Siga este link para ver outros tipos de publicações sobre o tema: Ethnic relations.
Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Ethnic relations"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 50 melhores trabalhos (teses / dissertações) para estudos sobre o assunto "Ethnic relations".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja as teses / dissertações das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
1
McCallister, Gerald L. Jr. "Ethnic Similarity and Rivalry Relations". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700063/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Research on ethnicity and conflict treats the concept of ethnicity as defining the actors in these conflicts, whereas research on the construction and maintenance of ethnic identity explores why ethnicity unifies individuals into a single social group. What happens when this unifying concept is divided between two enemy countries? How does this situation influence peace settlements over territorial issues, armed conflict, and economic relations between these countries? To answer these questions, I create a continuous measure of ethnic similarity between rivals. I find that ethnic similarity can facilitate cooperation and exacerbate conflictual interactions between rivals, but governments will seek to limit interactions with their rival when the cross border ethnic groups are minorities. In addition, I create categorical predictors of ethnic similarity, which reveal nuances in these relationships. Specifically, rivalries sharing a pan-ethnic identity are more likely to engage in conflict regardless of actual ethnic similarity, and dyads with a majority in one country sharing ethnicity with a minority in another country are less likely to fight once in a state of rivalry. This is because a quid pro quo exists between these rivals where one rival can reduce oppression of the minority in exchange for the other rival not supporting secessions by their co-ethnics. These pairs of rivals also are more likely to attempt peace settlements. Contested nations, which are rivalry-dyads with similar ethnic majorities, are both the most likely of the ethnically similar rival categories to engage in militarized interstate disputes, but also engage in larger amounts of interstate trade.
2
Li, Wenfei. "Ethnic Broadcasting and Ethnic Relations: A Comparative Study between Canada and China". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28567.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Ethnic broadcasting is a unique phenomenon of multiethnic countries that could reflect and influence a country's ethnic relations. This study examines the ethnic broadcasting policies and practices in Canada and China, to determine existing issues, and reflect on the countries' ethnic relations and ethnic policies. This thesis analyzes the ethnic broadcasting operations in the two countries comparatively through interpreting with critical lenses the data collected from government and university databases. This analysis is especially interested in the relationship between ethnic relations and the broadcasting media, between ethnic policies and broadcasting policies, and between ethnic politics and ethnic broadcasting content. Several issues in the two countries' ethnic policies and ethnic broadcasting operations are revealed through the comparative analysis, particularly the insufficiency of public broadcasting presence and governmental involvement in Canadian ethnic broadcasting, and the politicization of ethnic relations and ethnic broadcasting operations in China.
3
Foxall, Andrew David. "The geopolitics of ethnic relations in Russia : ethnic Russian and non-ethnic Russian citizens in Stavropol’skii krai". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:81b0880b-b1ca-4917-b3ef-442a3b686b98.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Ethnic relations are an important feature of contemporary Russia. This is especially true in the North Caucasus where ongoing insecurity combined with a depressed economy has led to growing Russian nationalism, xenophobia, and fears over immigration. In Stavropol’skii krai, the only ethnic Russian dominated territory in the North Caucasus Federal District, the situation is especially acute. In this thesis I investigate how the geopolitics of ethnic relations in Stavropol’skii krai, as part of the wider North Caucasus situation, impact on the everyday life of citizens in Stavropol’. I do this through employing an eclectic methodology, including both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Through four research papers, I explore how the built urban environment, through the politics of naming place (for example, street names and monuments), has become a space through which ethnic identity can be (re)produced and contested. I show how ethnic relations are (re)presented and performed in Stavropol’ through the Den’ kraya celebration, a performance that is based on a Soviet-era idealised framing of ethnic relations, and one which is open to challenge. I explore how in summer 2007 ethnic relations turned violent as ethnic Russian and non-ethnic Russian citizens rioted, and I attempt to explain the geopolitics surrounding this. Finally, I show how everyday ethnic relations have turned increasingly violent in Stavropol’ since 1991, drawing on reports from non-governmental organisations and independent researchers. I situate this research within the context of the changing ethnic geography of the krai since 1991. Together, this research represents a geopolitics of ethnic relations in Stavropol’skii krai.
4
Theuerkauf, Ulrike. "Ethno-embedded institutionalism : the impact of institutional repertoires on ethnic violence". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/535/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Hitherto, the relationships between political institutions and ethnopolitical (in)stability typically have been analysed by investigating the effects of single, formal political institutions such as electoral systems or state structures (see e.g. Reynolds 2002; Roeder and Rothchild 2005). My doctoral thesis criticises this research focus on two different yet equally relevant accounts: First, the tendency to single out the effects of individual institutions is based on the implicit – and as I claim: wrong – assumption that political institutions can be treated as separate entities and that it is only of secondary relevance of which broader set of institutions they form part. Second, despite studies which highlight the relevance of informal political institutions (see e.g. Sisk and Stefes 2005; Varshney 2002), they have received far less attention in the academic debate so far. ‘Ethno-Embedded Institutionalism’ describes a new approach to the study of institutional incentives for ethnic violence which goes beyond the mere focus on single, formal political institutions by highlighting the effects of both institutional combinations and informal political institutions on the risk of ethnic civil war. To test the relevance of ‘Ethno-Embedded Institutionalism’, I use a grievance-based explanation of intrastate violence and binary time-series-cross-section analysis based on a personally designed dataset that covers 174 countries between 1955 and 2007. I present statistical evidence that high levels of corruption on the one hand, and institutional combinations of presidentialism, a majoritarian electoral system for the legislature and a unitary state structure on the other increase the risk of large-scale ethnic violence. Overall, my thesis contributes to the academic debate in three relevant regards: i) by conceptualising and testing Ethno-Embedded Institutionalism; ii) by describing a grievance-based explanation of large-scale ethnic violence which clearly identifies the key values of political representation; and iii) by presenting the EEI Dataset as the first comprehensive data source for the systematic statistical analysis of institutional incentives for ethnic civil war.
5
Van, Dyk Stacey L. "Conflictual relations, explaining violence in ethnic secessionist movements". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24932.pdf.
Texto completo da fonte
6
Hussain, Mohammad 1962. "The Hāzaras of Afghanistan : a study of ethnic relations". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79949.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis deals with the emergence of the modern state of Afghanistan and the consequences of centralization of power, as well as the creation of a national myth, for the Hazara people, one of the country's most significant minorities.The Hazaras, who inhabit the central highlands of Afghanistan and constitute around 20% of the national population, have not only been marginalized economically and socially, but have also been denied a place in the history of the country. The thesis investigates their history over the last century and charts their struggles in the light of the last two decades of upheaval in Afghanistan, arguing that accommodation and compromise with the ethnic minorities is essential to building a modern, post-Ṭaliban Afghanistan.
7
Bélanger, Sarah. "The ethnic competition theory revisited : the case of Québec". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61676.
Texto completo da fonte
8
Kotsovilis, Spyridon Demetrius. "Identity and ethnic conflict : their social-psychological and cognitive dimensions". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33294.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis looks into the role of identity in ethnic conflict from social-psychological and cognitive perspectives.The literature of Social Psychology suggests that one strategy of social groups under pressure or threat is to revert to their collective identity and manipulate it in ways that yield a distinct positive value for group members. Focusing on the main proponent of this view, Social Identity Theory, and transposing its premises onto an ethnic level, an Ethnic Identity Theory is proposed that explains ethnic identity's utility for the positive self-esteem of members of an ethnic group during a time of crisis.
As far as the cognitive aspect is concerned, the focus moves on to the individual level of analysis. It explores the issue of how information may be represented in the human brain, and proposes that it is due to particular 'exclusive' cognitive strategies of knowledge categorization, storing and re-processing that ethnic conflict is enhanced. Borrowing from Artificial Intelligence literature on Schemata and Frame theory, ethnic identity is treated as a frame with multiple slots for various traits that comprise an ethnic identity. Such modeling helps illustrate how properties related to the architecture of these mental structures result in the constructed ethnic identities becoming more rigid---their individual traits acquiring singular importance and, once challenged, affecting the whole identity.
This study concludes by pointing that, if intransigence and inflexibility concerning ethnic identity traits begins on a cognitive micro-level, then, little progress towards peace should be expected in on-going ethnic conflicts, unless cognitively unbiased third parties are involved in peace-making, and unless their involvement includes action on a cognitive-learning level to change convictions about warring groups members' perception of their own as well as others' ethnic identities.
9
Selkirk, Sheena Ann. "Variations in the persistence of subjective culture : cross-ethnic views of characterstics of persons". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31509.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Research investigating the problems experienced and the advantages enjoyed by the minority-culture child in the North American schoolroom has focused both on changing the child and on changing the school environment. Little attention has been paid to the more basic question of differences in subjective aspects of culture across ethnic grouping and generation of residence in Canada. In addition, little appears to be known about the variability in subjective culture across levels of variables like gender, ethnic salience, or use of mother tongue. The research reported in this dissertation is a basic study of subjective aspects of the concept of "person", a concept important in virtually every society and, in addition, central to Western educational thought.
The study itself was an investigation of the views of 1288 Grade 10 students in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia. Each subject ranked the importance of each of 21 positive qualities of a person, and listed up to three criteria for concluding that a person has each of 11 of those qualities. Substantive hypotheses about differences in students' rankings across ethnic groups and generation of residence in Canada were confirmed. The results suggested both persistence and change in views of personal qualities, which were dissimilar across ethnic groupings. Exploratory analyses revealed provocative information about the moderating relationships of strength of religious feeling, gender and a complex of variables related to ethnicity including ethnic salience, mother tongue, religious affiliation and occupational information. Examination of the students' criteria yielded useful information about the behaviors and traits related to each of the 11 qualities, and about ages and genders of people thought to have a great deal of each quality.
It was concluded that the overall results may further development of theory in the area. In practical terms, they may help to guide the classroom teacher, may stimulate the development of policy and practice in the multicultural educational setting, and may be useful for curriculum development and teacher education in the Canadian context.Education, Faculty of
Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of
Graduate
10
Burlet, Stacey D. "Challenging Ethnic conflict: Hindu-Muslim relations in India 1977-1993". Thesis, University of Bradford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496395.
Texto completo da fonte
11
Berry, Neil Alexander. "Resource nationalism in Southern Africa : ethnic control and political ideology". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13666.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In the West nationalisation and privatisation have been explained mostly in relation to the political ideologies of capitalism and socialism. The privatisations that began in the 1980s, and accelerated after the collapse of socialism across Eastern Europe, have generally been considered to be developmentally linear. Postcolonial nationalisation-privatisation cycles in South East Asian and Latin American countries, by contrast, have been explained by scholars such as Chua as related to ethnicism, nationalism and indigenism and above all the presence of a 'emarket dominant ethnic minority f (MDM). This paper reviews the cycles of nationalisation and privatisation in the mining industries in Zambia and South Africa (SA), in order to examine the respective roles that ethnicity and political ideology have played. It explores whether minority ethnic economic control is more important than political ideology in driving calls for nationalisation of mining. For each country case, I set out a detailed historical analysis of the political and policy provisions made since independence from colonial rule. The paper explores ideas of ownership and race; the internalisation of norms of neoliberal economic policies; socialism and nationalism; and power relations and identity politics. The study also interrogates the impact of global structures upon state decisions. In both case studies, I show that minority ethnic dominance has been a more important driver of nationalisation/privatisation cycles than political ideology.
12
Gonaver, Wendy. "Race Relations: A Family Story, 1765-1867". W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626283.
Texto completo da fonte
13
Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
14
Ukiwo, Ukoha O. "Horizontal inequalities and violent ethnic conflicts : a comparative study of ethnic relations in Calabar and Warri, Southern Nigeria". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442897.
Texto completo da fonte
15
Guha, Sohini. "Ethnic parties, material politics and the ethnic poor : the Bahujan Samaj Party in North India". Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=111337.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Note:Many studies explore the determinants of support for ethnic parties, and the consequences of such parties for democracy. This dissertation addresses these questions through a study of the Bahujan Samaj Party (B.S.P.) in India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.). The BSP is India's only successful lower caste party, and gained greatest support over the last two decades in U.P., which it now rules. The dissertation argues that material benefits, delivered on a programmatic basis, account for the success of the B.S.P., and perhaps other ethnic parties too, among poorer groups.[...]
De nombreuses etudes se penchent sur les facteurs expliquant l’appui citoyen aux parris ethniques ainsi que les consequences d’un tel appui en ce qui a trait a la democratie. Cette these aborde ces questions a u·avers une etude du Parti Bahujan Samaj (PBS) dans le plus grand Etat indien, !’Uttar Pradesh (UP). Le PBS est le seul parti de basses castes ayant connu un succes electoral en Inde, et dirige maintenant l’UP, resultat d’une popularite croissante au cours des deux dernieres decennies. Cette these argumente que les avantages materiels, distribues de facon programmatique, expliquent le succes du PBS, et sans doute celui d’autres parris ethniques representant les couches les plus pauvres de la societe.[...]
16
Roinila, Mika Petri-Olavi. "The migration, settlement and ethnic relations of Finland-Swedes in Canada". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/nq23970.pdf.
Texto completo da fonte
17
Bellay, Susan. "Pluralism and race/ethnic relations in Canadian social science, 1880-1939". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ57503.pdf.
Texto completo da fonte
18
Miller, Kate. "Language policy in education and ethnic relations in Catalonia, (1993-96)". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14520.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis is the result of research into the impact on the population of Catalonia of Catalan normalisation policies ('normalisation' in this context refers to the Catalan Government's intention to return Catalan to its rightful place as Catalonia's own language) in education in terms of language behaviour and ethnic relations. Chapter one focuses on the concepts of Bilingualism and Diglossia and how they have been employed in the Catalan context. Chapter two is a review of the relevant literature related to the Catalan situation. Chapter three is a narrative account of the political context of the period under study. Chapter four describes the methodologies and the results obtained from the fieldwork. Chapter five summarises the contributions of the preceding chapters, clarifies the grounded theory generated by this research project and draws conclusions. The theory and methods used to investigate this topic are drawn from sociolinguistics and psycholinguistics, sociology and social anthropology, resulting in a multidisciplinary approach to the material. The wider political context of the Spanish state as a whole is thought to be a crucial factor to be considered in the investigation of ethnic relations within the autonomous region of Catalonia. The relationship between the central state and the region of Catalonia as history has unfolded has had its impact on the modern context of democracy and autonomy. The language attitudes and relations between members of the ethnolinguistic groups in Catalonia are a product of struggles and experiences that have been shared over generations. The fieldwork for this thesis was carried out primarily in Igualada at the beginning of 1993, shortly after the general election when the Socialists lost their overall majority. The research methodologies were qualitative in nature and consisted of: a report on newspaper debates and public discourse concerning the political context of the implementation of language policy. Private discourses were researched by interviews with teachers, pupils and parents associated with the three secondary schools in Igualada, observation of linguistic interaction both in the school environment and in a variety of social contexts, and participation observation of everyday life. The results and conclusions include a discussion of the evidence that the power relationship between the Castilian and Catalan ethnolinguistic groups is of importance to the success enjoyed by policies aimed at the 'normalisation' of the Catalan language. However, it is pointed out that, far from being stable or predictable, the situation of language and ethnic competition is changing and dynamic.
19
Tobin, David. "Nation-building and ethnic boundaries in China's northwest". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/nationbuilding-and-ethnic-boundaries-in-chinas-northwest(d75ce02e-0d82-4a88-b2e4-3b17f876f8a8).html.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis will analyse the identity politics of the Chinese party-state’s nation-building project in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. It will examine how the party-state intends to overcome the barrier of ethnic boundaries in the production of a shared sense of multi-ethnic, national belonging. Uyghurs and Han can be thought of as belonging to different civilisations (Chinese and Turkic-Islamic) but in modern times they are often thought of as divided by ethnic boundaries. The party-state’s idea of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu) is a nation-building project to eliminate these boundaries so as to produce a multi-ethnic nation. Fieldwork was conducted after the riots of July 2009 engulfed the region. Ethnically targeted violence against both Han and Uyghurs destabilised the city of Ürümchi and challenged the party-state’s vision of China as a unified and harmonious nation. The official Chinese explanation was that this was an internationally funded and synchronised terrorist attack but Uyghur rights groups have blamed tensions on government policy repressing Uyghur culture and stoking Han nationalism. The theoretical framework employed draws from the concepts of production and performativity in Post-Structuralist and Critical International Relations (IR) theory, particularly the work of Cynthia Weber (1998) and David Campbell (1998). The critical approach adopted here takes security as a process of performative enactment of identity, which produces the units we take for granted as worthy of security. The analysis will examine official performances of what it means to be Chinese and Uyghur. It will then ask how these performances are received and (re)performed by members of the postulated nation. The party-state seeks to include Uyghurs as Chinese but it also excludes and securitises Uyghur Turkic and Islamic identities as ‘outside’ threats to the unity of the nation. The research is a result of one year of fieldwork (September 2009-August 2010) in Ürümchi, the capital city of Xinjiang. This was the first ethnographic study of responses to the violence of July 2009. Furthermore, the incorporation of Han perspectives has been very limited thus far in the literature on Xinjiang. The analysis uses a top-down approach, which employs discourse analysis of official texts to understand what type of national identity the party-state seeks to produce. However, these methods are coupled with a bottom-up analysis using ethnographic methods, particularly detailed, semi-structured interviews, to explore how these official discourses are received. The perspectives of Han and Uyghurs in Xinjiang can inform us how nation-building will unfold and what type of social dynamics it will engender. Analysing perspectives on the nation from below can help us understand the type of nation we expect to be produced in China rather than the type of nation the party-state narrates. The findings of this research demonstrate that both Uyghurs and Han are turning official Chinese nationalist discourses against themselves to articulate separate ethnic nations. Uyghurs frame China as an assimilationist transgression of ethnic boundaries for the benefit of the Han. Han frame their nation as under threat from Uyghurs and articulate China as a Han nation. The party-state’s nation-building project is unintentionally producing insecurity and reinforcing ethnic boundaries which remain obstacles to a shared sense of nationhood.
20
Klote, Michael A. "Formation and viability of autonomous relational databases for utilization in the conceptual analysis of internationalized ethnopolitical violence /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1420927.
Texto completo da fonte
21
Jeyamohan, Tania. "The rights of Malaysia's ethnic minorities: is democracy dead?" Thesis, Jeyamohan, Tania (2004) The rights of Malaysia's ethnic minorities: is democracy dead? Masters by Research thesis, Murdoch University, 2004. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/116/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Synopsis
This dissertation examines the erosion of minority rights in Malaysia through the implementation of special measures in favour of the majority Malays. This dissertation will consider the appropriateness, effectiveness and legitimacy of these special measures under current international law standards. This involves a comparison of Malaysia's constitutional, legislative and statutory provisions with international principles of customary and treaty law, and applicable regional declarations. This dissertation will conclude by recommending appropriate policy and legislative reform, if such measures are found to be appropriate in the circumstances.
Preamble
Malaysia achieved independence from Britain on 31 August 1957. The Merdeka Independence Proclamation declared that the nation was to be 'founded upon the principle of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of its people'. Insightful words for a nation built upon by racial, cultural and religious separatism, as the term 'its people' was presumably meant to encompass both the majority Malays as well as all ethnic minorities.' Unfortunately, the sentiment expressed in the Merdeka proclamation was marred by ethnic polarisation and its resultant ethnocentric legal and political system.
The reasons for this will be explored in chapter one, which considers Malaysia's historical and cultural development and the eventual mass pluralisation of Malaysia without a unifying national identity. An understanding of the formation of Malaysia's cultural hegemony, and its subsequent ethnic polarisation, is required to appreciate the current status of Malaysia's ethnic minorities. Part A will consider in detail the preferential policies in favour of Malays introduced by the government following the 1969 race riots and the resulting effect this had on the economic, social and cultural rights of non-Malays. The introduction of these policies also led to the implementation of race based quota systems in the education, employment and business sectors. Correspondingly, the socio-economic position of non-Malay minorities have been affected. The legal implications of these policies are discussed in the proceeding chapters and the reasonableness of these policies will be measured against international law standards.
To undertake this assessment, Part B discusses the role of international law and examines its implications to Malaysia. It should be noted from the outset that although Malaysia is a member State of the United Nations, it has elected not to ratify significant human rights treaties. Given this, chapter two considers the role of customary law as a part of international law and its implications to the observance of fundamental human rights. This chapter aims to establish that Malaysia as a member of the United Nations, and by virtue of customary law, is bound to recognise fundamental human rights.
As this dissertation discusses Malaysia's observance of minority rights at international law, part C examines the availability of fundamental human rights to Malaysia's minorities. Part C reconciles Malaysia's pro-Malay preferential policies with minority rights and considers whether minority rights in Malaysia have been eroded through such policies pursuant to international law standards. Chapter four determines whether the language rights of Malaysia's non-bahasa speakers, who also constitute the ethnic minorities, are recognised and protected by Malaysia's national language policy. This chapter also assesses the impact of Malaysia's national language policy and planning on the education and employment rights of non-Malays given the introduction of language based quota systems in both sectors. Chapter five examines the role of Islam in Malaysia and considers the extent of religious freedom available to non-Muslims in Malaysia Chapter six deals with Malaysia's restrictive laws and how these laws were relied on to revise and modify Malaysia's legal system and policies to benefit Malays whilst simultaneously impacting on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of non-Malay minorities. Chapter six also considers the potential risks associated with the government's continued reliance on these restrictive laws to 'control' interethnic tensions.
On the assumption that Malaysia has breached relevant international law standards in some instances, part D recommends possible methods of legislative and policy reform which may be adopted by the government to remedy these breaches. Part D is the concluding chapter of this dissertation. In concluding, this dissertation examines the impact of ethnic divisions on social and political policies in Malaysia and considers the extent of government intervention in the economy based on race which has ultimately impacted on the protection and implementation of minority rights in Malaysia. It is the writer's opinion that the source of ethnic conflict lies within the introduction of legal doctrines which are purposely detrimental to the rights of minorities. Accordingly, the concluding chapter recommends reforms to Malaysia's legal system and policies to minimise the risk of an eruption of inter-ethnic tensions.
The aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate that Malaysia's politicisation of competing ethnic interests has resulted in the maintenance of preferential policies detrimental to minority rights and contrary to international law.
22
Jeyamohan, Tania. "The rights of Malaysia's ethnic minorities : is democracy dead?" Murdoch University, 2004. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070509.132340.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
synopsis
This dissertation examines the erosion of minority rights in Malaysia through the
implementation of special measures in favour of the majority Malays. This dissertation
will consider the appropriateness, effectiveness and legitimacy of these special
measures under cunent international law standards. This involves a comparison of
Malaysia's constitutional, legislative and statutory provisions with international
principles of customary and treaty law, and applicable regional declarations. This
dissertation will conclude by recommending appropriate policy and legislative reform,
if such measures are found to be appropriate in the circumstances.
Preamble
Malaysia achieved independence fiom Britain on 31 August 1957. The Merdeka
Independence Proclamation declared that the nation was to be 'founded upon the
principle of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of its people'.
Insightful words for a nation built upon by racial, cultural and religious separatism, as
the term 'its people' was presumably meant to encompass both the majority Malays as
well as all ethnic minorities.' Unfortunately, the sentiment expressed in the Merdeka
proclamation was marred by ethnic polarisation and its resultant ethnocentric legal and
political system.
The reasons for this will be explored in chapter one, which considers Malaysia's
historical and cultural development and the eventual mass pluralisation of Malaysia
without a unifying national identity. An understanding of the formation of Malaysia's
cultural hegemony, and its subsequent ethnic polarisation, is required to appreciate the
current status of Malaysia's ethnic minorities. Part A will consider in detail the
preferential policies in favour of Malays introduced by the government following the
1969 race riots and the resulting effect this had on the economic, social and cultural
rights of non-Malays. The introduction of these policies also led to the implementation
of race based quota systems in the education, employment and business sectors.
Correspondingly, the socio-economic position of non-Malay minorities have been
affected. The legal implications of these policies are discussed in the proceeding
chapters and the reasonableness of these policies will be measured against international
law standards.
To undertake this assessment, Part B discusses the role of international law and
examines its implications to Malaysia. It should be noted fiom the outset that although
Malaysia is a member State of the United Nations, it has elected not to ratify significant
human rights treaties. Given this, chapter two considers the role of customary law as a
part of international law and its implications to the observance of fundamental human
rights. This chapter aims to establish that Malaysia as a member of the United Nations,
and by virtue of customary law, is bound to recognise fundamental human rights.
As this dissertation discusses Malaysia's observance of minority rights at international
law, part C examines the availability of fundamental human rights to Malaysia's
minorities. Part C reconciles Malaysia's pro-Malay preferential policies with minority
rights and considers whether minority rights in Malaysia have been eroded through such policies pursuant to international law standards. Chapter four determines whether the
language rights of Malaysia's non-bahasa speakers, who also constitute the ethnic
minorities, are recognised and protected by Malaysia's national language policy. This
chapter also assesses the impact of Malaysia's national language policy and planning on
the education and employment rights of non-Malays given the introduction of language
based quota systems in both sectors. Chapter five examines the role of Islam in
Malaysia and considers the extent of religious freedom available to non-Muslims in
Malaysia Chapter six deals with Malaysia's restrictive laws and how these laws were
relied on to revise and modify Malaysia's legal system and policies to benefit Malays
whilst simultaneously impacting on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural
rights of non-Malay minorities. Chapter six also considers the potential risks associated
with the government's continued reliance on these restrictive laws to 'control' interethnic
tensions.
On the assumption that Malaysia has breached relevant international law standards in
some instances, part D recommends possible methods of legislative and policy reform
which may be adopted by the government to remedy these breaches. Part D is the
concluding chapter of this dissertation. In concluding, this dissertation examines the
impact of ethnic divisions on social and political policies in Malaysia and considers the
extent of government intervention in the economy based on race which has ultimately
impacted on the protection and implementation of minority rights in Malaysia. It is the
writer's opinion that the source of ethnic conflict lies within the introduction of legal
doctrines which are purposellly detrimental to the rights of minorities. Accordingly,
the concluding chapter recommends reforms to Malaysia's legal system and policies to
rninirnise the risk of an eruption of inter-ethnic tensions.
The aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate that Malaysia's politicisation of competing
ethnic interests has resulted in the maintenance of preferential policies detrimental to
minority rights and contrary to international law.
23
Mariappan, Kntayya. "Micro and macro ethnicity : ethnic preference and structures in Malaysia". Thesis, University of Bristol, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/41e84487-01f6-4883-a115-151de5c59d4a.
Texto completo da fonte
24
Lenn, Maria. "Nationalism, democratization and inter-ethnic relations in the Lithuanian state 1988-1992". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392436.
Texto completo da fonte
25
Indavong, Vongchanh. "The Lao American Diaspora and its Changing Relations with the Ethnic Homeland". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1248808797.
Texto completo da fonte
26
Ubeysekara, Ruwan. "Questioning the revival : white ethnicities in the racial pentagon". Thesis, University of Bath, 2008. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.512319.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis embodies a comprehensive analysis of the assimilation of Southern and Eastern European immigrant groups in the United States. Despite being considered racially distinct upon arrival en masse in the period 1880-1920, assimilation theorists posited that these white ethnic groups would be quickly absorbed into the prevailing white population. With the aid of Americanization campaigns targeting immigrants and their offspring, it appeared as though ethnic attachments had progressively declined with each successive generation. However, an explosion of white ethnic sentiment and activity in the 1960s and 1970s suggested otherwise, and led many to believe that white ethnic identities had not been entirely forsaken and were in fact being revived by the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the immigrants. This view is fundamentally questioned within this thesis which argues that, due to a multitude of forces and factors, white ethnicities could not have been revived in any meaningful sense. Significant attention is drawn to America’s racialised history and racebased social framework within which white ethnics categorically benefited from being classified as ‘white’. Also examined are factors such as generational distance from the point of immigration, language loss, upward mobility, and intermarriage, which together facilitated the comprehensive assimilation of white ethnic groups into the majority white population in the decades leading up to the alleged “ethnic revival.” The upsurge in white ethnic sentiment in the 1960s and 1970s is therefore argued to have transpired due to the chance convergence of a number of different factors, and given the continued classification of Americans as belonging to one of five racial groups, this thesis concludes that white ethnicities stand little chance of surviving in the long-run within a society in which race continues to hold significant sway.
27
Billé, Franck. "Bodies of excess : imagining the Chinese in contemporary Mongolia". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252232.
Texto completo da fonte
28
Yang, Fan. "Governing China's border regions : the impact of ethnic minority policy on ethnic Uighurs and Koreans". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1232.
Texto completo da fonte
29
Denhart, Loretta Kuliawat. "Helping new neighbors Resettlement workers' construction of refugee identity /". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Texto completo da fonte
30
Bergren, Anne. "Information and Communications Technology and Ethnic Conflict in Myanmar| Organizing for Violence or Peace?" Thesis, The George Washington University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10015150.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This study contributes to body of research that tests the effect of mobile phone signal coverage on the probability of violent collective action by shifting the level of analysis to a single country—Myanmar. The analysis uses a random effects logistic model of time-series cross-sectional data to test whether mobile phone availability has a significant effect on the probability of conflict among ethnic groups given their spatial and non-spatial characteristics, including: population density, territory type, and political and religious status. This study presents a nuanced, historical view of Myanmar and explores how future levels of conflict could change with the expansion of information and communications technology (ICT). While the findings are exploratory and preliminary, as mobile coverage data across a wider timeframe becomes available for Myanmar, these tests can be easily replicated to achieve more robust and statistically significant results.
31
Cosgrove, Kenneth Mark. "The tangled web : ethnic groups, interest group theory, and congressional foreign policymaking /". Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1993.
Encontre o texto completo da fonte
32
Walujono, Amanda. "The Discrimination of the Ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and Perceptions of Nationality". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/508.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Since the established literature is mostly political, economic, and social histories of modern Indonesia, my thesis will establish motivations behind the context of the discrimination of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia with particular attention on how it affects the perception of ethnic Chinese Indonesian’s nationality. Most of the times in the established literature, the history, motivations, and consequences behind the discrimination of the ethnic Chinese are briefly summarized or put in as an afterthought. Most of the present day established literature is focused on how the now-allowed Chinese imports are starting to influence Indonesian culture and how post-Suharto regimes have taken steps to at least tolerate the ethnic Chinese population. Since Indonesia is such a new nation, it is important to establish why a key player in its initial start up economy was targeted for racism for so long. My thesis will use the thread of Dutch colonialism and the impact of Western ideologies of democracy and nationalism to explain the reasons behind ethnic Chinese discrimination in Indonesia. Thus, my thesis question will ask what are the reasons behind the discrimination of the ethnic Chinese and how it affected perception of ethnic Chinese Indonesian nationality. Furthermore, my thesis question will address all the sub-questions that come ! 4 with it such as do the roots stem from Dutch colonization or does it go back further than that? How can the ethnic Chinese be discriminated against socially when most of them are in the upper economic strata of the country? Do the native Indonesians consider the ethnic Chinese Indonesian to be proper citizens of Indonesia? Do the ethnic Chinese consider themselves as citizens of Indonesia or China? And how did different ruling regimes affect the perceptions of Chinese Indonesian nationality?
33
Riley, Kristen M. "Discourse on Race and Racism: A Phenomenological Analysis of Responses to Black.White". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/RileyKM2008.pdf.
Texto completo da fonte
34
Arakchaa, Tayana. "Household and property relations in Tuva". [Boise, Idaho] : Boise State University, 2009. http://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/td/38/.
Texto completo da fonte
35
Feng, Xi. "A history of Mormon-Chinese relations 1849-1993 /". access full-text, 1994. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?9524247.pdf.
Texto completo da fonte
36
De, Volder Guido (Guido Michel). "Cooperation and conflict in bi-ethnic or dual societies : the development of French-Canadian and Afrikaner nationalism". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63339.
Texto completo da fonte
37
Chu, Feng-yi. "Duelling identities : dimensions of dual identity in contemporary Taiwan". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e43f0293-9700-434d-b355-8c0ec10b2c5e.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The core of the thesis is, taking Chinese and Taiwanese identities in the contemporary Taiwanese society as cases, to discover how people perceive, formulate, and interact with identities. The research implements the grounded theory and in-depth interview research method, conducting 108 interviews in different regions of Taiwan from 2010 to 2013. The main argument is that identity in and of itself is merely a generic label, which does not cause emotions or behaviours - people know they are ascribed to certain categories, but they lack of motivations to take actions for the categorical groups. Only those identities articulated with 'emotion- or value-oriented discourses' can gain the capacity of provoking people's feelings and mobilising people to act. My research identifies and gives explicit discussions on two types of emotion-oriented discourses - imagined nostalgia and ethical narrative (which is also a value-oriented discourse), and three kinds of value-oriented discourses. They are: (1) Ethical narrative sets moral values for its audience; (2) cultural hierarchy defines socio-cultural values in society; and (3) political ideology signifies core political values of its audience. By treating identity as emotion- or value- oriented discourse, the thesis challenges traditional stereotypes of Taiwanese and Chinese identities in the society - such as identifying as Taiwanese means desiring independence, or all waishengren group would claim Chinese identity - and offers adequate theories to explain why it is not the case. The thesis emphasises that there is no determinant identity in the society, and it is possible for people to have a certain degree of free will choosing to accept or to reject the operation of an identity. The thesis takes critical views on identity politics, deeming it as a risky, double-edged sword in the contemporary politics, which should be carefully examined and substituted with another ideology capable to achieve political emancipation.
38
Irizarry, Amber H. "Understanding Diversity: Top Executives' Perceptions of Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Public Relations". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_theses/92.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In public relations, minority public relations practitioners are feeling left behind by the profession (Ford & Appelbaum, 2005). Where do top executives stand on employment diversity within their organizations? An online survey of 20 top executives of small-sized public relations agencies explored how top executives’ perceptions of and normative beliefs about diversity practices were related to their future engagement in diversity practices at work. Based on the theory of reasoned action, this explanatory study found that executives’ perceptions of peer endorsement of diversity were associated with greater intention of organizational engagement in diversity practices. Neither perceived benefits of nor perceived concerns about diversity were related to future engagement. Recommendations for contacting this hard-to-reach audience, as well as suggestions for promoting diversity practices among top executives, were discussed.
39
Hagen, David 1962. "So many agendas : federal-provincial relations in the ethnic policy field in Quebec". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23333.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The government of Quebec has officially opposed federal multicultural policy since 1971. Although the provincial response to multiculturalism, now widely known as interculturalisme, began to take shape as of the early 1980s, ethnic minorities in the province continue to be served by distinct federal and provincial bureaucracies. Despite this, federal-provincial relations over ethnic policy in Quebec remain little studied. Provincial rhetoric and many theoretical writings on intergovernmental relations in Canada together give rise to expectations of competition or conflict. However, some specialists in the field warn against overlooking collaboration. In fact, original research undertaken to explore federal-provincial relations in this sensitive policy area produced evidence of collaboration between federal and provincial officials despite divergences of opinion both political and theoretical. In addition, a certain degree of complementarity was noted in federal and provincial funding of ethnocultural and community groups.
40
White, Hannah. "Community cohesion and ethnic difference : examining "race relations" and equalities practice in Bristol". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.573397.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Community Cohesion was one of New Labour's most durable social policy programmes. Launched during the aftermath of the 2001 riots, due to concerns that segregation is exacerbated by the absence of day-to-day interaction between members of different ethnic 'groups'. In contrast to the alleged divisiveness of the protectionist multicultural model, its architects claimed Community Cohesion signalled a more sophisticated approach intended to establish shared commonalities in an era of increasing diversity. This thesis explores New Labour's transformations to 'race relations' and equalities practice at the end of the last decade, by examining the implementation of Community Cohesion in the city of Bristol. Central to the study is exploration of different understandings of identity, as cultural differences were perceived to be the root- cause of social fractures, while the promotion of a shared sense of belonging, experience, and values, the recommended solution. In particular, the research examines whether the advised approach of emphasising common similarities addressed the underlying causes of ethnic disadvantage. This research is intended to complement the existing academic literature, by examining not only the repercussions of New Labour policy introduced to address. divisions rather than inequalities, but also the implications for single-issue campaigning. More specifically, it investigates how attempts to establish the 'invisibility' of ethnic difference across service provision, impacted upon single-issue organisations acting as supplementary service providers and proxy representatives of minority interests. The research findings suggest that in Bristol neither 'race relations' nor equalities policy were embedded across Council services. Instead voluntary and community organisations (VCOs) were primarily responsible for addressing the effects of structural inequalities. However, due to the priority of establishing cohesion, organisations were struggling for survival, and subsequently by the end of New Labour's term the foundations of a 'colour-blind' approach to tackling social disadvantage had been laid.
41
Loera, Gonzalez Juan Jaime. "Conflicting paths to wellbeing : Raramuri and Mestizo inter-ethnic relations in northern Mexico". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/45213/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Indigenous people in Mexico have historically been subjected to subordinate positions in relation to dominant non-indigenous groups. Indigenous people continue to face political exclusion, social discrimination and economic disadvantages compared to the non-indigenous population. Most studies use a universalising approach to conceptualise wellbeing in order to account for these differences among groups, neglecting to consider local indigenous understandings of wellbeing, and how such understandings may be obscured by inter-ethnic power relations at the local level. This research contributes to the larger debate of how asymmetries among social groups are formed, how they are contested through the articulation of discourses, and the implications of mobilising discourses as a political tool at the local level. The dissertation focuses on the case of the Raramuri indigenous people of Northern Mexico, and uses detailed ethnographic evidence to explore how discourses of wellbeing are constructed by the Raramuri people in their daily interactions with the non-indigenous population and how power asymmetries between these groups form and persist. It does so by pursuing three main objectives. The first is to document local understandings of wellbeing which emerge for the Raramuri people in contexts of ethno-political oppression. The second is to uncover underlying power relations that hinder wellbeing and reproduce ethnically differentiated vulnerabilities. Examples of this are land conflicts and institutional arrangements behind land management schemes. The third objective is to analyse resulting mechanisms of resistance employed by the Raramuri indigenous people in order to seek control of practices and customs that promotes ethnic distinction. These three pillars provide a novel framework to explore the formation and perpetuation of asymmetrical social, economic and political relations at the local level. The study finds that the Raramuri people, like other minority groups living in the margins of nation states and global markets, are constrained to act strategically to face political, economic and social exclusion, while at the same time, taking the opportunity of this position to articulate culturally embedded discourses and mechanisms to reinforce their identity and self-definition. It is in the marginal context that the Raramuri discourse of living well develops and makes sense; fluctuating between the tension of having the right to live differently and the need to be part of the larger society. As a result, this discourse, by stressing ethnic membership and differentiation from other groups, appeals to culturally deep-seated homogenising and idealised elements of ethnicity. Consequently, Raramuri people articulate a recurrent strategy of resistance that allows them to consolidate their cultural identity and the internal cohesion of the group. However, this strategy limits political influence and their capacity to challenge the asymmetric power relations they face from dominant, non-indigenous spheres.
42
Li, Xisi. "Examining employment relations in the ethnic Chinese restaurant sector within the UK context". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20130/.
Texto completo da fonte
43
Lai, Ah-Eng. "Meanings of multiethnicity : a case study of ethnicity and ethnic relations in Singapore". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272940.
Texto completo da fonte
44
Nejad, Jalal K. (Jalal Komeili). "External Factors and Ethnic Mobilization : A Global Study of the Causes of Military Mobilization among Ethnic Groups, 1945-1995". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277639/.
Texto completo da fonte
45
Altunsu, Lutfi. "Ethnic Identity And Social Distance In Ankara". Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608943/index.pdf.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The purpose of this study is to investigate perceived group identity and the differences between select ethnic groups as well as the perceived distance and discrimination experienced by these groups from the other ethnic groups. Using the conceptual framework provided by Constructionist Theory of ethnicity and subjectivist approaches to ethnicity, as well as the theoretical insights of Symbolic Interactionism, this study explores the individual and ethnic identity, images and perceptions of the other groups, discrimination or feeling discriminated by the others, social distance between the groups, commonly shared traits among the groups, ethnic relations and interactions among the groups, and finally the future of the intergroup relations. These problem areas of the thesis are explored conducting a survey questionnaire applied to 252 people, chosen on the basis of purposive sampling, and 20 in-depth interviews in Ankara. It is found out that the ethnic identities are not salient characteristics of the members of the ethnic categories and determining factor in intergroup relations in Ankara.
46
DeVotta, Neil. "From linguistic nationalism to ethnic conflict Sri Lanka in comparative perspective /". Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3031040.
Texto completo da fonte
47
Crai, Eugen. "The vampires of Transylvania : ethnic accommodation and legal pluralism". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64267.pdf.
Texto completo da fonte
48
Wu, Qing. "Political institutions and ethnonationalism in Taiwan". online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3258625.
Texto completo da fonte
49
Musekura, Celestin. "Paul's concept of reconciliation in Ephesians 2:11-22 and its application to the church of Rwanda". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1998. http://www.tren.com.
Texto completo da fonte
50
Abdillahi, Suleikha. "Imaginaire diasporique des somalis d'ici et d'ailleurs: Modalité d'engagement et relations transnationales". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27577.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Les études concernant la diaspora somalienne et ses capacités de mobilisation dévoilent une communauté diasporique qui n'a encore pas formulé une perspective cohésive des nécessités en révélant qu'il n'existe toujours pas une identité collective entre les réalités distinctes et contrastantes des membres de la diaspora. Cette conception de l'état de conscience de la diaspora somalienne aujourd'hui est partielle et partiale puisque cette argumentation ne tient pas compte des activités et des projets mobilisant certains individus de la diaspora. Dès lors, cette recherche propose un survol des diverses modalités par lesquelles se manifeste l'engagement de la diaspora somalienne d'Ottawa pour les populations se trouvant en Somalie. Ensuite dans le même axe, on s'interrogera sur la manière dont s'articule la mobilisation et comment se présentent les cadres interprétatifs qui légitiment les actions individuelles ou collectives des Somalis appartenant à une nouvelle dynamique d'engagement typique à une diaspora transnationale. Le drame somalien, le traumatisme de la guerre et la dispersion des Somalis aux quatre coins du monde ont infligé des transformations fulgurantes à la culture et à la structure sociale des Somalis et cette thèse tentera de s'attarder sur les diverses modalités d'engagement de cette population à Ottawa.