Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Ethnic groups – Great Britain – Social conditions"

The purpose of the article is to trace the formation and development of Afrikaner nationalism, which played an important role in the political life of the Union of South Africa in the first third of the 20th century; to find out the origins of the formation of Afrikaner nationalism and what factors influenced this formation; to analyze which groups of the white population of the Union of South Africa were close to the ideas of Afrikaner nationalism, to show how Afrikaner nationalism diverged from other ideologies in the Union of South Africa and how it influenced the political life of the dominion, how it influenced the relations of the Union of South Africa with Great Britain and, consequently, the formation of the British Commonwealth. The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that nationalism is still an ideology that unites various social groups in many countries of the world. The conditions for the formation of Afrikaner nationalism are similar to the conditions for the formation of nationalism of other ethnic groups.

British ethnic minority unemployment rates are considerably higher than those of the white population. In 1991 the ethnic minority unemployment rate was more than double that of the white majority. One possible explanation is that Britain's ethnic minorities are concentrated in areas of economic disadvantage. The authors use the 2% Individual Sample of Anonymised Records (SAR) in conjunction with area-based census data for pseudo travel-to-work areas, to explore the relative importance of individual characteristics and area characteristics on ethnic minority unemployment rates. Multilevel modelling techniques are employed to estimate simultaneously variations between individuals and between areas after allowing for variables measured at both levels of analysis. The most important differences in the propensity to unemployment are shown to be between individuals, and, compared with whites, ethnic minority groups are shown to be disadvantaged wherever they live. In general, there is also evidence of greater variation in ethnic minority unemployment between areas than there is for whites. However, there is the same underlying geography of unemployment for the black and white populations, but a slightly different pattern for Asian ethnic groups. These differences can be explained only partially by area-level characteristics. In all, it is argued that at the spatial scale which is identifiable in the Individual SAR, ethnic minority unemployment cannot be attributed to geographical distribution, though data at a finer geographical scale are needed to test this hypothesis more fully.

This paper draws on data from the Labour Force Survey (LFS) and from a survey of 400 refugees in Britain in order to present an up to data comparison of the labour market experiences of minority ethnic groups and refugees. It will show that refugees experience lower rates of employment than their ethnic minority counterparts and that those refugees in employment are more likely to be in temporary and part-time work with poorer terms and conditions of employment and with lower wages. The reasons why refugees experience greater disadvantage in the labour market than others include structural barriers due to policies such as dispersal that can leave refugees isolated from social and community networks that provide information and advice and informal routes into employment but also leave refugees in areas with higher levels of unemployment. Migration patterns are also influential with refugees for the most part arriving more recently in Britain than people from minority ethnic groups. Refugees are also increasingly reliant on agents and smugglers to plan their route and destination and so asylum seekers can find themselves in countries where they have no social networks. Social networks and community organisations play an important role in the early stages of settlement. Finally, the circumstances of exile, attitudes to the country of origin and the insecurity of having temporary status in Britain all prevent economic activity.

Intermarriage is of great interest to analysts because a group’s tendency to partner across ethnic boundaries is usually seen as a key indicator of the social distance between groups in a multiethnic society. Theories of intermarriage as a key indicator of integration are, however, typically premised upon the union of white and nonwhite individuals, and we know very little about what happens in the unions of multiracial people, who are the children of intermarried couples. What constitutes intermarriage for multiracial people? Do multiracial individuals think that ethnic or racial ancestries are a defining aspect of their relationships with their partners? In this article, I argue that there are no conventions for how we characterize endogamous or exogamous relationships for multiracial people. I then draw on examples of how multiracial people and their partners in Britain regard their relationships with their partners and the significance of their and their partners’ ethnic and racial backgrounds. I argue that partners’ specific ancestries do not necessarily predict the ways in which multiracial individuals regard their partners’ ethnic and racial backgrounds as constituting difference or commonality within their relationships.

The article is concerned with the study of the ethnic parties influ The article is concerned with the study of the ethnic parties infl uence on the political mobilization processes in the states of Western Europe. Ethnic parties are often viewed as institutions that increase ethnic tensions and conflicts, but still such parties function in many European countries. In political science, there is a discussion about how and under what conditions ethnic parties really pose a danger to the political stability. Ethno-political conflicts presuppose the presence of mobilization of ethnic groups. The article proves that ethnic parties drastically increase ethno-political mobilization. Ethnic parties are interested in such mobilization and form the mobilization infrastructure. A comparative analysis of ethno-political parties of Belgium, Great Britain and Spain showed that ethno-political mobilization in them differs significantly. If in Spain the protests in Catalonia threatened not only national political stability, but also the security of citizens, then in Belgium and the UK, ethnic parties limited themselves to mobilizing citizens for electoral political participation.

This study is devoted to the multilayered and controversial problem of multiculturalism, in the context of national identity in the territory of modern Great Britain. The article deals with the problems of the transformation of the linguistic and cultural components of the life of the country, and the perception and acceptance of ethnic diversity by the population of Britain. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of new varieties of the English language - ethnolects and multiethnolects, resulting from the relationship between different ethnic groups in the context of multiculturalism. In the article, the author gives examples that testify to the fiasco of multiculturalism and reflects on the social and linguistic aspects of the process of integrating non-racial, non-religious migrants into European and, in particular, English society. The paper considers such a phenomenon as the “cancellation culture” of the white race. The questions of the formation of a hybrid identity are touched upon, as well as concerns are expressed about the possible negative impact of the osternization of Europe.

The article is devoted to the organisation of educational excursions in the UK and their role in the educational process of secondary schools. The purpose is to analyze the existing experience of organising school trips and to identify opportunities for using this experience in modern education in Ukraine. The historical origins of educational excursions are identified. The results of surveys and other studies conducted in the UK to determine the attitude of teachers to excursions as an element of the educational process, as well as the problems that arise in their organisation, are highlighted. Current experience of conducting excursions in various subjects - history, geography, natural sciences, mathematics, social sciences, computer technology. The article identifies the most popular educational tourism sites in the UK and highlights the methods used to organise school tours (specially designed tours related to the school curriculum, master classes, workshops, etc.) It is noted that special educational and training centers have been set up at certain facilities to conduct training sessions. It is noted that in Britain, excursions to government facilities such as the Parliament, the Royal Palace, the residence of the head of government, and the court have become widespread. It is determined that most museums and other visitor attractions establish preferential conditions for receiving groups of schoolchildren or provide opportunities for free visits. The problems that hinder the development of educational tourism at the present stage of development, in particular, lack of funding, are identified. The role of charitable foundations in the development and support of school excursions and the directions of their activities are highlighted. The experience of involving business structures, in particular Hyundai, in supporting educational tourism is analyzed. The unique experience of parliamentary support for educational tourism through the development of special bills on outdoor education, which are at different stages of consideration by the parliaments of Great Britain, Scotland and Wales, is indicated. The elements of experience that can be used in domestic education are identified.

This socio-legal study examines the 1884/85 imperialistic vis-à-vis negative sovereignty treaties of friendship, commerce and protection, simply called treaties of protection, which were entered into by Great Britain and the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States, so as to maintain and strengthen the cordial relations that were existing between the parties. However, positive international law altered the hitherto proto natural law-based equal and cordial relations between the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and the Western European nations, from the 15th Century AD, when the Portuguese explorers and merchants were dominant in the Niger Delta region, before the arrival of Great Britain and France in the region about the 18th Century AD. Positive international law, enhanced by British gunboat diplomacy associated with it, promoted Western imperialism and thereby enabled Great Britain to achieve her imperialist ambition of transforming the erstwhile naturally sovereign Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and their mainland and hinterland ethnic nationality areas into the 1885 British Protectorate of the Niger Districts. Based on British imperialist protectionism over the Niger Districts and the rest of pre-colonial Nigeria, the entire ethnic nationality areas of pre-colonial Nigeria became a single British colonial possession called the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria, otherwise called modern Nigeria, in 1914. The British colonial government eventually granted political independence to modern Nigeria in October 1960. From the background of the aforementioned 1884/85 negative sovereignty treaties and continuing agitation of separatist groups in post-colonial Nigeria for improvement of their lots, the study makes a case for good governance, boosted by ethos of natural law and the social contract of governance, towards the advancement of civilization in the country.

Thi publication comes at a time when unprecedented bloody ethnic conflictnot only dominate the global media and international politics, but also numb theworld's conscience. Bosnia Herzegovina, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, EastTimor, Chechnia, Kashmir, and Kurdistan are some of the famous landmarkswhere entire countries and communities are caught up in the web of ethnic conflict.In other instances, ethnic conflict is gradually becoming a feature ofnational life. It is not at all unfamiliar to hear reports of ethnic conflict in India(Hindu-Muslim riots), Germany (violence against immigrant Turks), France(anti-Arab right-wing nationalist fervor and the Muslim scarf issue), the UnitedStates (Los Angeles riots after the Rodney King trial) and Great Britain (Muslimand government standoff over Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses).Gurr and Harff have written a useful book that tries to make sense of the causesof ethnic conflict in different parts of the world. It deals with the issue in thecontext of rapid changes in the world order; the emergence of ethnopoliticalgroups or ethnoclasses; the struggles for either autonomy or pluralism by variousethnic and social groups; the challenges that ethnopolitics poses to the international.legal and political systems; and the effect of this on communitiesdemanding ethnic rights. It also attempts to provide a framework for analysis ...

This dissertation explores the experiences of British Muslim women of Pakistani ethnic origin living in Slough in the south-east of England in matters related to maITiage, divorce and everyday life by looking into their private and social worlds in a diasporic space. Pakistanis in Britain have seen a shift in their identity from being cast as south Asians to Muslims. Women belonging to this immigrant group are increasingly being seen as 'Muslim' with an automatic inference of their being oppressed victims. When these women exhibit agency dispelling the victim image, it is read within the sole perspective of religiosity framing them only as 'Muslim women' and ignoring other facets of their being. Their experiences as British citizens and members of an ethnic minority community, the rootedness of their regional affiliations in Pakistan, class, age and their location at intersections of historical and geographical movements are subsumed by an essentialized understanding of their being Muslim. An investigation into the strategies of British-Pakistani Muslim women in Slough negotiating issues of space, clothing, language, education, employment, religiosity, ethnicity, identity, and most importantly, marriage and divorce calls for a reconsideration of notions of subject and agency. Drawing on feminist interpretations, the thesis recasts these women as 'strategizing-agentic' subjects who exhibit agency drawing from diverse even oppositional traditions. Ethnographic research methods are used to generate qualitative data that details the experiences of British-Pakistani Muslim women in Slough.

Defence date: 22 September 2015
Examining Board: Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Alessandra Venturini, European University Institute; Professor Anthony Heath, University of Oxford; Professor Héctor Cebolla-Boado, UNED.
This thesis is about the production and reproduction of social and spatial inequalities among ethnic minorities in England and Wales. More specifically, I study how the interaction of different forms of inequality shapes the opportunities of individuals in a series of outcomes. The main source of inequality explored here is that which derives from ethnicity and migration status. Alongside this, two dimensions of inequality are also explored: social origins and the characteristics of the neighbourhood of residence. The analysis, carried out for second generation ethnic minorities (Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese, Caribbean and African) and the white British, is based on rich individual, household and neighbourhood-level data: the ONS Longitudinal Study, a dataset that links census information for a 1% sample of the population of England and Wales and to which it is possible to attach household and neighbourhood information, and aggregated census data (1971-2011). I show that ethnic penalties in the labour market are, partly or totally, penalties related to the socio-economic origins of ethnic minorities, usually less advantaged as compared to that of the white British. This suggests that scholars in migration might overestimate the ethnic gap if social origins are not considered. A second crucial finding is that the geographical space is a source of production and reproduction of ethnic inequalities. Three outcomes support this. First, I found evidence of ethnic enclave and place stratification spatial models: most ethnic minorities, but particularly individuals with lower educational and occupational attainments and Pakistani and Bangladeshi populations, are less likely than the white British to improve the neighbourhood in which they were raised, both in terms of deprivation levels and in terms of the share of non-whites. Second, I found evidence of neighbourhood effects: having been raised in areas with a high share of co-ethnics has a negative effect on the labour market outcomes of some groups, mainly Pakistani and Bangladeshi. Third, I found evidence of increasing spatial segregation: between 2001 and 2011, non-whites, and in particular Pakistani populations, increased their spatial clustering and their likelihood of sharing the space with other co-ethnics.

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School leavers with intellectual disabilities (ID) often face difficulties in making a smooth transition from school to college, employment or more broadly to adult life. The transition phase is traumatic for the young person with ID and their families as it often results in the loss of friendships, relationships and social networks. The aim of this study was to explore the family carers' views and experiences on transition from school to college or to adult life with special reference to ethnicity. Forty-three families (consisting of 16 White British, 24 Pakistani, 2 Bangladeshi and one Black African) were interviewed twice using a semi-structured interview schedule. The carers were interviewed twice, Time 1 (T1) and Time 2 (T2), T2 being a year later to observe any changes during transition. The findings indicate that although transition planning occurred it was relatively later in the young person's school life. Parents were often confused about the process and had limited information about future options for their son or daughter. All family carers regardless of ethnicity, reported lack of information about services and expressed a sense of being excluded. South Asian families experienced more problems related to language, information about services, culture and religion. The majority of families lacked knowledge and awareness of formal services and the transition process. Socio-economic status, high levels of unemployment and caring for a child with a disability accounted for similar family experiences, regardless of ethnic background. The three key areas relevant for ethnicity are interdependence, religion and assumptions by service providers.

Abstract This chapter explores the transnational aspects of identity and the long distance belonging of Latvian migrants in Great Britain. In particular, it focuses on the discourses and practices of long distance belonging to Latvia. The article is based on a comparative analysis of The Emigrant Communities of Latvia survey data as well as semi-structured interviews with Latvian migrants in Great Britain. The analytical sections are organised so as to discuss the three main analytical contexts of long distance belonging: ethno-cultural, political and social. In the ethno-cultural context, migrants who identify themselves as ethnic Latvians rediscover and strengthen their links to the Latvian cultural space, its traditions and its ways of collective self-understanding. Conversely, the absence of this cultural capital among Russian-speaking migrants from Latvia advances their faster assimilation into British society. The political context of long distance belonging reveals high levels of distrust of the Latvian government and the migrants’ overall disappointment with Latvia’s political elite, as well as political apathy. Nevertheless, Latvian migrants in the United Kingdom are discovering new motivation and fresh opportunities to influence the political reality in Latvia and that has increased participation in Latvian national elections. The social context of long distance belonging, in turn, enables new forms of allegiance towards Latvia. These are manifested in philanthropic initiatives, in participation in various interest groups and in regular interest in what is happening in Latvia. The social context does not put the migrants’ activities into ethno-cultural or political frameworks, but encourages moral responsibility towards the people of Latvia.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Abstract Throughout this volume scholars are presenting their research on the origins and development of explicit and implicit intergroup attitudes, the processes of social identification, and the emergence and nature of gender and ethnic stereotypes. Many of the empirical studies discussed in these chapters were conducted in countries where these lines of research stem from a history of empirical studies with children and adolescents. These youths belong to different ethnic groups and socioeconomic statuses and live in cultural settings that have a high degree of ethnic and cultural heterogeneity (including the United States, Canada, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and Australia). In addition, research on intergroup attitudes has been carried out in countries such as the United States, where it dates back to the pioneering studies of Horowitz and Horowitz (1938) and Clark and Clark (1947).