन्य भागों में प्रचलित हुई। इसके अंतर्गत. समाज में वर्गों का विभाजन कठोर था, राजनीतिक रूप से देखें तो यहाँ कोई केंद्रीय शक्ति नहीं थी और ग्राम आधारित अर्थव्यवस्था का प्रचलन था। इस प्रकार ग्राम आधारित अर्थव्यवस्था वस्तुतः आत्मनिर्भर थी और अधिशेष उत्पादन बहुत कम था जिससे व्यापार की संभावना न्यून हो गयी थी। अतः व्यापार एवं शहरों के पतन को इसकी एक विशेषता के रूप में देखा गया है। सामंतवाद के अंतर्गत केंद्रीय राजनीतिक शक्ति के अभाव के कारण बहुत सारे सामंतों का राजनीतिक वर्चस्व कायम था जो राजनीतिक, सामाजिक एवं आर्थिक मामलों को नियंत्रित करते थे। इस समय राजा बहुत शक्तिशाली नहीं था। सामंत किसानों का शोषण करते थे। इसके अतिरिक्त, यूरोप में चर्च का प्रभाव धार्मिक मामलों से परे भी विस्तृत था। साधन-संपन्न नए शहरों के उत्थान, बारूद के आविष्कार, तथा स्थानीय राजभक्ति के स्थान पर राष्ट्रभक्ति के उदय के कारण सामंतशाही का लोप हो गया।.यूरोप में सामंतवाद का विकास सामान्यतः इन परिस्थितियों में हुआ। रोमन साम्राज्य के टूटने के बाद उस पर पश्चिमी यूरोप की असभ्य जातियां-फ्रैंक लोम्बार्ड तथा गोथ इत्यादि ने अधिकार कर लिया। इन लुटेरी जातियों ने समाज और सरकार को सर्वथा नवीन रूप दिया। पांचवीं शताब्दी तक रोमन साम्राज्य अपनी रक्षा करने में असमर्थ हो चुके थे। जर्मन की बर्बर जातियों के आक्रमण के कारण इटली के गांव असुरक्षित से हो गए थे, क्योंकि सरकार सुरक्षा करने में समर्थ नहीं थी जिसके परिणामस्वरूप जनता ने अपनी सुरक्षा के लिए शक्तिशाली वर्ग से समझौता किया। यही शक्तिशाली वर्ग आगे चलकर सामंतवाद के आधार बने। इनसाइक्लोपीडिया ब्रिटेनिका में भी सुरक्षा की आवश्यकता पर विशेष बल दिया गया है। उसके अनुसार ‘‘सामंतवाद के जन्म में सुरक्षा की भावना प्रधान थी। संभावित विदेशी आक्रमण तथा सरकारी अफसरों की अनियंत्रित मांगों से छुटकारे के लिए एक ऐसी सत्ता की आवश्यकता अनुभव की जा रही थी, जो उन्हें किसी भी कीमत पर सुरक्षा प्रदान कर सके।’’ Keywords: राजनीतिक और सामाजिक संबंध, व्यक्तिगत युद्ध, सामाजिक और आर्थिक व्यवस्था, राजनीतिक वर्चस्व, राष्ट्रभक्ति, परिणामस्वरूप, शक्तिशाली वर्ग।

Abstract This inquiry examines Le Recueil des Loix, Coutumes, et Usages Observes par les Juifs de Metz. Evocative of the medieval German Sachsenspiegel, the volume’s detailed regulations supply a rich portrait of a Jewish community in Alsace-Lorraine during the turbulent final decades of the ancien regime. While France evolved during these decades from feudalism to democracy, the Jews transitioned from serfs main-mortables or royal chattels to citizenship. Ideals of the emerging French democracy were imprinted upon the Code Napoleon (1805), a distinctively anti-feudal, secular expression of French citizens’ newfound autonomy. In contrast, the Recueil originated in an act of will on the part of the Jews’ overlords. In accordance with royal orders, it was deposited in the records of the royal court at Metz in about 1742; royal judges and members of the bar consulted the Recueil in all manner of disputes involving Jewish litigants and Jewish law. The Recueil, as the handiwork of eighteenth century Alsatian Jews, was unique in engrafting Jewish law and ethics upon French law of the ancien regime.

No período situado entre os séculos X-XV, as relações de poder na Europa ocidental se encontravam inseridas em um complexo de articulações e desdobramentos. Em A Idade Média na França: de Hugo Capeto a Joana d’Arc (987-1460), Georges Duby (1992) investiga a trajetória e as especificidades das expressões do poder a partir do exemplo da França feudal, percebendo suas repercussões nos diversos domínios humanos e políticos. Partindo da obra citada, o artigo analisa o arcabouço da organização política medieval a partir de quatro características indicadas por Duby: as dimensões doméstica e sagrada do poder e seu carácter masculino e fragmentado. Associam-se a obra outras bibliografias para viabilizar um horizonte de compreensão das possibilidades e circunstâncias do poder na época medieval. A abordagem metodológica utilizada é revisão bibliográfica. Palavras-chave: Política; Poder; Feudalismo.AbstractIn the period situated as the 10th - 13th centuries, the power relations in western Europe were inserted in a complex of articulations and unfoldings. In A Idade Média na França: de Hugo Capeto a Joana d’Arc (987-1460), Georges Duby (1992) investigates the trajectory and specificities of expressions of power as of on the example of feudal France, realizing its repercussions in the various human and political domains. Correlating with the oeuvre cited, the article analyzes the framework of medieval political organization as of four characteristics indicated by Duby: the domestic and sacred dimensions of power and its masculine and fragmented character. Other bibliographies are associated with the oeuvre to make viable a horizon of understanding the possibilities and circumstances of power in medieval period. The methodological approach used is bibliographic review.Keywords: Politics; Power; Feudalism.

This dissertation explores the role of Absolutist states in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe. Three general questions are addressed: (1) what are the determinants of variations in the autonomy of rulers? (2) what are the consequences of variations in autonomy for states policies? and (3) what are the effects of various state policies on economic development? A new theoretical framework, based on a synthesis of the neoclassical economic literature on principal-agent relations and current organizational theory in sociology, is developed to answer these three questions. Case studies of Absolutism in England, France, Sweden, and Spain are used to illustrate the explanatory power of the theory.

La présente étude s’inscrit dans le débat à propos d’une éventuelle « mutation féodale » autour de l’an mil. Il s’agit d’étudier l’aristocratie laïque durant les Xe et XIe siècles, en prêtant une égale attention aux ressorts matériels et idéologiques de sa domination sociale. La signification des transformations que connaît alors l’écriture diplomatique étant au cœur de la controverse, le choix a été fait de partir des sources hagiographiques originaires des abbayes d’Aurillac, Conques et Figeac. Mais le discours hagiographique présente ses propres biais. Afin de s’en prémunir au mieux, on a confronté autant que possible les affirmations des sources hagiographiques aux informations disponibles grâce à d’autres types de documents. La démonstration procède en deux étapes. En recourant aux méthodes de l’hagiologie, la première partie permet de contextualiser la production hagiographique et de s’interroger sur les conditions de sa réception : on s’aperçoit que si les textes latins sont d’abord destinés à être lus par des clercs, de multiples canaux de diffusion orale permettaient aux hagiographes de s’adresser également aux laïcs, en particulier à l’aristocratie. La seconde partie étudie l’évolution de la domination aristocratique à travers ce que permet d’en percevoir l’hagiographie. Elle montre qu’un certain nombre de transformations ont eu lieu dès le début du Xe siècle et permettent de parler d’une « mutation de l’an 900 » : l’émergence de la chevalerie, la mise en place de la féodalité, la montée en puissance des sires, l’importance des châteaux et des milites sont autant de phénomènes qui datent de cette époque. Toutefois, l’an mil connaît deux ajustements non négligeables : le redéploiement de l’identité aristocratique autour des châteaux et le passage d’une conception cognatique de la parenté noble à une autre d’avantage agnatique
The present study falls within the scope of the debate about a possible “feudal mutation” around the year 1000. It is concerned with the study of lay aristocracy during the 10th and 11th centuries, by giving equal attention to ideological and material aspects of its social domination. Because the meaning of the transformations that affect diplomatic writing then is in the heart of the matter, we make the choice to work from the hagiographic narratives from the abbeys of Aurillac, Conques and Figeac. But there are also biases in the hagiographic discourse. In order to counterbalance their influence, we have compared as much as possible the data from hagiographic texts with the information available thanks to other types of documents. The demonstration is organized in two steps. Using the methods of hagiology, the first part contextualizes hagiographic production and questions the conditions of its reception: we are led to realize that, if the Latin texts are primaraly intented to be read by clerics, multiple oral channels allowed hagiographers to address also the laity, especially the aristocracy. The second part examines the evolution of aristocratic domination through what can be perceived in the hagiography. It shows that some transformations took place as early as the beginning of the 10th century and that we can therefore speak of “a mutation of the year 900”: the ermergence of chivalry, the establishment of feudalism, the rise of the lords, the importance of castles and milites are phenomena which date from this time. Howewer, there are two significant adjustments around the year 1000: aristocratic identity refocuses on castles and the the noble kinship moves from a cognatic conception to another more agnatic

L’espace ardennais constitue un territoire féodal qui se forme au Xe siècle sur les terres du diocèse de Reims. La dévolution d’honneurs et de terres est issu de la volonté de plusieurs archevêques successifs désireux de maintenir l’autorité de leur Église sur leur diocèse tout en favorisant leurs familles respectives. Trois lignages bénéficièrent ainsi de la politique archiépiscopale : les comtes d’Omont, les comtes de Verdun qui formèrent la première phase de notre espace d’étude et enfin les comtes de Champagne qui, les derniers, dominèrent l’espace ardennais avant que ce dernier ne tombe dans les mains des rois de France, perdant par là même ses spécificités ce qui mena à sa disparition. Cet espace féodal constitue un exemple intéressant de territoire en position de marche entre France et Empire puis de marge entre les domaines de grands nobles tels que les comtes de Bar ou de Champagne. Cette situation construisit la féodalité ardennaise : unie par des liens familiaux, protéiforme, transfrontalière et capable de chercher loin de ses domaines les occasions d’alliances au point de briller jusqu’en Terre Sainte
The area of the Ardennes represents a feudal territory which originates from the lands of the diocese of Reims in the 10th century. The devolution of honors and lands derives from the will of several consecutive archbishops eager to maintain the authority of their Church onto their diocese, while priviledging their own families. That’s how three lineages took advantage of the archiepiscopal policy including the Counts of Omont, the Counts of Verdun who were at the origins or the first stage of our study area and finally the Counts of Champagne who were the last ones to control the area of the Ardennes before the latter fell into the hands of the Kings of France. This not only made it lose its specificies but also led to its disappearance. This feudal area constitutes an interesting example of territory from a march position between France and the Holy Roman Empire to a margin position among the nobles estates such as the Counts of Bar or of Champagne. This situation built up the feudalism of the Ardennes which strengthened family ties, evolved continuously, went beyond the borders and had the ability to go beyond its estates in order to fin opportunities to make new alliances to the extent of shining as far as the Holy Land

Le processus d’enquête au Moyen Âge en Provence irrigue tous les modes d’appréhension de la « vérité » et unit les domaines judiciaire et politique. En effet, à partir du milieu du XIIIe siècle et au début du siècle suivant, le comte tente d’affirmer son pouvoir éminent sur la justice et contrôle l’exercice des droits seigneuriaux par le biais d’une hiérarchie des pouvoirs. La procédure inquisitoire devient alors le système probatoire le plus utilisé dans les cours de justice. Cette étude s'articule autour de la réflexion sur l'usage des enquêtes, leurs objets et ce qu'elles peuvent apporter à la connaissance des rapports de pouvoir entre le comte et la noblesse ou l’Église, entre seigneurs et communautés, en Provence, aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles, sous la première maison d’Anjou. A travers une étude typologique, cette étude essaie de mettre en lumière que, quel que soit son objet, toute enquête obéit à une même procédure que l’on peut dans tous les cas qualifier de judiciaire. Le pouvoir en place va de plus en plus utiliser l’enquête comme mode de gouvernement à la fois pour structurer les droits du comte sur la Provence mais aussi et surtout pour légitimer son pouvoir et sa dynastie. Ces procédures sont reprises à leur tour par les seigneurs, afin de consolider leurs droits vis-à-vis de leurs vassaux mais aussi du pouvoir comtal, ce qui tend à faire de l’enquête une pièce maîtresse du processus d’établissement des droits seigneuriaux
The investigation process during the Middle Ages in Provence sustains all of the methods for ascertaining the “truth” and unites the judicial and political domains. Indeed, since the middle of the thirteenth century and the middle of the fourteenth century, the count tries to assert his eminent power over justice and controls the exercising of seigneurial rights through a hierarchy of powers. The inquisitorial procedure then becomes the most used probation system in the courts. This study is based upon an appraisal of the use of surveys, their objects and what they reveal concerning power relations between the count and the nobility or the church, between lords and communities, in Provence during the XIIIth and XIVth centuries, under the first house of Anjou.Through a typological study of surveys, this study aims to highlight that any investigation, whatever its object is, obeys the same procedure, when used in all cases qualified as judicial. The power in place will increasingly use inquiry as a mode of government not only to structure the rights of the count in Provence but also and especially to legitimize his power and his dynasty. These procedures are thus implemented by the lords in order to consolidate their rights with regard to their vassals as well as the count’s power, which tends to make the investigation a centerpiece of the process of establishing seigneurial rights

Abstract Many of the problems of non-Marxist feudalism in Italy are similar to those of French feudalism that were sketched at the beginning of the last chapter, in particular the problems created by the imposition of categories created by later historians. The historiography of Italian feudalism, however, includes its own paradoxes. Although the whole idea of feudalism originated from a north Italian book, the first post-medieval French scholars who used the Libri Feudorum to elucidate French history were so anxious to play down any dependence of France on Roman law or Lombard precedent, and their successors had their eyes so firmly fixed on the north, that Italy came to seem as marginal to feudalism as feudalism did to the history of Italy. Carlo Sigonio (d. 1588) derived the origin of fiefs from the time of King Authari (584–90), but, after French historians had effectively postponed their appearance in France to the Carolingians, it must have seemed reasonable to attribute their introduction into Italy to Charlemagne. By the nineteenth century feudalism had become closely connected with an agricultural stage of human evolution, while medieval Italy was seen as the land of urban continuity and the rebirth of civic culture. Italian feudalism had to be squashed in chronologically between the Romans (or even the Carolingians) and the age of the communes. C. G. Mor’s L’ Eta feudale started in 887 and ended in 1024, paradoxically missing both the introduction of Carolingian benefices verbo regis at one end and the ordinance of Conrad II that is generally taken to have formed the basic text of the Libri Feudorum at the other.

Abstract Ever since Sir Henry Spelman used the words of French feudists, backed by what was in the circumstances an impressive amount of genuine medieval evidence, to explain ‘the original, growth, propagation and condition of feuds and tenures by knight-service, in England’, ideas about feudalism in England have been derived from ideas of feudalism in France and yet, paradoxically, have been different from them in several ways. Deep-rooted traditions of linguistic and pseudo-racial nationalism have fostered the belief that feudalism came to England from France as a result of the Norman Conquest, yet attention here has always been focused on military service and the rights of kings over those who held their land directly from them, both of which, as I have argued, seem hard to find in anything like comparable form in France. One reason why the paradox has not attracted more critical thought is that these phenomena were very early on incorporated into the general model of non-Marxist feudalism, so that those who started from the model and were primarily—or only—interested in England naturally took them for granted, just as those who were primarily interested in France took for granted the contrasting situation there. The model has obscured the evidence for historians both sides of the Channel. Another reason is that since the twelfth century the peculiar development of English law has discouraged English lawyers and legal historians from looking at all closely at other countries.

The second half of the sixteenth century: a turning point in the organization of the Kingdom of Sardinia defenseIn the second half of the sixteenth century, in accordance with the centralization and reorganization of the administrative and military apparatus desired by Philip II in the States of the Iberian Monarchy, military defense was reorganized in the Kingdom of Sardinia, against the threatened Franc-Turkish invasion of the Island. Until that time, in fact, the defense of the Kingdom was based only on the modernization of the main Royal Cities fortifications. The inspiring principle of this strategy was the medieval one: to defend the Kingdom, it would have been enough to defend the Royal Cities of Cagliari and Alghero. Instead, starting from the Parliament wanted in 1558 by Philip II and summoned by the viceroy Alvaro de Madrigal, attention is also paid to the defense of the coastal perimeter of the whole island. In this Parliament, convened with the sole purpose of providing for the defense of the Kingdom against the looming Franc-Turkish threat, the foundations are laid for the reorganization of the administrative apparatus of the Kingdom, limiting the centrifugal tendencies of local feudalism; but above all, they are laid the foundations for the creation of a homogeneous defense system, abandoning the extemporaneous initiatives taken up to that time. By the end of the century, reports for the construction of a static defense system will be commissioned and the Royal Administration of Towers will be established, with the task of building, arming and maintaining the static defense system.