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Dewi, Ni Made Citra Kusuma. "A Fight For Gender Equality Within The United States’ Government". Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, n.º 1 (1 de novembro de 2018): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v11i1.4933.
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Due to the stereotypes that women are unable to do jobs besides household chores, the people mostly assume that women are unable to work in politics and government as well as men do. This assumption, implicitly, violates human’s right to reach their social welfare. This paper, hence, aims to explore how women are perceived and treated in the government of the United States, specifically in the Congress by analyzing the current situation through literature reading. Based on the historical studies, the authors argue that gender equality has not been applied properly in the United States’ political system. This case eventually results in the emergence of various doubts on the United States as a role model for countries around the world that promote her civilian rights as the main priority.
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Green, M. Christian, David True, Silas W. Allard e Vincent Lloyd. "Race, Equality, Citizenship, and Belonging: Reading James Baldwin and Wong Kim Ark". Journal of Law and Religion 37, n.º 2 (maio de 2022): 227–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2022.31.
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The following essays are part of a collaboration between the Journal of Law and Religion and Political Theology. Editors from both journals selected the two texts interrogated and interpreted here—James Baldwin’s essay “Equal in Paris” and the United States Supreme Court decision in the case United States v. Wong Kim Ark (1898). The purpose of the collaboration was twofold. The first purpose was to see what new interpretations arise when scholars working primarily in law read the essay by Baldwin, who has been a touchstone in much contemporary Black theology, and when scholars working in religious studies read the legal decision in Wong Kim Ark, a case in which the Supreme Court extended citizenship to the child of Chinese immigrants who conceived and bore him on American soil. The second purpose was to divide publication between the journals, with each journal publishing three of the six essays, with a view to building bridges between readers of each journal over a topic at the intersection of both law and political theology.
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Denike, Margaret. "Religion, Rights, and Relationships: The Dream of Relational Equality". Hypatia 22, n.º 1 (2007): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2007.tb01150.x.
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This essay provides an analysis of the terms by which the question of extending civil marriage to same-sex couples has been posed, advanced, and resisted in Canada and the United States in the past few years. Denike draws on feminist theories of justice to evaluate the strategies and approaches of initiatives to reform the laws governing the state's recognition—and lack thereof—of personal relationships of dependency and care. She also examines the political opposition to such reforms and the challenges posed for advancing human rights for gays and lesbians in the face of social and political prejudice against same-sex marriage.
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Raj, Senthorun. "Contested feelings: Mapping emotional journeys of LGBTI rights and reforms". Alternative Law Journal 45, n.º 2 (junho de 2020): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x20927500.
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This reflection explores how emotion shapes lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) rights and law reforms. Drawing on case studies from Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the author maps how disgust regulates sexuality, hate manifests in hate crime penalties, anger arises in anti-discrimination measures, fear polices refugee law, anxiety shapes trans children’s access to medical transition, pity and compassion inhibit intersex autonomy, and love enables marriage equality. Legal scholars, activists, lawyers, and judges need to take emotion seriously to better address the pressing challenges facing LGBTI people.
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Gandy-Guedes, Megan E., e Megan S. Paceley. "Activism in Southwestern Queer and Trans Young Adults After the Marriage Equality Era". Affilia 34, n.º 4 (19 de junho de 2019): 439–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109919857699.
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In 2015, marriage equality in the United States was a big win for the gay and lesbian movement. Marriage equality as a primary focus of the movement, however, was not without its critiques, particularly as an issue affecting mostly white, gay, economically secure individuals. Given the history of the movement, it is essential to ask what is next. Young queer and trans people represent the next generation of potential activists and advocates for queer and trans liberation, yet little empirical attention has been paid to their goals for the movement and motivations to be actively involved, particularly among young adults in rural, conservative states. Therefore, this study sought to understand the social, economic, and environmental issues deemed important by queer and trans young adults (aged 18–29), as well as their motivations to get involved in activism efforts. Data came from a mixed-methods program evaluation, which presents a picture of the issues and motivations that led study participants ( n = 65) toward activism in one conservative, highly rural, Southwestern state in the United States. The findings of this study are discussed in light of theoretical and empirical literature and then implications for the queer and trans movement, activists, and organizers are offered.
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Joo, Meeran. "A study on learners’ perceptions of American Studies class: A case study". English Teachers Association in Korea 29, n.º 1 (31 de março de 2023): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35828/etak.2023.29.1.81.
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This study, as a case study, aims to examine the learners’ perceptions of learning contents and team activities in American Studies class. For the purpose, a questionnaire survey was conducted on 68 students majoring in English language after the 15-week team-based classes of American Studies. IPA and text mining to find out the importance and performance level of class contents, and t-test and ANOVA to find out learners’ perceptions of TBL activities were used. The results of the study are as follows. First, the IPA showed the topics of ‘history’, and ‘business’ must be conentrated and develped more while the topics of ‘diversity’, ‘six values’, and ‘educational system’ should be maintained to remain at this level. Second, in the word cloud analysis, ‘freedom’ was the most frequently shown keyword for the United States, followed by ‘Obama’, ‘diversity’, ‘equality’, ‘race’, ‘individualism’, and ‘fast food’. Third, it was found that TBL activities were positively recognized for discussion skills, creativity, cooperation skills, and communication skills as well as the learning effects. The difference by grade was that the second grade was higher than the third grade in communication ability. Lastly, the direction of future American Studies course was discussed based on the results.
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Markman, Timothy M., Maurie Markman e Bennett W. Clark. "Case of Ovarian Cancer in a Woman with Undiagnosed Graves’ Disease: A Case Report and Review of the Literature". Case Reports in Oncology 10, n.º 2 (23 de maio de 2017): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000475807.
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Epithelial ovarian cancer (OC) is a leading cause of death among females in the United States, due in part to challenges of diagnosis in the early stages of the disease. While efforts are underway to develop a high-quality screening test, it is equally important to consider whether high-risk populations are appropriate to screen. One such population may be females with hyperthyroidism, as epidemiologic studies have shown an association between this condition and OC. In this report, we present a case of a female with OC and Graves’ disease to highlight the potential significance of this association.
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Azzahra, Fitra Shaumi, e Athaya Aushafina. "Globalization and Gender Studies: Gender Equality Points of SDG’s in Effect to Timor Leste’s Society Study Case". Jurnal Global Strategis 12, n.º 2 (30 de novembro de 2018): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.81-90.
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After gaining independence in 2002, Timor Leste set a goal for its national development as its first order of business. Timor Leste ratified Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in order to receive aid and assistance from member states of the United Nations more developed than they were. In 2013, various media outlets and non-governmental organizations highlighted significant growth that Timor Leste showed in matters of gender equality. The country became the only Pacific Asian state to have up to 38 percent of their parliament seats be occupied by women. The high level of women’s representation in Timor Leste’s government is seen as a way to achieve SDGs and to embody gender equality. However, in reality women still face problems of discrimination on the societal level, as seen from the still all too common occurrences of sexual harassment, as well as accessibility to jobs and education for women which are still far from the standards expected by SDGs. This article argues that the SDG as a form of globalization had not succeeded in homogenizing the culture that applies in Timor Leste. Thus, the top-down structure do not bring any implications towards the needs of women in the country. This article aims to assess the gender-gap phenomenon using three main globalization approaches mainly: homogenized globalization, polarized globalization and the hybrid type of globalization. In the end, this article will also argue that it is more relevant to see current world’s culture as a product of hybrid globalization rather than homogenized or polarized globalization especially when it comes to seeing the phenomenon in Third World countries such as Timor Leste.
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Conrad, Jordan A. "On intellectual and developmental disabilities in the United States: A historical perspective". Journal of Intellectual Disabilities 24, n.º 1 (5 de abril de 2018): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1744629518767001.
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The history of intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) in the United States is, in many ways, a triumphant story reflecting an increasingly progressive attitude acknowledging the equality of all persons. The law now recognizes people with IDD as citizens, possessing an equal right to education, health care, and employment—each of which represents milestone victories. However, this progression was not a linear development but rather a product of periods of growth and decline, backsliding, and hard-won battles across political, cultural, and legal domains. This article explores the vacillating historical trajectory for people with IDD in the United States from the colonial period to the present. Particular attention is paid to the conceptual understanding of disability itself across time periods as that which informs particular developments in treatment, law, and social status. The capabilities approach, as outlined by Martha Nussbaum, is then brought to bear as a heuristic framework, consonant with current developments in disability studies, and which may guide future social and legislative action.
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Boone, Gloria M., Jane Secci e Linda M. Gallant. "Resistance: Active and Creative Political Protest Strategies". American Behavioral Scientist 62, n.º 3 (10 de outubro de 2017): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217735623.
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Resistance to U.S. President Donald Trump’s policies on gender equality, health care, race relations, the environment, and immigration has been large, widespread, and persistent. Following President Trump’s election, millions of people across the United States protested, creatively using slogans, signs, costumes, chants, and songs. Others engaged in resistance with online videos, songs, memes, and hashtags. By employing the communicative informatics model, we examine the relationship between online communication and the creative and active audience involved in U.S. political resistance in 2017.
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Mora, G. Cristina, e Dina G. Okamoto. "Postcolonialism, Racial Political Fields, and Panethnicity: A Comparison of Early “Asian American” and “Hispanic” Movements". Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 6, n.º 4 (26 de janeiro de 2020): 450–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649219900291.
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Recent work has called for sociologists to incorporate postcolonial theory into their toolkits to better understand the mechanics of race in the United States. The authors answer this call by showing how postcolonial and field theories can be bridged to explain how movements of the 1970s developed distinct visions of panethnicity. Drawing on published case studies, as well as a unique data set of pioneering “Asian American” and “Hispanic” movement magazines from the 1970s, the authors systematically compare how community leaders framed panethnic identities before they became widely institutionalized. The authors show that although Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans could have developed a panethnic narrative centered on American imperialism, it was Asian Americans who constructed a postcolonial panethnic politics. In contrast, “Hispanic” stakeholders of the 1970s framed panethnicity more conservatively and at times patriotically. The authors contend that the different visions of panethnicity reflect the distinct colonial and imperial history of Asians and Hispanics in the United States as well as the position of Asian American and Hispanic panethnic leaders within and across the racial fields of the 1970s. This study suggests that panethnicity as a mobilizing identity narrative is politically flexible and amenable to different visions of racial equality. Moreover, the authors show how postcolonialism and field theory can be further synthesized to advance the study of panethnicity.
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Gil, Alma. "Enhancing Educational Equality: A Comprehensive Analysis of the Implementation and Impact of Restorative Justice Practices on Mitigating Racial Disparities in School Discipline Within Urban Public Schools in the United States". Law and Economy 2, n.º 12 (dezembro de 2023): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/le.2023.12.02.
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This research explores the implementation and impact of restorative justice practices in addressing racial disparities in school discipline within U.S. urban public schools. The study delves into the challenges, successes, and recommendations for sustainable change in policy and practice. Theoretical frameworks and case studies are employed to analyze the influence of restorative justice on school climate, student well-being, and academic outcomes. Identified challenges include resource limitations, resistance to change, inadequate training models, and time constraints. Recommendations encompass policy adjustments, professional development initiatives, continuous evaluation, community partnerships, integration with mental health support, and addressing cultural sensitivity.
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Parker, Mary H. "A Review of Cardiovascular Disease and Treatment Differences in Women". Journal of Pharmacy Practice 16, n.º 3 (junho de 2003): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0897190003016003003.
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Cardiovascular disease (CVD) is a significant health care problem in the United States today. Women comprise an increasing component of the population affected by this disease. Recent reports have suggested that women are not enrolled in adequate numbers in major clinical studies and, furthermore, are less likely to receive treatment as recommended by evidence-based medicine guidelines. Historical differences in the investigation and treatment of cardiovascular disease between women and men are discussed. Reasons for differences in study enrollment of women are proposed. Efforts by the Food and Drug Administration to improve data collection in women are outlined. The influence of major risk factors, including smoking, hyperlipidemia, and hypertension, on development and progression of CVD is addressed. Major trials of CVD and heart failure are examined. An assessment of progress toward a goal of gender treatment equality is made.
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Fatima, Ifrah, Ben Ponvilawan, Dheera Grover, Adriana Matutino Kahn, Anuj Shrestha e Murali Dharan. "Trends of colorectal cancer and associated factors in the United States: A SEER registry analysis." Journal of Clinical Oncology 41, n.º 16_suppl (1 de junho de 2023): e15553-e15553. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2023.41.16_suppl.e15553.
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e15553 Background: Colorectal cancer (CRC) is the fourth most common type of cancer diagnosed in the US, accounting for 8% of new cancers diagnosis in 2022. Despite advancements in the screening and diagnostic methods, CRC still contributes significantly to cancer-related healthcare burden ($24.3 billion/year). Several factors including wider demographic reach, socioeconomic equity, age at screening, CRC awareness, and social media platforms have contributed to this changing landscape. We conducted a Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results Program (SEER) based analysis to determine the trends of CRC diagnosis and potential risk factors. Methods: Individual data was acquired from SEER 9 registry from 1975-2018. R was used for the statistical analyses. Univariate logistic regression was performed to evaluate the relation between year of diagnosis and each variable (year of diagnosis, household income, household location, sex, and race) at the time of diagnosis. Multivariate regression was performed for individuals in all age group and less than 45 years of age. P-value less than 0.05 was considered significant. Results: In total 550,221 CRC patients were retrieved. 91.7% (504,709) were ≥50 years and 4.5% (24,674) were < 45. Over the years, there was a notable increase in percentage of patients with age < 45 years amongst all CRC patients (3.3% in 1975-1979 vs. 7.4% in 2015-2018) with females increasing faster than males. A remarkable drop in percentage of CRC case in individuals ≥50 years amongst all gastrointestinal cancers (63.0% in 1975-1979 vs. 44.8% in 2015-2018) with females decreasing faster than males. There were no interactions between the year of diagnosis and above variables. Multivariate logistic regression exhibited lower odds of CRC diagnosis in all non-white races and males, but higher odds in lower household income and non-metropolitan areas (Table 1). Subgroup analysis of age group < 45 years pertained similar odds. Conclusions: The striking drop in number of CRC cases above 50 years of age can be attributed to earlier detection with screening methods, and other socioeconomic factors like healthcare literacy and awareness. Increased representation of younger population over the years reaffirms the recent change in guidelines for screening. Further studies focusing on determining the impact in outcomes of screening methods in younger population and equality of implementation in disadvantaged population are highly warranted. [Table: see text]
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Azzam, Mounir, Valerie Graw e Andreas Rienow. "Challenges and Innovations of Real Estate for Achieving Spatial Balance in Post-Disaster Countries". Land 11, n.º 5 (13 de maio de 2022): 737. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11050737.
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While real estate is a significant pillar of stability among communities, it can also be the most vulnerable to disasters triggered by natural or man-made hazards, which cause the spatial dimension of metropolitan areas to be disturbed due to critical variables, such as land loss, societal collapse, and changes in population distribution resulting from refugee movements, which, in turn, affect properties, causing a fluctuation in terms of equality. In this regard, the precise monitoring of spatial imbalance is an eminent instrument for achieving socio-spatial sustainability via recovery strategies. This paper provides a systematic review of 96 studies in order to analyze the spatial challenges and innovations of real estate in the aftermath of disasters with realistic projections on five case studies—from Haiti, Nigeria, Rwanda, Ethiopia, and the United States of America—varying according to the type, size, and impact of the disaster, and real estate administrative arrangements. Through the review, the challenges embodied by the legal deficit and the multiplicity of real estate tenure systems in addition to the discrimination of access rights to real estate and the insecurity of property and, subsequently, forced migration movements are highlighted. The impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the spatial balance of real estate have been examined. Finally, real estate innovations are reviewed to investigate the extent to which real estate can promote the spatial balance of disaster-prone nations.
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Prasad Mohapatra, Bishnu, Udaysinh Desai e Arun Pawar. "Does Gender Based Representation Matters in Fostering Political Inclusion of Women in Local Governments? A Case of India". SocioEconomic Challenges 7, n.º 3 (30 de setembro de 2023): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.61093/sec.7(3).63-75.2023.
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How does the legally established gender quota in local self-government bodies affect the level of representation of women in power? How does the representation of women in power increase effective political participation? Previous studies were devoted to studying the consequences of gender quotas in the authorities and management, but the issue of the model of gender political participation remained neglected. The introduction of gender quotas as a mechanism for ensuring equal rights and opportunities for women in politics and the decision-making process increases women’s political participation and political leadership. The success or failure of planning and decision-making largely depends on the level of political participation. The issues of this work correspond to Goal 5 of Sustainable Development, which provides equal opportunities for women’s leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic and public life. The paper analyzes the representation of women in the authorities and management in different regions of the world. The study’s main goal is to determine the relationship between the representation of women in rural local self-government bodies and the consequences of this representation. The data sources were the results of local elections, reports of government ministries and agencies, United Nations reports on gender equality and the empowerment of women, as well as surveys of women representatives of political power in three Indian states (Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra ) — state election data analyzed over the past three decades. The results of this study show that the level of female representation increases annually, although this is not entirely related to political participation. Women’s electoral participation indicates that despite growing women’s participation in local elections, the expression remains unchanged within the established gender quota of 33 to 50 percent. Addressing the gender imbalance in the political environment of three states in India is a result of the introduction and enforcement of gender quotas in politics. The results of this study have practical value for local self-government bodies when developing state gender policy.
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Hatlapa, Ruth, e Andrei S. Markovits. "Obamamania and Anti-Americanism as Complementary Concepts in Contemporary German Discourse". German Politics and Society 28, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2010): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280105.
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There is no question that with Barack Obama the United States has a rock star as president who—behooving rock stars—is adored and admired the world over. His being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize nary a year after being elected president and barely ten months into his holding the office, testified to his global popularity rather than his actual accomplishments, which may well turn out to be unique and formidable. And it is equally evident that few—if any—American presidents were more reviled, disdained and distrusted all across the globe than George W. Bush, Obama's immediate predecessor. Indeed, the contrast between the hatred for the former and the admiration for the latter might lead to the impression that the negative attitudes towards America and Americans that was so prevalent during the Bush years have miraculously morphed into a lovefest towards the United States on the part of the global public. This paper—concentrating solely on the German case but representing a larger research project encompassing much of Western Europe—argues that love for Obama and disdain for America are not only perfectly compatible but that, in fact, the two are merely different empirical manifestations of a conceptually singular view of America. Far from being mutually exclusive, these two strains are highly congruent, indeed complementary and symbiotic with each other.
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de la Garza, Rodolfo O., e Muserref Yetim. "The Impact of Ethnicity and Socialization on Definitions of Democracy: The Case of Mexican Americans and Mexicans". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, n.º 1 (2003): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.81.
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This paper argues that Mexican American views of democracy differ significantly from those of Mexicans because of their exposure to the political institutions and culture of the United States. Our results vindicate Diamond's claim that there is no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy (Diamond 1999). Equally significant is that the study demonstrates that ethnic ties do not determine political attitudes. That is, despite a shared historical background and contemporary cultural commonalities, Mexican views of democracy differ from those of Mexican Americans. Este artíículo arguye que las visiones de la democracia de los mexicano-americanos difieren significativamente de las de los mexicanos debido a su exposicióón a las instituciones de políítica y cultura de los Estados Unidos. Nuestros resultados justifican la idea de Diamond de que no hay mejor manera de desarrollar los valores, habilidades y el compromiso con una ciudadaníía democráática qua a travéés de la experiencia directa con la democracia (Diamond 1999). De igual importancia, el estudio demuestra que los lazos éétnicos no determinan las actitudes polííticas. Esto es, a pesar de compartir un trasfondo históórico y de las concordancias culturales contemporááneas, las visiones de la democracia de los mexicanos difieren de las de los mexicano-americanos.
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Paul, Kathleen. "“British Subjects” and “British Stock”: Labour's Postwar Imperialism". Journal of British Studies 34, n.º 2 (abril de 1995): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386075.
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If Conservative Party leader Winston Churchill fought World War II determined not to be the prime minister who lost the Empire, Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and Herbert Morrison, who as Labour members of the Coalition government served with him, were equally determined to hold on to Empire once peace was won. The Empire/Commonwealth offered both political and economic benefits to Labour. Politically, the Commonwealth provided substance for Britain's pretensions to a world power role equal in stature to the new superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. For this claim to be effective, however, the Commonwealth needed to be demographically strong and firmly united under British leadership. Economically, imperial preferences and the sterling area offered a financial buffer against Britain's true plight of accumulated wartime debts and major infrastructural damage and neglect. Receiving over 40 percent of British exports and providing substantial, and in the case of Australia and New Zealand, dollar-free imports of meat, wheat, timber, and dairy produce, the Commonwealth seemed a logical body on which the United Kingdom could draw for financial support. In short, postwar policy makers believed preservation of the Empire/Commonwealth to be a necessary first step in domestic and foreign reconstruction.Yet in 1945, a variety of circumstances combined to make the task of imperial preservation one of reconstitution rather than simple maintenance. First, it seemed that, just at the moment when Britain needed them most, some of the strongest and oldest members of the Commonwealth appeared to be moving away.
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Benavides, Abraham David, Laura Keyes, Ivonne Linares-Hernández, Veronica Martinez-Miranda e Pablo Romanazzi. "Service-Learning in Higher Education: Andragogy in Argentina, Mexico, and the United States". Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 34, n.º 4 (18 de novembro de 2022): 275–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v34i4.745.
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This paper examines service-learning case studies in Argentina, Mexico, and the United States. It analyzes whether Andragogy, the study of how to teach adult learners, is equally applicable and effective in different country contexts. First, we argue that service-learning is the most natural and appropriate teaching technique that aligns with the Theory of Andragogy. We then discuss how a clear understanding of Andragogy is the key to helping mature students process knowledge. Two cases of service-learning in an international context provide a research platform for examining differences in learning concepts, constructs, and student competences. We juxtapose Argentina and Mexico governance against U.S. governance, and we differentiate the public policy challenges within the two contexts. Our methodological approach employs grounded theory to identify themes of knowledge transfer through problematic environments. By comparing service-learning strategies in Argentina and Mexico vis-à-vis in the U.S., we find variations in assumptions of public administration practice, teaching methods, and student learning outcomes. Abstract in Spanish Este documento examina casos de estudio del aprendizaje y servicio en Argentina, México y los Estados Unidos. Analiza si la Andragogía, el estudio de cómo enseñar a los estudiantes adultos, es igualmente aceptable y efectivo en contextos de diferentes países. Primero, se planteó que la técnica de la enseñanza del aprendizaje y servicio es lo más natural y apropiado que se alinea con la Teoría de Andragogía. Después se fundamentó que un entendimiento claro de la Andragogía es la clave para ayudar a estudiantes adultos a procesar el conocimiento. Dos casos de estudio del aprendizaje y servicio en un contexto internacional proveen una plataforma para investigar diferencias en el aprendizaje con respecto a conceptos, construcciones, y competencias de los estudiantes. Se yuxtapone la gobernabilidad de Argentina y México con respecto a la gobernabilidad de los Estados Unidos y se diferencian los desafíos de las políticas públicas dentro de estos dos contextos. La metodología emplea la teoría fundamentada para identificar temas de la transferencia de conocimiento en ambientes problemáticos. Al comparar estrategias del aprendizaje y servicio en Argentina y México con respecto a los Estados Unidos, se encontró variación en los supuestos de la práctica de la administración pública, métodos de enseñanza, y resultados del aprendizaje del estudiante.
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Beckwith, Karen. "A Comparative Politics of Gender Symposium Introduction: Comparative Politics and the Logics of a Comparative Politics of Gender". Perspectives on Politics 8, n.º 1 (março de 2010): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992726.
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This symposium is the culmination of work that began in October 2007, when fourteen scholars from Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States convened at Case Western Reserve University to participate in the research conference Toward a Comparative Politics of Gender: Advancing the Discipline along Interdisciplinary Boundaries. The conference was funded by a Presidential Initiative Grant from the University and further supported by an ACES grant. Dr. Gregory Eastwood made available the Library of the Inamori Center for Ethnics and Excellence for our conference meetings. Many thanks to Linda Gilmore, Tonae Bolton-Dove, Gail Papay, Shelley White, and Sharon Skowronski for their expert administrative support. Professors Dorothy Miller (Women's Studies), Rosalind Simson (Philosophy, Law and Women's Studies), and Kelly McMann (Political Science and International Studies) served as discussants of the conference papers. To Theda Skocpol, who presented remarks at the opening dinner of the conference, and to the scholars who participated in the CPG conference and whose contributions are included in this symposium, I offer my deepest appreciation and gratitude.What do we mean by a comparative politics of gender? How would a comparative politics of gender advance our understanding of politics generally? What would it take to develop a gendered comparative political analysis? In the essays that follow, Teri Caraway, Louise Chappell, Leslie Schwindt-Bayer, and Aili Mari Tripp elaborate their understandings of a comparative politics of gender. Five additional essays focus specifically on issues of democratization (Lisa Baldez, Georgina Waylen), political institutions and representation (Mili Caul Kittilson, Mona Lena Krook), and comparative sex equality policies (Mala Htun and Laurel Weldon). In this introductory essay, I discuss what I mean by “gender” in the context of comparative politics. Briefly enumerating the advantages of comparative politics as a subfield for a gendered analysis of political phenomena, I discuss how a comparative politics of gender can serve to advance our understanding of politics generally, and I provide an example of subfield research—the study of political violence—where gender as a metaconcept may be particularly useful. I conclude by considering what it would mean to our study of gender and of comparative politics to place gender as a central concept in comparative political research and to move to a comparative politics of gender.
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Wu, Manxia. "Triple-negative breast cancer treatment pattern and factors associated with its treatment in the United States: A population study using Central Cancer Registry data, 2013-2015." Journal of Clinical Oncology 36, n.º 30_suppl (20 de outubro de 2018): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2018.36.30_suppl.24.
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24 Background: Large population-based studies on TNBC epidemiology and treatment pattern in the US were generally limited due to lack of routinely data collection on these biomarkers until recent years. This study examined and documented general treatment status and factors associated with the treatments among TNBC patients in the US. Methods: We used the latest released NPCR and SEER combined cancer registry data, which covers 100% of the US population. All women in the US with a primary invasive TNBC breast cancer diagnosed between 2013 and 2015 were included. First course treatment patterns by AJCC staging on TNBC were examined based on corresponding year’s NCCN guideline recommendations. Regression analysis were performed to identify factors associated with treatments. Results: There were 74,952 TNBC women included in the study. Ninety three percent of women with early stage of TNBC had surgery, and 35% women with mastectomy chose to undergo contralateral prophylactic mastectomy. Among stage I-III patients, those aged < 35, Non-Hispanic Asian Pacific Islander, living in other regions than northeast or metropolitan were more likely to have mastectomy compared to BCS. Radiation therapy were only received for 65% women with breast conserving surgery (BCS), which were less likely to be performed in non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and among those aged < 35 or > 70+. Chemotherapy were received for 75% of TNBC women, ranged from 63% (stage I) to 86% (stage III). Treatment variations among different demographic and geographic characteristics in chemotherapy were also observed. Conclusions: Overall, current treatment practice for TNBC in the US is generally concordance with the recommended breast cancer care except a relative low radiation therapy among BCS women. However, treatment disparities existed within the limited treatment options, and factors associated with the disparities also varied. More effective treatment options and treatment equality are warranted to improve overall care of this subtype.
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Elsässer, Joshua Philipp. "Patz, Ronny and Goetz, Klaus H. (2019). Managing Money and Discord in the UN. Budgeting and Bureaucracy. New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press. Hardback, 272 Seiten, ISBN: 9780198838333." dms – der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management 14, n.º 1-2021 (15 de junho de 2021): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/dms.v14i1.15.
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How does budgeting work for international organizations within the United Nations system? What role do states as complex principals and international bureaucracies as complex agents play within budgeting processes? By providing four case studies on the UN, ILO, UNESCO, and WHO, the authors of “Managing Money and Discord in the UN – Budgeting and Bureaucracy” offer valuable insights on budgeting and its procedures in the UN System of organizations. Their findings demonstrate that despite global financial crisis and significant structural changes in global politics, the core budget routines of international organizations have remained relatively stable over the past decades. However, with vested interests of powerful member states, complementary financial arrangements outside the core organizations, diverging intraorganizational priorities, or the rise of philanthropy and voluntary contributions, complexities for both principals and agents have increased, which ultimately put the capacity of international bureaucracies to maintain budgetary routines at risk. By bridging the gap between related, but distinct disciplines within political science, the concept of budgeting put forward in this book is equally important for the study of International Relations, International Public Administrations, Political Economy, and Public Policy.
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Cinaroglu, Songul, e Onur Baser. "VP135 Clustering Surgical Indicators And Predictors Of Catastrophic Expenses". International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 33, S1 (2017): 210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026646231700383x.
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INTRODUCTION:Increasing access to surgical care is crucial in improving the general health status of a population. Despite studies indicating the cross-country differences of general health indicators, there is a scarcity of knowledge focusing on the cross-country differences of surgical indicators. This study aims to classify countries according to surgical care indicators and identify risk predictors of catastrophic surgical care expenditures.METHODS:For this study, data were used from the World Health Organization and the World Bank on 177 countries. The following variable groups were chosen: total density of medical imaging technologies, surgical workforce distribution, number of surgical procedures, and risk of catastrophic surgical care expenditures. The k-means clustering algorithm was used to classify countries according to the surgical indicators. The optimal number of clusters was determined with a within-cluster sum of squares and a scree plot. A Silhouette index was used to examine clustering performance, and a random forest decision tree approach was used to determine risk predictors of catastrophic surgical care expenditures.RESULTS:The surgical care indicator results delineated the countries into four groups according to each country's income level. The cluster plot indicated that most high-income countries (for example, United States, United Kingdom, Norway) are in the first cluster. The second cluster consisted of four countries: Japan, San Marino, Marshall Islands, and Monaco. Low-income countries (for example, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Kenya) and middle-income countries (for example, Brazil, Turkey, Hungary) are represented in the third and fourth clusters, respectively. The third cluster had a high Silhouette index value (.75). The densities of both surgeons and medical imaging technology were risk determiners of catastrophic surgical care expenditures (Area Under Curve = .82).CONCLUSIONS:Our results demonstrate a need for more effective health plans if the differences between countries surgical care indicators are to be overcome. We recommend that health policymakers reconsider distribution strategies for the surgical workforce and medical imaging technology in the interest of accessibility and equality.
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Tsvetkova, Natalia, Anna Sytnik e Tatiana Grishanina. "Digital diplomacy and digital international relations: Challenges and new advantages". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, n.º 2 (2022): 174–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.204.
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The paper introduces concepts relative to digital international relations, including the following clusters as data/digital diplomacy; cyber security and cyber diplomacy; global internet governance; and, finally, digital voting. All these elements have come under the pressure of datalization that is the growth of digital actors and of big data analytics used often for political purposes. This paper focuses on one of the elements of digital international relations, notably the digital diplomacy. The authors discuss new challenges including digital uncertainty, fractured digital reality, and framing. Based on the analysis of data retrieved from social media by computational algorithms, the authors test these new challenges in case studies related to the digital diplomacy conducted by the United States, Russia and China in such countries as Afghanistan, Syria and Iran in various timelines. The authors reveal that multiple digital bloggers, mass-media, various entities, etc., can diminish the effectiveness of governmental digital diplomacy. At the same time, the datalization, digital uncertainty, and fragmentation allow the official diplomacy of the states to promote values through specific policy of framing discussed in the paper. Based on the empirical data, it can be concluded that the current stage of digitalization of international relations compels the states to introduce new binding agreements to draw “cyber red lines” or, equally, to maintain internet freedom that will contribute to shaping a balance of power in cyberspace.
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Williamson Hawkins, Melissa. "Self-directed learning as related to learning strategies, self-regulation, and autonomy in an English language program: A local application with global implications". Studies in Second Language Learning and Teaching 8, n.º 2 (24 de julho de 2018): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssllt.2018.8.2.12.
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English language tutoring and/or self-access centers are services commonly offered as curricular support to English language program students in educational environments worldwide. This paper argues that the theory of self-directed learning (SDL) from the field of adult education should be considered alongside the equally-important areas of language learning strategies, learner autonomy, and self-regulated learning in the setup of these types of tutoring/self-access academic support centers. The proposition is examined by applying it to a particular case in an English language program of a major research university in the southeastern United States. The paper explicates the commonly-known theory of SDL (Grow, 1991) and relates it to models by put forward by Nakata (2010) and Oxford (2011, 2107). Empirical evidence from studies on encouraging SDL for English language study is summarized from a range of research projects conducted worldwide, and the author concludes by offering implications for educators in any institution-based, adult English language program.
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Stocker, Alice. "De-biasing Counsel: A Call for Agile Minds in Arbitration". Journal of International Arbitration 39, Issue 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2022): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2022005.
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Unconscious biases have been a hot topic for decades and have found their way into arbitration. While the decision-making process of arbitrators has been the focus of attention, there is hardly any legal literature that deals with potential biases of counsel. Psychological studies have identified a general overconfidence bias in counsel that can have a negative impact on case assessments. As a solution to this issue, a recent study of 2018 showed how to use de-biasing techniques and how this improved case assessments: analysing almost 500 law students in the United States, the study demonstrated how overconfidence and self-serving judgments of fairness could tamper with the ability to assess the value of a case when the students were required to represent a client’s interests. This effect is called ‘partisan bias’. The study displayed its effect on specific case valuation methods and demonstrated how it could be partly eliminated by a de-biasing technique called ‘consider the opposite’. Further, the study showed that individuals with a high score of a need for cognitive closure, i.e., a motivational tendency to prefer clear answers over ambiguity, were more inclined to be susceptible to partisan bias, however were equally likely to be receptive to de-biasing. International arbitration, Partisan Bias, Overconfidence, De-biasing, Decision-making, Case assessment, Settlements, Negotiation, Need for cognitive closure, Consider the opposite
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Adetola Adewale Akinsulire, Courage Idemudia, Azubuike Chukwudi Okwandu e Obinna Iwuanyanwu. "Economic and social impact of affordable housing policies: A comparative review". International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 6, n.º 7 (23 de julho de 2024): 1433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v6i7.1333.
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Affordable housing policies play a pivotal role in shaping the economic and social landscapes of nations, especially in the context of growing urbanization and income inequality. This comparative review examines the economic and social impacts of various affordable housing policies across different countries, providing a comprehensive analysis of their effectiveness and broader implications. Economic impacts of affordable housing policies are multifaceted, influencing job creation, economic growth, and household stability. By increasing the supply of affordable housing, these policies can stimulate construction and related industries, leading to significant job creation and economic activity. Affordable housing also enhances household stability by reducing housing costs, allowing for greater disposable income and increased consumer spending. This review explores how policies such as tax incentives, subsidies, and inclusionary zoning have been utilized to promote affordable housing development and their resultant economic benefits. Social impacts of affordable housing policies are equally significant, affecting community cohesion, health outcomes, and educational attainment. Stable and affordable housing contributes to improved mental and physical health by reducing stress and exposure to poor living conditions. Furthermore, it enhances educational outcomes for children by providing a stable home environment conducive to learning. This review discusses policies such as rent control, public housing initiatives, and housing vouchers, highlighting their role in fostering social inclusion and reducing disparities. Case studies from diverse regions, including the United States, Singapore, and Brazil, illustrate the varied approaches and outcomes of affordable housing policies. In the United States, the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) program has been instrumental in increasing affordable housing supply and promoting economic development in underserved areas. Singapore's Housing and Development Board (HDB) has successfully provided high-quality, affordable housing to a majority of its population, significantly enhancing social stability. Brazil's Minha Casa Minha Vida program showcases how large-scale public housing initiatives can address housing deficits and improve living standards for low-income families. The review concludes that while affordable housing policies have distinct economic and social impacts, their success largely depends on contextual factors such as policy design, implementation strategies, and local economic conditions. Policymakers must consider these factors to create effective and sustainable housing solutions that promote both economic prosperity and social well-being. Keywords: Economic, Social: Impact, Affordable Housing, Policies.
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Laçi, Ilirian, e Alketa Spahiu. "Transarterial Chemoembolization in Hepatocellular Carcinoma, Albanian Experience." Albanian Journal of Trauma and Emergency Surgery 6, n.º 2 (20 de julho de 2022): 1053–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32391/ajtes.v6i2.291.
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Liver cancer is the sixth most common cancer worldwide in terms of the number of cases (626,000 or 5.7% of new cancer cases) but due to the very poor prognosis, the number of deaths is nearly similar (598,000). The survival rate is 3% to 5% in cancer registries for the United States and developing countries. The modality of treatment in hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) patients depends on the stage of the disease. The Barcelona Clinic Liver Cancer Classification (BCLC) is the favorite staging system. There are many patients who initially present with the intermediate-stage disease, and in this setting transarterial chemoembolization (TACE) is the treatment of choice.
The purpose of this article is to highlight and discuss the role of chemoembolization in the treatment of hepatocellular carcinoma, including the results of recent large studies, and the concept of combined therapies, illustrating our case.
The differences in individual factors that are not captured by the BCLC framework, such as the tumor growth pattern, degree of hypervascularity, and vascular supply, complicate the further evaluation of these patients. Because of these differences, not all patients benefit equally from TACE. Several tools have been devised to aid the decision-making process which have shown promising initial results but have failed external evaluation and have not been translated to the clinical aspects. Criteria for treatment decisions in daily clinical practice are needed in all stages of the disease.
Conclusion: TACE is a safe method for prolonging patients' survival with unresectable HCC. The correct treatment of HCC is concentrated in cancer centers, and cooperation between multiple specialists is necessary.
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Conway, J. Edward. "Mining Junior, Major Political Risks". Central Asian Affairs 1, n.º 1 (18 de abril de 2014): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00101004.
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Within the discipline of international business, institution-based theories on strategic management concentrate on how foreign firms conform to their local operating environment. One of the leading theories extending from such research is the idea that a foreign firm’s success in a given country rests on the firm’s ability to “bridge” the institutional (or structural) distance between the firm’s home country and host country, whether that distance be cultural, regulatory, political, cognitive or any given number of possible structural measures. The greater the gap between home and host country, proponents of institutional distance claim, the more challenging it will be for the firm to be successful in the host environment. In this article, we develop the concept of institutional distance through a single qualitative case study of a junior mining firm, Frontier Mining, initially headquartered in the United States and listed on the London Stock Exchange, but with the vast majority of its operations located in Kazakhstan. We approach Frontier and the concept of institutional distance less through the lens of international business and more through the interdisciplinary lens typical of regional studies: how Frontier conforms to the local Kazakh environment is equally telling for those interested in strategic management as it is for those concerned with the intersection of the international political economy and the domestic political economy of a post-Soviet state in transition.
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Kearins, Kate, Belinda Luke e Patricia Corner. "What Constitutes Successful Entrepreneurship? An Analysis of Recent Australasian Awards Experiences". Journal of Management & Organization 10, n.º 2 (janeiro de 2004): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1833367200004508.
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Theory about what constitutes entrepreneurial success is explored using case studies of the 2003 Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award winners for Australia and New Zealand. Findings suggest the need to more equally emphasize what theory presents as elements of successful entrepreneurship, and importantly, incorporate ethics as a key dimension. Further, the analysis offers insight into how business awards processes in general might be conducted.Entrepreneurship has long been considered an important economic activity. The past twenty years has witnessed an explosion of research into entrepreneurs and their actions (Venkatarman 1997; Hannafey 2003) with considerable emphasis on the elements that constitute successful entrepreneurship. However, there has been little empirical work substantiating these elements or exploring the extent to which they appear to be considered when judgements are made about entrepreneurial success. Additionally, some entrepreneurs that are judged successful, such as Monty Fu who won an entrepreneur of the year award in the United States, are later shown to be unsuccessful along a number of elements. It may be that some elements are more emphasized when judging entrepreneurial endeavours, than are others. For these reasons, the current paper focuses on the construction of successful entrepreneurship. It addresses the following research questions: Are there some elements of entrepreneurship that appear to be more emphasized than are others when judgements are made about successful entrepreneurs? Would recourse to theory help decide successful entrepreneurship?
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Kearins, Kate, Belinda Luke e Patricia Corner. "What Constitutes Successful Entrepreneurship? An Analysis of Recent Australasian Awards Experiences". Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management 10, n.º 2 (janeiro de 2004): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/jmo.2004.10.2.41.
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Theory about what constitutes entrepreneurial success is explored using case studies of the 2003 Ernst & Young Entrepreneur of the Year Award winners for Australia and New Zealand. Findings suggest the need to more equally emphasize what theory presents as elements of successful entrepreneurship, and importantly, incorporate ethics as a key dimension. Further, the analysis offers insight into how business awards processes in general might be conducted.Entrepreneurship has long been considered an important economic activity. The past twenty years has witnessed an explosion of research into entrepreneurs and their actions (Venkatarman 1997; Hannafey 2003) with considerable emphasis on the elements that constitute successful entrepreneurship. However, there has been little empirical work substantiating these elements or exploring the extent to which they appear to be considered when judgements are made about entrepreneurial success. Additionally, some entrepreneurs that are judged successful, such as Monty Fu who won an entrepreneur of the year award in the United States, are later shown to be unsuccessful along a number of elements. It may be that some elements are more emphasized when judging entrepreneurial endeavours, than are others. For these reasons, the current paper focuses on the construction of successful entrepreneurship. It addresses the following research questions: Are there some elements of entrepreneurship that appear to be more emphasized than are others when judgements are made about successful entrepreneurs? Would recourse to theory help decide successful entrepreneurship?
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Oureilidis-DeVivo, Barbara. "Secret sauce in collaborative tumor boards: Team-based characteristics that optimize tumor board functionality." Journal of Clinical Oncology 39, n.º 15_suppl (20 de maio de 2021): e23015-e23015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2021.39.15_suppl.e23015.
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e23015 Background: Interdisciplinary teams are an indispensable characteristic of modern organizations, particularly in healthcare settings that require specialists to work together to solve multifaceted patient care problems. Multidisciplinary tumor boards (TBs) aim to coordinate multidisciplinary perspectives to help the oncology team devise the best treatment program for the patient. Yet, while this is their purpose, studies have found that TBs do not always achieve that goal effectively. Why are some tumor board (TB) teams more effective than others? This study shed light on key characteristics found among highly effective TBs. It provides a theoretical explanation of their organizational behaviors and structures and their effect on cancer treatment decision-making. The research is grounded in organizational behavior theories that have historical prominence in group decision-making, social hierarchy, and interdisciplinary collaboration, and are used to explain the phenomenon under investigation best. Methods: Qualitative research was used in the study. Data from 44 different TB observations and 18 interviews were gathered over four years at seven research hospitals in the United States and United Kingdom. The data were then coded, analyzed and synthesized with organizational behavior theory to explain the social phenomena under investigation. Results: The study revealed that certain TBs practice strong collaboration displaying high levels of partnership, cooperation, equality, and interdependency, which was incorporated explicitly into their meeting systems to achieve their common goal. Team-based characteristics such as members’ consistent shared preferences and identity, coordinated interactions, a collective learning process, and shared power and partnership are key markers found within these teams that positively influenced treatment decision-making processes and outcomes, earmarking best practices in TB groups. Conclusions: Organizational theory that suggests that for a collaborative process to be effective, team-based mechanisms need to be adopted in which each member respects, trusts, and acknowledges the skills and expertise of other disciplines in the organization, shares team values, decision-making processes, responsibilities, and planning, relies mutually upon other team members, and works outside normal professional boundaries openly and willingly. In an egalitarian structure like that of the TBs reviewed in this study, where preferences and identities are consistent and groups are collaborative, treatment decisions are less biased and incorporate multidisciplinary perspectives. Thus, this study suggests that by possessing both team- and task-based characteristics and practices, TBs engage in best practices, and thereby optimize their functionality.
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Lee, Younghwa, Sukki Yoon, Young Woo Lee e Marla B. Royne. "How Liberals and Conservatives Respond to Equality-Based and Proportionality-Based Rewards in Charity Advertising". Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 37, n.º 1 (abril de 2018): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1509/jppm.16.180.
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The authors conduct two studies that show how liberals and conservatives in the United States and Korea respond to charity advertising that features equality- or proportionality-based rewards for charitable giving. The findings robustly demonstrate that in both countries, liberals respond more favorably to equality-based rewards, but conservatives respond more favorably to proportionality-based rewards. Study 1, conducted in the United States, finds that liberals perceive greater effectiveness in equality-based rewards based on random drawings, but conservatives perceive more effectiveness in proportionality-based rewards based on donation amounts. Study 2, conducted in Korea, shows that liberal (conservative) donors expect to be more (less) likely to receive rewards based on equality rather than proportionality.
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Gilliam, Angela. "Globalization, Identity, and Assaults on Equality in the United States". Souls 5, n.º 2 (junho de 2003): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714044630.
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Freeman, Joshua B. "The Leading Labor Historian in the United States". International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000269.
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David Montgomery, the leading labor historian in the United States, died on December 2, 2011, at age eighty-four. His many articles and books, especially Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862–1872; Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology, and Labor Struggles; and The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865–1925, profoundly reshaped our understanding of the history of American workers.
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Waddock, Sandra, Steve Waddell e Paul S. Gray. "The Transformational Change Challenge of Memes: The Case of Marriage Equality in the United States". Business & Society 59, n.º 8 (10 de dezembro de 2018): 1667–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650318816440.
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This article explores the role of changing memes in large systems change toward marriage equality—popularly referred to as same-sex marriage—in the United States. Using an abbreviated case history of the transformation, the article particularly explores the shifting memes or core units of culture, in this case, word phrases associated with marriage equality over time, influencing the social change process. Using both the case history and the empirical work on memes, the article identifies nine lessons to support others tackling large systems change challenges.
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Feldmann, John D. "Equality Lost: John Locke and the United States 1986 Tax Reform". Soundings: An Interdisciplinary Journal 105, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2022): 28–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/soundings.105.1.0028.
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Abstract This essay traces the displacement of the equality ideal and progressive taxation from the US tax code in the 1980s. After a brief background on the origin of the equality ideal and the current vast income and wealth disparities, the article examines the political process and philosophical premises of the 1986 tax reform. It shows how “supply side” tax arguments made their way into and ultimately prevailed in Congressional deliberations, a success resting in part on Robert Nozick's misinterpretations of John Locke's entitlement and taxation theories. The article then counters the Nozickian interpretation with biographical and textual evidence of Locke's egalitarian commitments.
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Besozzi, Sheida. "Did a flower grow in hell? Reading the modern history of Iran through the nonviolent participation of women in political struggles". Relaciones Internacionales, n.º 51 (31 de outubro de 2022): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2022.51.008.
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This article’s objective is to place the modern history of Iran in relation to nonviolent struggles within the optic of the role of women within them, and to link these episodes with the feminist struggle in Iran. It will cover the years that span from the 1870s until 2021 by placing at the centre of the discussion the role of women in civil resistance struggles. Of particular interest will be national governmental changes, from the monarchic era to a theocratic republic; the presence of Britain and Russia, and later the United States; the mass mobilizations during the end of the nineteenth century and the Iranian Revolution; and gender equality campaigns, as well as more individual acts of resistance through cyber feminist campaigns. This paper aims to show the role of women in these struggles as interconnected with the Iranian feminist movement both inside Iran and in the diaspora. Various episodes in Iranian modern history, such as the Tobacco Protests at the end of the 19th century, the Constitutional Revolution at the beginning of the 20th century and the Iranian revolution of 1979, as well as uprisings that preceded it between 1977 and 1979, have been studied within the civil resistance literature. All of these events showed that ordinary people had the power to topple authoritarian rule in their country through the use of nonviolent strategies. One of the most important references in nonviolent action studies, Gene Sharp, has suggested that 198 methods exist to efficiently overthrow dictatorial regimes around the world, and that these methods and techniques had to be collectively put into practice in order for them to be successful (Sharp, 1973, 2005). Various studies, mostly based on quantitative analysis and historical documentation, have demonstrated that nonviolent strategies have been in many instances much more successful than violence in achieving freedom from authoritarian rule (Chenoweth and Stephan, 2011; Chenoweth, 2021). In the Iranian socio-political context, the three aforementioned civil resistance struggles managed to establish a constitution and the creation of a parliament at the beginning of the 20th century, as well as the ousting of an autocratic leader in 1979. All of these episodes are considered to be examples of civil resistance techniques that have managed to topple the authoritarian regimes present at that time in Iran. All of these struggles included the nonviolent participation of Iranian women, even though that participation has not sufficiently been brought to light in the Iranian history scholarship. The Tobacco Movement and the Constitutional Revolution represent the origins of a feminist conscience in Iran, and of women’s engagement with gender politics (Mahdi, 2004). Policies relating to women’s health, education, work and public life in general were present in both Pahlavi monarchies. However, whilst attempts were made to democratise the image of women, as well as their status, the Pahlavi regime did not achieved gender equality in Iran due to the strengthening of the class divide and its intensification by the persistent presence of British and American interests in the country. With the installing of the Islamic regime in Iran in 1979, the advances in women’s rights that had been accomplished during the previous decades, thanks to the increased presence of women in public life, disappeared in the blink of an eye. The very many risks, nonetheless, have not prevented Iranian women from fighting for their rights through campaigns such as the One Million Signatures Campaign (1MSC) (2006-2009), or more recent internet gender campaigns such as My stealthy Freedom and White Wednesdays. Studies that have connected civil resistance struggles in Iran to women’s rights (see Beyerle, 2008; Davoudi Mohajer et al., 2009) have begun to pave the way for further developments and it is from this standpoint that the paper wants to make its contribution. The field of Resistance Studies where the subfield of civil resistance is located has been getting wider and deeper, incorporating different meanings and types of resistance acts, where collective as well as more individual stands have been taken into consideration. Poststructuralist, postcolonial and feminist outlooks have expanded the subfield of civil resistance, and the Iranian case clearly shows that the civil resistance scholarship can be applied to situations that involve the toppling of authoritarian regimes, internet gender equality campaigns, and also to those perspectives that take into consideration the transnational field. By placing attention on the links between nonviolent action and the Iranian feminist movement this article also shows the continuities and discontinuities of the participation of women in the civil resistance struggles in Iran, which in turn have to do with the different historical circumstances. As the paper will show, one key aspect has to do with the role of Iranian feminists in the diaspora who have supported and sometimes created civil resistance movements for gender equality in Iran. Sharp took the role of third parties into consideration (1973) within civil resistance movements, but it was not until Andrew Rigby’s study on the Palestinian diaspora and civil resistance (2009) that actors such as diasporas have been placed under increasing interest as supporters of civil resistance movements in their countries of origin (Dudouet, 2015; Stephan and Chenoweth, 2021). Part 1 locates the arguments within a theoretical framework that links the subfield of nonviolent action with feminist perspectives from the fields of International Relations and Resistance Studies. Following this first section, the paper is divided into another five sections. Part 2 deals with the civil resistance struggles at the end of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, as well as the role of women in them and the feminist movement. Next, part 3 of the article centres itself on the Pahlavi Monarchy that preceded the Islamic Revolution by looking at the position of women in Iran as well as the Iranian feminist movement. Part 4 looks at the nonviolent orientation of the Iranian revolution and the role of women therein, while part 5 locates the discussion on civil resistance within a more recent period and the conjunction with the Iranian diaspora. The article ends with a section dedicated to concluding remarks where future research lines will be suggested.
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Kujawa, Duane. "Japanese multinationals in the united states: case studies". International Executive 28, n.º 3 (1986): 27–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/tie.5060280310.
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Walker, Stephanie. "Computer-Assisted Library Instruction and Face-to-Face Library Instruction Prove Equally Effective for Teaching Basic Library Skills in Academic Libraries". Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 3, n.º 1 (17 de março de 2008): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/b8b62p.
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A review of:
Zhang, Li, Watson, Erin M. and Banfield, Laura. "The Efficacy of Computer-Assisted Instruction Versus Face-to-Face Instruction in Academic Libraries: A Systematic Review." The Journal of Academic Librarianship 33.4 (July 2007): 478-484.
Objective – To conduct a systematic review of several studies comparing the efficacy of face-to-face versus computer-assisted instruction (CAI) for teaching basic library skills to patrons of academic libraries.
Design – Systematic review of existing studies (randomised controlled trials and controlled trials).
Setting - College and university libraries
Subjects – The subjects studied were patrons of any type of academic library, whether university, college, or other post-secondary institution, receiving instruction in basic library skills. Ten studies were included in the review, of which seven were done in the United States, two in Australia, and one in Canada. The total number of subjects in all of the studies under review was 1283. Nine of the studies focused on undergraduates enrolled in specific courses (undergraduate courses ranging widely in subject area, or in one case a first year experience program); the other study focused on library instruction methods taught to students in a graduate research methods course, yet the study was still intended to measure the efficacy of library instruction methods, yet the study was still intended to measure the efficacy of library instruction methods.
Methods – One included study was a randomised controlled trial; the other nine were controlled trials. The date range under consideration was for studies done between 1990 and 2005. All original studies were required to compare the efficacy of face-to-face versus CAI instruction. Both information skills and students’ reactions to receiving the instruction were considered. To identify appropriate studies, searches were done across the following library and education-related databases: LISA, ERIC, and Library Literature. The authors screened the 728 unique studies’ bibliographic information for relevance against four criteria: studies had to be of a particular type of design (randomised controlled trials, controlled trials, cohort studies, and case studies), with a sample size greater than one and with pre- and post-test measurements; study participants had to be academic library patrons; the study needed to compare CAI and face-to-face instruction; and both the students’ information skills and reactions to the instruction had to be measured. This left 40 unique studies, which were then retrieved in full text. Next, studies were selected to meet the inclusion criteria further using the QUOROM format, a reporting structure used for improving the quality of reports of meta-analyses of randomised trials (Moher, David et al 1896 - 1900). Evaluation of methodological quality was then done using a dual method: authors Watson and Zhang assessed the studies independently, each using the “Checklist for Study Quality” developed by Downs and Black (Downs, Sara H. and Black, Nick 377-384), adapted slightly to remove non-relevant questions. After analysis, when additional information was needed, original study authors were contacted. Finally, ten studies were included in the analysis.
The instruction sessions covered many topics, such as catalog use, reading citations, awareness of library services and collections, basic searching of bibliographic databases, and more. But all could qualify as basic, rather than advanced, library instruction. All studies did pre- and post-tests of students’ skills – some immediately after instruction, and others with a time lapse of up to six weeks. Most authors created their own tests, though one adapted an existing scale. Individual performance improvement was not studied in many cases due to privacy concerns.
Main Results - Nine of the ten studies found CAI and face-to-face instruction equally effective; the tenth study found face-to-face instruction more effective. The students’ reaction to instruction methods varied – some students felt more satisfied with face-to-face instruction and felt that they learned better, while other studies found that students receiving CAI felt more confident. Some found no difference in confidence.
It was impossible to carry out a meta-analysis of the studies, as the skills taught, methods used, and evaluation tools in each case varied widely, and the data provided by the ten studies lacked sufficient detail to allow meta-analysis. As well, there were major methodological differences in the studies – some studies allowed participants the opportunities for hands-on practice; others did not. The CAI tutorials also varied – some were clearly interactive, and in other studies, it was not certain that the tutorial allowed for interactivity.
The authors of the systematic review identified possible problems with the selected studies as well. All studies were evaluated according to four criteria on the modified Downs-Black scale: reporting, external validity, and two measures of internal validity (possible bias and possible confounding). A perfect score would have been 25; the mean score was 17.3. Areas where authors lost points included areas such as failure to estimate data variability, failure to report participants lost to follow-up, failure to have blind marking of pre- and post-tests, failure to allocate participants randomly, and a variety of other areas. As well, few studies examined participants’ confidence level with computers before they participated in instruction.
Conclusion – Based on this systematic review, CAI and face-to-face instruction appear to be equally effective in teaching students basic library skills. The authors of the study are reluctant to state this categorically, and issue several caveats: a) only one trial was randomised; b) seven of the studies were conducted in the USA, with the others being from Canada and Australia, and learning and teaching styles could be very different in other countries; c) the students were largely undergraduates, and the authors are curious as to whether results would be similar with faculty, staff, or older groups (though of course, not all undergraduates are traditional undergraduates); d) the tests ranged widely in design, and were largely developed individually, and the authors recommend developing a validated test; and e) if the pre- and post-tests are identical and given in rapid succession, this could skew results.
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Xu, Jingyuan. "Gender Equalization Studies in American Education". Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 7, n.º 1 (17 de maio de 2023): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/7/20221016.
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Whether at home or abroad, the status of women is constantly rising, which is true that women's own efforts, but the affirmative action around the world has also played an important role. The affirmative action movement of higher education aims to ease the problem of discrimination in higher education, increase the number of vulnerable students, build a diverse student group, and realize equal rights in the field of education. However, in practice, the gender-based admission policy of higher education has been criticized, and the public has received mixed praise and criticism. In the face of these arguments and challenges, the Supreme Court's decision has also made different understandings and interpretations, which has aroused controversy and doubts among policy makers and scholars. Critics have noted that the preference policy deliberately lowers the demands for women, which creates reverse discrimination against male applicants with higher scores. Supporters argue that treatment is to achieve real gender equality. Therefore, it is necessary to reflect on the equality and justice of gender equality. This paper mainly describes the brief history of gender equality in American education, studies the criterion of gender. It also discusses the legitimacy of gender equality measures in higher education, and the effect of gender equality in American higher education, which promotes women's social status to weaken or eliminate gender discrimination. It is through the above historical narration, basic concept clarification, goal certification and effect proof that this paper shows a defense theory of the gender equality movement in the field of American education, which gives a strong defense to this important milestone in the history of the feminist movement.Through analysis, this paper finds that the gender equality movement in the field of education in the United States is of great significance for safeguarding women's rights and safeguarding the justice of the United States Constitution. In recent years, the status of women in the field of education has been significantly improved, but there are still many problems in the judicial practice of women's rights, and the conservative forces still occupy the mainstream position in the courts. There is still a long way to go for equal rights in female education, which needs to be further upheld and defended to promote the actual implementation of equity and justice.
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Cramer, Elizabeth, Mary E. Little e Patricia Alvarez McHatton. "Equity, Equality, and Standardization: Expanding the Conversations". Education and Urban Society 50, n.º 5 (9 de junho de 2017): 483–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013124517713249.
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In the more than 60 years since the Brown v. Board of Education ruling, the United States has been struggling to assure educational equality for all learners. This article will review how attempts at equality such as accountability and standardization movements have failed to close opportunity gaps for vulnerable and marginalized groups, particularly for students with disabilities from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. Critical issues are raised about current reforms, in order to broaden educational conversations for a deeper analysis, recognizing the implications for sustained, comprehensive solutions.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology". American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology". American Journal of Islam and Society 22, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Chiodini, R. J. "Crohn's disease and the mycobacterioses: a review and comparison of two disease entities." Clinical Microbiology Reviews 2, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1989): 90–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/cmr.2.1.90.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Crohn's disease is a chronic granulomatous ileocolitis, of unknown etiology, which generally affects the patient during the prime of life. Medical treatment is supportive at best, and patients afflicted with this disorder generally live with chronic pain, in and out of hospitals, throughout their lives. The disease bears the name of the investigator who convincingly distinguished this disease from intestinal tuberculosis in 1932. This distinction was not universally accepted, and the notion of a mycobacterial etiology has never been fully dismissed. Nevertheless, it was 46 years after the distinction of Crohn's disease and intestinal tuberculosis before research attempting to reassociate mycobacteria and Crohn's disease was published. Recently, there has been a surge of interest in the possible association of mycobacteria and Crohn's disease due largely to the isolation of genetically identical pathogenic Mycobacterium paratuberculosis from several patients with Crohn's disease in the United States, the Netherlands, Australia, and France. These pathogenic organisms have been isolated from only a few patients, and direct evidence for their involvement in the disease process is not clear; however, M. paratuberculosis is an obligate intracellular organism and strict pathogen, which strongly suggests some etiologic role. Immunologic evidence of a mycobacterial etiology, as assessed by humoral immune determinations, has been conflicting, but evaluation of the more relevant cellular immunity has not been performed. Data from histochemical searches for mycobacteria in Crohn's disease tissues have been equally conflicting, with acid-fast bacilli detected in 0 to 35% of patients. Animal model studies have demonstrated the pathogenic potential of isolates as well as elucidated the complexity of mycobacterial-intestinal interactions. Treatment of Crohn's disease patients with antimycobacterial agent has not been fully assessed, although case reports suggest efficacy. The similarities in the pathology, epidemiology, and chemotherapy of Crohn's disease and the mycobacterioses are discussed. The issue is fraught with controversy, and the data generated on the association of mycobacteria and Crohn's disease are in their infantile stages so that a general conclusion on the legitimacy of this association cannot be made. While no firm evidence clearly implicates mycobacteria as an etiologic agent of Crohn's disease, the notion is supported by suggestive and circumstantial evidence and a remarkable similarity of Crohn's disease to known mycobacterial diseases.
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Gray, Anthony Davidson. "Religious-based discrimination in the commercial context on the basis of sexual orientation: A comparative perspective". Common Law World Review 51, n.º 3 (setembro de 2022): 198–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14737795211071100.
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This paper considers how three jurisdictions, Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom, have sought to reconcile freedom of religion with equality rights, particularly in the commercial context, and particularly in relation to sexual orientation. The recent decisions of the United Kingdom Supreme Court and United States Supreme Court form the backdrop for that discussion. It is argued that the former made piecemeal, and misleading, use of American case law, and a fuller consideration of that jurisdiction’s position was warranted, and would have led to a different view of the recent American decision. It argues that the United Kingdom Supreme Court was in error in viewing a message on a cake ordered from a baker as an example of the baker's expression, leading it to an incorrect conclusion at odds with statutory mandates in the commercial sphere around refusals of service. Both high court decisions risk undermining progress on the equality front.
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Eibach, Richard P., e Valerie Purdie-Vaughns. "CHANGE WE CAN BELIEVE IN?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, n.º 1 (2009): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09090080.
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AbstractBarack Obama's election as the first Black president of the United States has stimulated much discussion about progress toward racial equality in the United States. Opinion surveys document that White Americans reliably perceive the rate of progress toward racial equality as greater than do Black Americans. We focus on two psychological factors that contribute to these diverging perceptions: (1) the tendency of White Americans and Black Americans to adopt different reference points to assess racial progress, and (2) the general tendency to frame social change as a zero-sum game in which Black Americans' gains entail losses for White Americans. We review research examining how these two factors contribute to racial polarization on the topic of progress toward equality. We also draw on excerpts from Barack Obama's speeches and writings to demonstrate that he often frames issues in ways that, our research suggests, has the potential to substantially bridge these racial divisions.
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Ivanov, D. V., e V. G. Donakanian. "The ICAO Council as a Dispute Settlement Body: Theoretical and Practical Issues". Moscow Journal of International Law, n.º 3 (5 de outubro de 2022): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2022-3-33-48.
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INTRODUCTION. Achieving the goals of international legal regulation of a particular area of inter-State relations depends mainly on the existence of an effective dispute settlement mechanism. In the field of international air law, such powers are attributed to the Council of the International Civil Aviation Organization (hereinafter - ICAO), established under the Convention on International Civil Aviation of 1944 (hereinafter – the Chicago Convention). The Council's activities in this area cannot be called fruitful. Since the establishment of ICAO in 1947, the Council has not issued a single decision on disputes that have been brought before it. States have proved to be reluctant to use the dispute settlement mechanism established under the Chicago system. This is mainly due to the imperfection of the relevant provisions of the Chicago Convention, which for many years have been the object of criticism in international legal doctrine. Moreover, the provisions of the Chicago Convention do not answer the question regarding the legal nature of the Council as a dispute settlement body and the limits of its competence. The issue of the Council's competence has been considered twice by the International Court of Justice of the United Nations (hereinafter - ICJ). The judgments issued by the ICJ have not, in our view, resolved the existing legal problems but instead have contributed to further ambiguity. Furthermore, this topic has become especially relevant in light of the fact that in March 2022 the Netherlands and Austria initiated a dispute settlement procedure in the Council under Article 84 of the Chicago Convention against Russia for the downing of Malaysian civil aircraft in 2014. In these circumstances, the Council's de facto role in resolving international civil aviation disputes needs to be clarified. MATERIALS AND METHODS. This paper examines the provisions of the Chicago international legal regime governing dispute settlement in the Council. The authors also analyse the established State practice in the application of Chapter XVIII of the Chicago Convention. Particular attention is given to legal doctrine, where several international legal concepts emerge to resolve existing legal problems. The methodological basis consists of general scientific and special research methods, including analysis, synthesis, systematisation, as well as formal-legal, formallogical and critical-legal methods. RESEARCH RESULTS. The Council as a dispute settlement body has a dual legal nature. This is reflected in the fact that in procedural terms the Сouncil is similar to international judicial bodies in many aspects, but a number of features concerning the composition of the Council and the opportunity to appeal the decision issued prevent it from qualifying as a judicial body. This calls into question the power of the Council to issue legally binding deci-sions and the existence of its jurisdiction per se. State and Council practice also confirms that the Council under Chapter XVIII of the Chicago Convention acts as a mediator, which contrasts with the recent decision of the ICJ on the Qatar Air Blockade case, under which the Council has jurisdiction. Moreover, the Chicago Convention provides sanctions for non-compliance with Council decisions, which does not allow the Council to be considered as a mediator. Equally controversial was the ICJ finding that the Council, in settling disputes arising from the Chicago Convention (the Transit Agreement or other treaties), could examine issues outside their scope. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The unclear legal status of the Council as a dispute settlement body, which was promoted by the controversial decision of the ICJ on the Qatar Air Blockade case, makes the mechanism under Chapter XVIII of the Chicago Convention highly ineffective. It is doubtful that states, consistently seeking legal certainty, would initiate proceedings in the Council under the existing international legal framework. As a result of the analysis of international legal concepts that propose the modernisation of the Chicago Convention dispute settlement mechanism, the authors conclude that either the establishment of a permanent arbitral institution within the structure of ICAO or the modification of the text of Chapter XVIII of the Chicago Convention so that the ICAO Council would act only as a mediator would be the preferable options. The authors share the position of lawyers who point to the need to negotiate new universal international law norms in the field of air law.
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Webster, Allen L. "The Relationship Between Economic Freedom And Income Equality In The United States". International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 12, n.º 5 (27 de abril de 2013): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v12i5.7822.
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While considerable research in the past has focused on the socioeconomic impact of economic freedom on economic growth among nations, less emphasis has been devoted to the relationship between economic sovereignty and income equality. This is particularly true when the area of focus has been restricted to comparisons among states within the United States. Furthermore, what work has been offered comparing US states has proven to be contradictory. Certain studies reviewed in this paper suggest that higher measures of economic freedom are associated with greater income inequality. On the other hand, evidence exists that less inequality is found in areas with greater economic autonomy. This study uses the Gini Index as measures of income distribution. The Fraser Institute in Vancouver, Canada offers well-respected measures of economic freedom among the US states and the provinces of Canada. These data are used to further examine relationships between state levels of economic freedom and income distribution with the intent to offer some general consensus regarding this all-important association.