Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Environmental mobilisations"

L’étude des mobilisations sociales et institutionnelles nées autour d’un projet d’aménagement urbain – la Zone de l’Union (métropole lilloise, Nord) – permet d’analyser l’évolution théorique de la justice sociale lorsqu’elle se trouve progressivement confrontée aux limites environnementales. Originellement, ces mobilisations sociales étaient éloignées des enjeux spécifiquement écologiques.Mais une lente évolution des revendications s’opère lorsqu’il s’agit de se positionner sur un projet d’ « écoquartier exemplaire » (2006-2022). Nous nous intéresserons au glissement des revendications sociales (fondées sur la justice distributive et la reconnaissance politique) vers des revendications écologiques (élaborées à partir de la confrontation de la justice sociale aux limites environnementales). L’analyse des dispositifs de transformation des discours, des procédures participatives, ainsi que de l’évolution des référentiels théoriques des mobilisations, participe à une réflexion sur les conditions de transformation de la démocratie pluraliste représentative. A travers l’étude de la justice écologique et de ses enjeux, nous proposons de repenser la manière dont les limites environnementales peuvent être intégrées aux pratiques participatives de la démocratie. En nous appuyant sur les travaux de la Green Political Theory, nous montrons également que la justice écologique repose sur une conceptionécocentrée de la justice qui pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie de la démocratie à partir des interdépendances existentielles entre les sphères sociales et écologiques
This work aims at analysing the theoretical evolution of social justice when it is progressively confronted to environmental limits. It is based on the study of the social and institutional movements that arose around an urban planning project – the Union Zone – in the metropolis of Lille, Northern France. These social movements were at first concentrating their claims on issues far from ecologicalconcerns. But a slow evolution of their claims took place when they were confronted to a project of “exemplary eco-district” (2006-2022). This work will focus on the shift from social claims (based on distributive justice and political acknowledgement) to ecological claims (where social justice is confronted to environmental limits). Drawing on an analysis of the transformation of discourses, of the participation procedures, and of the evolution of the theoretical frames used by the social movements, we offer an insight on the conditions of transformation of pluralist representative democracy. This analysis of the issues and purposes of ecological justice aims at reconsidering the way environmentallimits could be incorporated into the participative practices of democracies. Drawing on the field of green political theory, this work also aims at showing that ecological justice lays on an ecocentrist view of justice that could contribute to question the theory of democracy in the light of existentialinterdependences connecting the ecological and the social spheres

A la croisée de l'histoire des sciences et des techniques, de l'histoire environnementale et de l'histoire des mouvements sociaux, cette thèse se propose d'explorer et de faire ressurgir dans divers champs de science (mathématiques, agronomie et sciences naturelles principalement) des voix contestataires à l'industrialisation d'une France encore largement rurale. Elle étudie les économies morales, les cultures épistémiques et les programmes alternatifs de recherche portés par ces scientifiques critiques, ainsi que les mouvements sociaux pour ou par lesquels ils parviennent à se constituer en ressources critiques.Cette recherche interroge le travail cognitif et normatif de scientifiques pour constituer la terre(en tant que milieu biologique, espace cultivé, planète habitable ; ancrage matériel des paysanneries et condition première de l'existence humaine) en objet à défendre durant la période dite des « Trente Glorieuses », qui voit se structurer un nouveau régime de production des savoirs et des artefacts techno scientifiques sous l'égide d'un État modernisateur. A travers l'étude de trois types de critiques (des tracteurs, de l'épuisement des sols, et de la menace globale de destruction de la planète), la thèse met au jour un certains nombre d’alertes, de savoirs, de controverses et de luttes socio-environnementale. Elle s'inscrit là dans une historiographie récente qui revisite le mythe d'une modernisation heureuse et consensuelle, inattentive aux nuisances qu'elle génère
At the crossroads of the history of science and technology, environmental history and thehistory of social movements, this thesis aims to make voices voices against the industrialization ofstill largely rural France heard again, in various fields of science (mainly mathematics, agronomyand natural sciences). I analyse the moral economies, epistemic cultures and alternative researchprogrammes carried out by these critical scientists, as well as the social movements for or throughwhich they manage to constitute themselves as critical resources.This research documents the cognitive and normative work of scientists aimed at constitutingthe earth as an object to be defended during the so-called "Thirty Glorious Years" period (that is, asa biological environment, a cultivated space, a habitable planet; the material anchoring of ruralsocieties and the basic condition of human existence), in the face of a dominant regime of‘modernization’ and of production of technoscientific knowledge under the aegis of a modernizingState. Through the study of three types of issues (tractors, soil depletion, and the threat of globaldestruction of the planet), this thesis shed light on a set of socio-environmental warnings,knowledge, controversies and strugles. It therefore adds to a new historiographic perspective thatrevisits the myth of a happy and consensual modernization, paying little attention to the damages itgenerated

Au cours des années 2000, deux mobilisations parallèles ont contribué à renouveler le paysage de l’écologie politique : la décroissance en France, et les Transition Towns au Royaume-Uni. Nous proposons une approche comparative internationale de ces deux mouvements, d’abord distincts, mais qui se sont progressivement imbriqués à mesure qu’ils s’internationalisaient. Nous nous intéresserons particulièrement à la dimension catastrophiste de ces deux mouvements, entendue comme un mode de pensée politique fondé sur l’anticipation de ruptures écologiques majeures (pic pétrolier, mais aussi réchauffement climatique ou effondrement écosystémique) qui mettraient fin à la version moderne du projet démocratique. Loin de n’être qu’une posture intellectuelle, le catastrophisme s’incarne dans ces mouvements en des pratiques délibératives expérimentales qui invitent à questionner la temporalité continuiste dans laquelle se conçoit généralement la théorie démocratique.L’étude de ces deux mobilisations vise à nourrir une réflexion d’ordre plus théorique sur les outils dont dispose la science politique pour penser l’insertion des communautés politiques dans leur environnement. En nous appuyant sur les travaux pionniers de la green political theory, nous montrerons qu’une théorie politique environnementale pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie démocratique en invitant à la réinsérer dans un contexte de déstabilisation écologique globale
During the 2000’s decade, two social movements, the décroissance movement in France and Transition Towns in the United- Kingdom, have contributed, both in parallel, to a renewal of the green political landscape. This thesis is an international comparative analysis of these two movements, which were first distinct, then progressively overlapped as they evolved to become international. This research will focus in particular on the catastrophist dimension of these two movements, understood as a form of political thought based on the anticipation of major ecological shifts (peak oil, climatechange, ecosystems collapse, etc.) that would put an end to the modern version of the democratic project. Far from being an intellectual framework only, catastrophism also gives rise to experimental deliberative practices that put into question the hypothesis of continuity that generally pervades theories of democracy.The analysis of these two movements aims at proposing new material to provide for a theoretical reflection on the intellectual tools that political science uses to investigate the ecological embeddedness of political communities. Dwelling on the pioneer work of green political theory, we will suggest that a théorie politique environnementale could contribute to reconsider theories of democracy, with an invitation for them to fit within the framework of the global ecological disruption

Cette thèse porte sur les contaminations comme cause d’un dommage et conséquence d’une faute. Elle prend pour terrain deux affaires de santé environnementale, liées pour l’une à la présence d’amiante sur le campus universitaire de Jussieu (Paris) et pour l’autre à la pollution générée par un incinérateur d’ordures ménagères implanté à côté d’Albertville (Savoie). Revenant sur les contestations successives auxquelles ces situations ont donné lieu depuis le milieu des années 1970, la thèse s’intéresse au rôle central joué depuis le milieu des années 1990 par des personnes directement concernées par les risques, qui problématisent les contaminations auxquelles elles sont exposées en termes de dommages évitables, engageant la responsabilité pénale d’une série d’acteurs. La thèse étudie corrélativement les conséquences de ces contestations sur la prise en compte des problèmes amiante et dioxines, à la fois par les administrations en charge de la régulation des toxiques environnementaux et par la justice, chargée de se prononcer sur une éventuelle faute. Elle s’appuie sur l’analyse d’un vaste corpus de documents publiés et d’archives (militantes, administratives et judiciaires), couplée à la conduite d’une quarantaine d’entretiens semi-directifs auprès des acteurs impliqués dans ces dossiers.A partir d’une approche par arène, la thèse explore les différents lieux de définition et de traitement des problèmes soulevés, en accordant une place centrale aux diverses formes d’expertise qui y sont déployées : savoirs mobilisés pour conduire et alimenter la contestation ; savoirs mobilisés pour fonder les décisions publiques ; savoirs mobilisés pour motiver les décisions judiciaires. L’arène des conflits sociaux, l’arène administrative et l’arène pénale sont des espaces régis par des logiques et des enjeux spécifiques que la thèse a pour objet de mettre au jour, sans toutefois en faire des espaces autonomes ou figés. En adoptant une perspective micro-historique, et en s’attachant à décrire les événements au plus près de leur déroulement, l’étude se révèle au contraire capable d’observer comment les arènes interagissent entre elles et comment les règles qui les caractérisent sont susceptibles d’évoluer via le truchement des problèmes posés. L’enquête montre que le degré d’autonomie et d’interconnexion des arènes constitue un point essentiel pour expliquer la trajectoire des affaires étudiées. Celle-ci dépend des interactions qui se nouent, ou à l’inverse ne parviennent pas à se nouer, entre les différentes arènes, mais ces processus opèrent discrètement. A un niveau plus structurel, la thèse montre comment l’arène administrative et l’expertise à finalité politique se transforment sous l’effet des mobilisations et du recours au droit, avec une professionnalisation accrue et le développement de standards d’évaluation des risques – tout en pointant les effets ambivalents que cela peut avoir en termes de reconnaissance des problèmes dénoncés. Elle renseigne enfin sur les mécanismes, propres au droit et aux catégories juridiques, qui rendent difficile la pénalisation de la santé publique, en particulier en raison des réticences du droit à intégrer un raisonnement de type probabiliste pour prouver juridiquement l’existence d’un dommage
This thesis focuses on contaminations as the origin of a damage and the consequence of a fault. It is grounded in two specific cases in environmental health, one connected to the presence of asbestos on the university campus of Jussieu (Paris), the other to the pollution generated by a waste incinerator near Albertville (Savoie). By examining the successive disputes generated by these situations since the mid-70s, the thesis concentrates on the central role played by people directly affected by the risks, from the 1990s onwards, in problematizing the contaminations to which they were exposed in terms of preventable damages, raising the criminal responsibility of a number of key players. The thesis examines how the questions of asbestos and dioxins sanitary impacts have been taken into consideration by the administrations regulating environmental toxics, and by the judicial system, which has to rule on possible misconduct. This work analyses a vast body of published documents and archives (from activists, administrations and the legal system), coupled to over fourty semi-structured interviews with the main stakeholders involved in the cases.Using an analysis based on arenas, the thesis explores the different social spaces where the problems were defined and addressed, placing emphasis on the different forms of expertise developed: the knowledge used to lead and feed the contestations; the knowledge used to guide public decisions; the knowledge used to substantiate judicial decisions. The arena of social conflicts, the arena of the administration and the arena of criminal justice are governed by specific principles and challenges, which are brought to light in this work, without, however, considering them as rigid and autonomous spaces. By adopting a micro-historical perspective, and by closely describing the events as they unfolded, this study reveals how the different arenas interacted with each other, and how the rules that govern them evolved as an effect of these affairs. This investigation shows that the degree of autonomy and interconnexion of these arenas is a crucial point, which can explain the trajectory of the cases studied. This trajectory depends on the interactions that take place - or do not take place - between the different arenas, but these processes operate discreetly. On a more structural level, the thesis shows how the administrative arena and the public policy expertise evolved under the influence of the mobilisations and the use of criminal law, resulting in an increased professionalization and the development of risk assessment standards – while highlighting the ambivalent effects that this may have on the recognition of the issues raised. Finally, this thesis reports on the mechanisms, specific to the law and judicial categories, which make the penalisation of public health difficult, particularly because of the reluctance of French criminal law to adopt a probabilistic type of reasoning to legally prove the existence of a damage

La publication de l’encyclique Laudato Si’ a contribué à la médiatisation du processus de « conversion » de l’Église catholique à l’écologie. Par l’analyse de ce mouvement dans le contexte français, nous entendons isoler les effets structurels de l’intégration du référent écologiste sur une institution religieuse. Trois niveaux d’analyse sont ici adoptés : un niveau philosophique qui traite du discours papal sur l’écologie, un niveau individuel qui s’intéresse à l’identité des militants, et un niveau institutionnel qui évalue la portée du mouvement catholique en faveur de l’écologie. À chacun de ces échelons, l’Église catholique adopte une posture d’accommodement, en mettant l’accent sur la nécessité d’une spiritualisation des enjeux écologistes, qui valorise la relation au détriment de l’individualisme. Légitimé par le Vatican, le mouvement catholique écologiste s’organise ainsi autour d’initiatives locales sous le contrôle bienveillant et souple d’une minorité épiscopale. Cette autonomie acquise par les militants n’affaiblit cependant pas la hiérarchie, certains acteurs trouvant un avantage à perpétrer l’image d’une institution susceptible de répondre aux incertitudes engendrées par nos sociétés. La « conversion » de l’Église à l’écologie génère donc un double mouvement d’individualisation de l’engagement militant et d’implication institutionnelle dans les controverses écologistes. Ce mouvement contraire favorise, assurément, l’institutionnalisation de l’écologie. Mais cette « conversion » ne sera effective que si l’Église s’inscrit dans une quête de cohérence, où le maintien d’une ligne politique sera aussi décisif que la valorisation d’une spiritualité écologiste
The publication of Pope Francis’ encyclical Laudato Si’ contributed to the exposure of the Catholic Church’s “conversion” to ecology. By analysing this emerging movement in the French context, we want to single out the structural effects of the assimilation of environmental concern by a religious institution. Three levels of analysis will be followed: a philosophical, an individual and an institutional one. The first step will evaluate the papal line on ecology, the second will focus on the identity of Catholic ecologist activists, and the third one will assess the scope of the Church’s ecological movement. On each of these aspects, the Catholic Church reach a compromise with postmodern society, emphasizing the need for a spiritualization of ecological stakes, which values relationship at the expense of individualism. Legitimized by the Vatican, the Catholic ecological movement is organized around local initiatives under the soft control of the episcopate. However, this autonomy acquired by the activists doesn’t weaken the hierarchy of the Church, since militants find an advantage in preserving the image of an institution capable of responding to the uncertainties caused by our societies. The Church “conversion” to ecology thus generates an individualization of militant commitment along with institutional involvement in environmental controversies. These contrary motions certainly promote the institutionalization of environmental concern. Nevertheless, this “conversion” will only be effective if the Church is incorporated within the framework of a quest for greater consistency, where policy making will be as important as the value of spirituality

Aux États-Unis, les villes connaissent une crise urbaine qui se manifeste par l’existence de quartiers centraux détériorés, concentrant les minorités pauvres. Les quartiers de Jefferson-Mack (Detroit) et Hunts Point (South Bronx, New York) en sont des archétypes. Ils sont pourtant animés par d’importantes mobilisations civiques, se focalisant sur des questions environnementales et alimentaires. Le but de ce travail est d’évaluer le potentiel d’initiatives environnementales et alimentaires à améliorer les conditions de vie des habitants des inner cities. La première partie, en mobilisant un corpus d’études urbaines, présente ces quartiers comme les produits d’une crise urbaine structurelle. Nous mettons en évidence que les habitants y subissent une « crise urbaine de l’habiter », dans laquelle les nuisances, les pollutions et le manque d’accessibilité aux ressources environnementales et alimentaires, sont déterminants pour comprendre l’essor des mobilisations. La deuxième partie explique le rôle des mobilisations civiques environnementales et alimentaires dans ces quartiers. En nous appuyant sur les corpus de la justice environnementale et alimentaire, nous démontrons que l’hybridation des questions environnementales, alimentaires, sociales et spatiales a reconfiguré l’action collective. La troisième partie analyse les enjeux de la réappropriation du territoire, à partir du corpus des commons studies. À travers le cas de l’agriculture urbaine et d’autres pratiques établies sur des espaces vacants, nous montrons que la réappropriationdu territoire procure de multiples bénéfices. Loin d’être cantonnée aux domaines environnementaux et alimentaires, elle permet d’améliorer partiellement – mais non sans heurts – les conditions de l’habiter
American cities are still affected by the urban crisis, patent through the existence of low-income inner city neighborhoods, concentrating the urban poor and ethnic minorities. The neighborhoods of Jefferson-Mack (Detroit) and Hunts Point (South Bronx, New York) are both considered icons of the urban crisis. Yet they witness substantial environmental and food justice activism. The purpose of this thesis is to understand how grassroots environmental and food practices can be used to improve living conditions for inner city communities. The first section analyzes how these two blighted neighborhoods are products of a structural urban crisis. By using a corpus of urban studies on urban decline, we demonstrate how the daily lives of residents reveal a “crisis of urban living” in which noxious uses and pollution as well as limited environmental and food access are key factors triggering grassroots activism. The second section is grounded in a corpus of studies on environmental and food justice, in order to explore the role of environmental and food justice activism in these neighborhoods. We defend that the hybridity between environmental, food, social and spatial issues reconfigured grassroots activism. The third section mobilizes a corpus of commons studies to analyze the challenges of reclaiming urban space. By studying the rise of urban agriculture and other environmental amenities occurring on vacant land, we explore the multiple benefits of community urban space reclamation. Beyond environmental and food benefits, and despitesome conflicting issues, reclaiming urban space allows transformative processes to noticeably yet incompletely improve living conditions

Cette thèse étudie les conséquences ou les « échos » du mouvement social « Gezi Park » entre 2013 et 2018. Elle cherche à saisir les impacts sur le plan biographique, organisationnel et politique (culture politique) à travers l’étude de deux collectifs écologistes fondés au lendemain du mouvement : Défense des Forêts du Nord (Kuzey Ormanları Savunması) et Collectif de vélo Don Quichotte (Don Kişot Bisiklet Kolektifi). L’enquête est composée d’observations participantes et de 45 entretiens semi-directifs menés à Istanbul entre 2016 et 2018. Les collectifs de lutte étudiés agissent dans et pour l’espace urbain de la ville d’Istanbul à différentes échelles et se consacrent à des luttes spécifiques. Ils se situent strictement en dehors de la politique institutionnelle, ce qui signifie qu’ils refusent de participer et de coordonner toutes sortes d’actions avec des formations militantes ayant des liens avec les acteurs partisans. Cette étude interroge les dynamiques de politisation multiples, à la fois des individus et des actions des collectifs de lutte. Elle cherche à comprendre comment et par quel chemin les acteurs finissent par être engagés dans ces collectifs de lutte écologistes. Quel est le sens politique, d’après eux, de leur engagement politique dans l’après-mouvement Gezi ? Comment et par quelles modalités qualifient-ils leurs actions de politique, contestataire et écologiste ? Après une introduction qui situe le mouvement Gezi dans l’histoire des luttes écologistes et le relie à une contestation plus large sur la nature et l’idéologie développementaliste de l’Etat turc, la thèse s’organise en deux parties. Elle commence par suivre la trajectoire politique des enquêtés afin d’analyser les conséquences biographiques du mouvement Gezi et de montrer dans quelle mesure, et selon quelles modalités, ces conséquences engendrent ou non des bifurcations, des ruptures, des (re)négociations dans leurs différentes sphères de vie. Son objectif est de comprendre comment et par quels chemins les enquêtés sont amenés à s’investir, durablement, dans les collectifs écologistes post-Gezi au sein d’un contexte socio-politique intense marqué par plusieurs bouleversements et crises politiques entre 2015 et 2018. Elle s’efforce également de montrer comment les enquêtés se retrouvent impliqués dans des dynamiques d’engagement, de désengagement et de réengagement tout en prenant des chemins différents. À la lumière de ces trajectoires individuelles, la thèse donne ensuite à voir la trajectoire collective cette fois-ci à travers le travail mené par les militants dans la définition des enjeux, des revendications, des alliés/adversaires, des actions à adopter, du langage à employer. Ensuite, les registres d’actions contestataires sont analysés à travers les luttes contre les « mégaprojets » du troisième pont et du troisième aéroport tout comme leurs évolutions à l’aune du contexte social et politique. Entre 2013 et 2015, la thèse montre l’importance croissante des modes d’action liés à l’espace, à la dimension matérielle et locale des lieux défendus afin de mettre en évidence comment l’écologie et l’espace urbain se trouvent imbriqués l’un à l’autre dans les registres d’actions des collectifs qui proposent une nouvelle définition et une nouvelle compréhension de ce qui est considéré comme l’espace urbain de la ville d’Istanbul. Ce travail souhaite mettre en évidence la mise en place de différentes stratégies et interroge les registres d’actions qui font l’objet, à partir de 2015, d’adaptation et de discours de justification et de légitimation face au changement de contexte politique. Cette thèse peut contribuer à la littérature de la sociologie des mobilisations écologistes et urbaines et du processus de (dé)politisation des actions collectives ainsi qu’aux études sur les conséquences des mouvements sociaux
This thesis studies the consequences or "echoes" of the "Gezi Park" social movement between 2013 and 2018. It seeks to capture the biographical, organizational and political (political culture) impacts through the study of two environmentalist activist groups founded in the aftermath of the Gezi movement: Defense of Northern Forests (Kuzey Ormanları Savunması) and Don Quixote Cycling Collective (Don Kişot Bisiklet Kolektifi). This research is based on participant observations and 45 semi-structured interviews conducted in Istanbul between 2016 and 2018. The activist groups studied act in and for the urban space of the city of Istanbul at different scales and are dedicated to specific struggles. They situate themselves strictly outside institutional politics, which means they refuse to participate and coordinate any kind of actions with militant formations with links to partisan actors. This study examines the multiple dynamics of politicization, both of individuals and the actions of activist groups. It seeks to understand how and by what path actors end up being involved in these environmentalist activist groups. What is the political meaning of their involvement in the post-Gezi movements? How and in what ways do they describe their actions as political, dissident and environmental? After an introduction that situates the Gezi movement in the history of environmentalist struggles and links it to a broader contestation over the nature and developmentalist ideology of the Turkish state, the thesis is organized in two parts. It begins by following the political trajectory of the interviewees in order to analyze the biographical consequences of the Gezi movement and to show to what extent, and in what ways, these consequences do or do not engender bifurcations, ruptures and (re)negotiations in their various spheres of life. Its aim is to understand how and by what paths the respondents are led to invest themselves, sustainably, in post-Gezi environmentalist activist groups within an intense socio-political context marked by several political upheavals and crises between 2015 and 2018. It also endeavors to show how the respondents find themselves involved in dynamics of engagement, disengagement and reengagement while taking different paths.In the light of these individual trajectories, the thesis then looks at the collective trajectory, through the work carried out by activists in defining issues, demands, allies/adversaries, actions to be taken and language to be used. Next, the modes of protest actions are analyzed through the mobilizations against the "megaprojects" of the third bridge and the third airport, as well as their evolution in the light of the social and political context. Between 2013 and 2015, the thesis shows the growing importance of modes of action linked to “space”, to the material and local dimensions of the places defended, in order to highlight how ecology and urban space find themselves intertwined in the collective actions of activist groups proposing a new definition and understanding of what is considered urban space in the city of Istanbul. The aim of this work is to highlight the implementation of different militant strategies and to question the modes of political action that, from 2015 onwards, have been the subject of adaptation and discourses of justification and legitimization in the face of the changing political context. This thesis can contribute to the literature on the sociology of environmental and urban mobilizations and the process of politicization of collective actions, as well as to studies on the consequences of social movements

Au sein de l'industrie vinicole actuelle, un changement de paradigme est en cours alors que de plus en plus de vignerons remettent en question les pratiques conventionnelles fordistes et les techniques viticoles intensives. Pourtant, cette rupture avec le modèle industriel reste confinée à une cohorte restreinte de producteurs, de vignerons pionniers qui transforment la production de vin en défendant la protection de l'environnement, le soin écologique, la viticulture à petite échelle et le renouveau de l'artisanat. Ces pratiques alternatives se manifestent par l'émergence du mouvement des vins nature, un segment de niche du marché du vin qui a attiré l’attention des professionnels du vin, des médias spécialisés et des critiques internationaux, suscitant des réactions vives de toutes parts. Cette recherche part de l'absence de définition technique du vin nature, l'examinant non pas comme un produit ni une marchandise, mais comme un mouvement social de résistance et une évolution du marché. Cette recherche doctorale repose sur trois hypothèses clés. Premièrement, j'affirme que le mouvement des vins nature agit comme une plateforme de résistance et d'innovations radicales, notamment pour les petits vignerons indépendants qui en faisant émerger un nouveau cadre cognitif créent un précédent au sein d'une industrie hautement normée, réglementée et symboliquement chargée. Deuxièmement, je soutiens que le mouvement des vins nature est apparu dans toutes les régions viticoles, tant dans ce qu'on appelle la « Vieille Europe » que le « Nouveau Monde ». Par conséquent, le mouvement des vins nature peut être considéré comme un réseau transnational avec une identité internationale qui traverse les régions viticoles et une diversité d'ancrages locaux. Troisièmement, je soutiens que le réseau des vins nature permet un projet politique de diffusion de nouveaux savoirs et savoir-faire dans le secteur vinicole, en proposant des voies alternatives de productions et en présentant des techniques innovantes tout le long de la chaine de valeur du vin. Dans cette perspective, le réseau des vins nature se pose en agent de changement progressif mais structurel au sein de l'industrie vinicole. Adoptant une perspective à la croisée entre la sociologie politique et l’économie politique, et utilisant des méthodes qualitatives, y compris des entretiens et des observations, ainsi que l'analyse des réseaux sociaux, cette étude explore l'émergence du mouvement des vins nature dans deux régions viticoles distinguées : la province du Cap-Occidental en Afrique du Sud et la région de Bordeaux en France
Within the current wine industry, a paradigm shift is underway as winemakers increasingly question conventional Fordist practices and intensive viticulture techniques. Yet, this departure from the industrial model remains confined to a select cohort of trailblazing winemakers who are reshaping wine production by championing environmental stewardship, ecological care, small-scale viticulture, and renewed craftsmanship. These alternative practices manifest through the emergence of the natural wine movement, a niche segment of the wine market that has attracted tremendous attention from wine professionals, specialised media and critics internationally, provoking some acute reactions from all ends of the wine spectrum. This research departs from the absence of a technical definition for natural wine, examining it not as a product, nor a commodity, but as a social movement. The doctoral study is grounded in three key hypotheses. First, I assert that the natural wine movement acts as a platform for resistance and radical innovations, particularly for small independent winemakers, setting a precedent within an industry that is highly normed, regulated, and symbolically charged. Second, I argue that the Natural Wine Movement has surfaced in all wine regions, both from the so-called Old and New World. Consequently, the natural wine movement can be considered a transnational network with a diversity of local anchors yet supporting an international identity that cuts across wine regions. Third, I contend that the natural wine network allows for a political project of knowledge production throughout the wine sector at large, offering alternative ways of producing and showcasing innovations. In this perspective, the natural wine network becomes an agent for incremental yet structural change within the wine industry. Adopting an approach at the crossroads between political sociology and political economy, and employing qualitative methods, including interviews and observations, and social network analysis, this study delves into the emergence of the natural wine movement in two distinguished wine regions: the Western Cape Province in South Africa and the Bordeaux region in France

Manmade climate change has expressed a plethora of complex effects on Earth's biogeochemical compartments. Climate change may also affect the mobilisation of natural metal sources, with potential ecological consequences beyond mountains' geographical limits; however, this question has remained largely unexplored. We investigated this by analysing a number of key climatic factors in relationship with trace metal accumulation in the sediment core of a Pyrenean lake. The sediment metal contents showed increasing accumulation trend over time, and their levels varied in step with recent climate change. The findings further revealed that a rise in the elevation of freezing level, a general increase in the frequency of drier periods, changes in the frequency of winter freezing days and a reducing snow cover since the early 1980s, together are responsible for the observed variability and augmented accumulation of trace metals. Our results provide clear evidence of increased mobilisation of natural metal sources - an overlooked effect of climate change on the environment. With further alterations in climate equilibrium predicted over the ensuing decades, it is likely that mountain catchments in metamorphic areas may become significant sources of trace metals, with potentially harmful consequences for the wider environment.

This thesis asks ‘what does Europeanisation mean for the strategies and practices of grassroots green groups in Europe?’ and aims to identify the conditions under which these groups become ‘europeanised’. I identify three process of europeanisation: direct europeanisation – when an actor connects directly to the EU, indirect europeanisation – when an actor connects to a europeanised member state and passive europeanisation – when actors europeanise outside of state mechanisms. The grassroots green movement has largely evaded studies of europeanisation and so it is through examining europeanisation at this ‘base’ level, closest to the citizens, that this research makes an original contribution to our understanding of the variables that mediate the process of europeanisation and to our understanding of grassroots green activism in Europe. This thesis takes its analytical framework from social movement theory and uses political opportunity structures and frames as domains in which it looks for evidence of europeanisation. Within these domains I distinguish between European and europeanised activity, teasing out the role of the nation state in mediating europeanisation at a grassroots level. Two cases are examined: anti-road protest and anti-GM protest in Britain, France and Italy between the period 2007-2010. This thesis demonstrates that there is some evidence of europeanisation within grassroots green groups. It encourages a more nuanced understanding of europeanisation as a process that can occur outside the state and amongst actors who do not seek to impact the EU. It finds that both strategic and ideological considerations shape the political opportunity structures to which movements direct themselves. It also finds that the fit between the frames used in protest and the national masterframes is a powerful variable in explaining the extent of social movement europeanisation.

Humanity currently faces an existential crisis: anthropogenic climate change. In order to guarantee our survival on a stable planet, immediate mitigation and adaption strategies must be implemented. However, institutions are failing to live up to the task and a concrete action plan is currently non-existent, as climate governance struggles with fragmentation, commitment, and challenges posed by neoliberalism. Since the top-down approach is insufficient, extra-institutional actors are arising as leaders for the environmental agenda.  This study narrows down on Greta Thunberg and assesses her capacity in leading the climate movement. The applicability of frame theory (Benford and Snow, 2000) will be tested to understand the mobilisation potential of Greta’s discourse. The main focus of this examination is to analyse how Greta has used diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational collective action frames in order to place the limelight on the seriousness of climate change and correspondingly how this has led to civil society mobilisation. Through a discourse analysis of her speeches, it was discovered that the framing perspective plays a role in meaning construction for the movement.

Microphytobenthos (MPB), a mixed community of microscopic, photosynthetic organisms, algae and cyanobacteria, inhabiting the top few millimetres of bottom sediment, is a key component of intertidal mudflats. It accounts for a significant proportion of estuarine primary production, forms the base of the food chain and influences sediment distribution and resuspension (through production of extracellular polymeric substances (EPS)). Diatoms dominate the microphytobenthos community in the mid-latitudes of the Northern Hemisphere. Estuarine sediments, are a sink for metal contaminants derived from fluvial, marine and atmospheric sources. Whilst metal releases to estuaries have declined in recent years due to increased regulation and declining industrial activity, metals previously discharged and which are now locked up in saltmarsh sediments remain a concern. For example, there are indications that saltmarshes are already being eroded, due to climate change related sea level rise, in some locations. This erosion may result in the redistribution of historically contaminated sediment to locations, such as the mudflats, where it is more available to biota, such as the MPB. In addition to causing redistribution, climate change effects, such as increasing temperatures and storminess, may also alter the bioavailability of metals to MPB. Increased concentrations of metals within the MPB could potentially increase their transfer to higher organisms through the food chain with potential impacts for biota. Whilst planktonic algae have been well studied with respect to metal uptake from the water column, there has been little research involving MPB and uptake of metals from sediment. The extent to which contaminant uptake by microphytobenthic algae occurs and under what conditions is therefore poorly understood. The research presented uses laboratory, mesocosm and field studies, to gain an understanding of processes governing metal bioavailability and mechanisms for uptake from sediment to the diatoms of the MPB under the complex and variable conditions of intertidal mudflats. A laboratory study using a single diatom species Cylindrotheca closterium found that uptake of cadmium (Cd) varied with sediment properties revealing the importance of sediment particle size and organic matter content in metal bioavailability to diatoms. Additionally, this study showed that the presence of diatoms altered Cd partitioning between sediment, overlying and pore water. Specifically there was an increase in Cd in the overlying and pore water when diatoms were present, indicating that diatoms mobilise metals from the sediment to the water column potentially increasing metal bioavailability to other biota. A study was conducted using an intertidal mesocosm to increase the realism of the study system and examine uptake to a natural MPB community. Diatoms were found to have higher concentrations of all the metals analysed (except tin) than other types of algae (filamentous and sheet macroalgae), confirming their importance as a study organism with respect to metal uptake and potential mobilisation through the food chain. Sediment disturbance was shown to increase metal uptake (iron, aluminium, vanadium and lead) from the sediment to algae. This is of concern due to predicted increases in storminess which are likely to increase sediment disturbance, with the likelihood that uptake of metals to diatoms will increase in the future. However, there were also indications of an antagonistic effect of temperature on disturbance, whilst disturbance increased bioavailability and uptake, increasing temperatures reduced uptake of some metals. This highlights the importance of considering the effects of multiple stressors in complex systems. Field studies showed that concentrations of some metals were related to their position on the mudflat whilst others were related to sampling date, indicating that there may be seasonal controls, such as to the presence of greater diatom biomass in spring and autumn, on metal uptake from the sediment. The research conducted has increased understanding of metal uptake to microphytobenthic diatoms from sediment and the influence they have in transferring metals from sediment to water, however the research also raises a number of new questions. For example, there appeared to be a link between sediment organic matter content and bioavailability of metals to diatoms, although the relative contribution of the diatoms, other algae, cyanobacteria and EPS to the sediment organic matter warrants further investigation. Furthermore, it has shown that the use of laboratory and mesocosm studies for this type of research can produce similar outcomes to those observed in the field but under more controlled and easily manipulated conditions, although field studies will continue to be vital in improving understanding of metals availability and transfer.

A massive open-cast coal mine was proposed for Phulbari in 1994, with the support of the government and international financial organisations. Threatened by displacement, the apparently powerless community mobilised against the mine. Allied with the national and the transnational activist organisations, they successfully stopped the mine. This remarkable success is the subject of the thesis. This resistance is compared quantitatively with the incidence of protests in 397 other mines in the South Asia. Predictors of protest include density of population, proportion of area under forest cover, and ownership by a multinational company. These factors alone would predict a high probability of protest in Phulbari. To understand how the resistance unfolded and why it was successful, the thesis relies on ethnographic evidence. I conducted participant observation and interviewed sixty-four individuals in Phulbari and Dhaka in Bangladesh and in London. Mobilisation against the mine can be explained in part by dialogic framing. Local challengers continuously opposed the dominant discourse of development. Crucially, they shifted their identity to legitimize their opposition to the mine by tagging it with nationalism. As a result, local resistance established links with national left-wing activists. Mobilisation culminated in a mass march of 70,000 in 2006, which was fired on by government forces, with several casualties. Repression failed to quail the resistance. Continued mobilisation was motivated by emotional responses like anger, and facilitated by cultural practices like the obligatory funeral procession. Media reports of the repression catapulted the resistance on to the global stage. This alone is not sufficient to explain the formation of a transnational alliance against the mine. This was maintained by the presence of a large community of Bangladeshi living in Britain, and the mediating role of the left-wing activists in Bangladesh; both groups could translate between locals and western NGOs. This transnational coalition impeded the mining company by targeting international financial organisations, Western governments, the government of Bangladesh, and investors in London. As a result, the company’s share price has collapsed and there seems little prospect of the project proceeding.

Mercury (Hg) cannot be degraded. Therefore only two principal processes are available for the treatment of Hg-contaminated soil: (1) the separation of Hg from the soil or (2) the stabilisation of Hg within the soil. Prior to selecting a suitable treatment technique, it is necessary to have an understanding of Hg behaviour in contaminated soil, i.e., distribution in particle size fractions, dissolution at different pH and in the presence of chlorides, and mobilisation using various extractants. The thesis aims to evaluate the potential for applying soil washing to decontaminate the Hg-contaminated soil. The Hg contamination originated from inappropriate waste disposal, chlor-alkali process and harbour activities, and the soil was also polluted by other trace elements, i.e., Zn, Cu and Pb, etc. The soil was fractionated from fine to coarse particles to study the effectiveness of physical separation. A pH-static titration ranging from pH 3 to 11 was performed to assess the mobility of Hg in response to pH changes. The chloride influence on Hg mobilisation was studied using an HCl solution of different concentrations as the leachant. Batch leaching tests were used to evaluate Hg solubility in water, and extraction efficiency by various extractants. The extractants derived from wastes were acidogenic leachates generated from biodegradable wastes, and alkaline leachates produced from fly/bottom ashes. The studied soil consisted of dominant coarse-grained fractions, which is usually suitable for particle size separation. However, dry sieving has been shown to be insufficient to separate clean from contaminated soil fractions although the Hg concentrations decreased with increasing particle sizes. The reasons are likely to be: (i) the physical attachment of fines to coarse particles; (ii) the strong chemical bond of soil organic matter (OM) and minerals for Hg. Distilled water could barely mobilise the Hg from the soil, most likely due to firm chemical bonding between the soil and Hg. Despite the fact that enhanced Hg dissolution was observed at pH 5 and 11 in this study, soil washing by pH adjustment was insufficient for Hg removal. The introduction of chlorides did not facilitate the Hg mobilisation either. Retention of Hg in the soil by OM seemed to be predominant over Hg mobilisation by chlorides. Chemical extraction by leachates from wastes as well as EDTA solution and NaOH solutions showed that neither alkaline nor acidic leachates could facilitate Hg removal from the soil. Mercury was firmly bound in the soil matrix and no more than 1.5% of the total Hg could be removed by any of the tested extractants. Future research should therefore focus on the development of Hg immobilisation techniques.

Godkänd; 2013; 20130904 (xuajin); Tillkännagivande licentiatseminarium 2013-10-07 Nedanstående person kommer att hålla licentiatseminarium för avläggande av teknologie licentiatexamen. Namn: Jingying Xu Ämne: Avfallsteknik/Waste Science and Technology Uppsats: Feasibility Study of Soil Washing to Remediate Mercury Contaminated Soil Examinator: Associate Professor, Lecturer Jurate Kumpiene, Institutionen för samhällsbyggnad och naturresurser, Luleå tekniska universitet Diskutant: Associate Professor, Chalmers; Dep. Director General, SGI Bo Lind, Swedish Geotechnical Institute (SGI), Göteborg Tid: Tisdag den 29 oktober 2013 kl 14.30 Plats: F531, Luleå tekniska universitet

Denna studie är en fallstudie av Equmeniakyrkans kampanj Klimatfastan, där de under 40 dagar uppmanade medarbetare och medlemmar att se över sitt klimatavtryck och göra beteendeförändringar utifrån detta. Tidigare forskning visar att religiösa miljöaktioner skiljer sig från sekulära miljöaktioner gällande metoder, fokus och budskap. Studien ämnaratt undersöka hur Klimatfastan genomfördes, vilka effekter kampanjen hade påmedlemmars miljömedvetna beteende samt vilka svårigheter och framgångsfaktorer som kunde identifieras. För attkunna dra slutsatser utifrån ett bredare perspektiv, undersöktes den nationella organisationen och en lokal församling i Equmeniakyrkan. Materialet som användes för att besvara studiens frågeställningar bestod av tre intervjuer med Equmeniakyrkans personal, en enkät riktad till en lokal församling och ett internt dokument. Resultatet visar att Equmeniakyrkansanvändning av resurser förstärktes genom användning av vad Bomberg och Hague (2018) definierar som andliga resursergenom hela processen. Detta identifierades som en framgångsfaktor för kampanjen. En skillnad mellan den nationella organisationen och den lokala församlingen var möjligheten att förutse och hantera hinder för medlemmarnas deltagande i kampanjen.
This is acase study that examines the UnitingChurch in Sweden ́s (UCS) campaign “Klimatfastan” (Climate Fasting), during which members were encouraged to examine their carbon footprints and make lifestyle changes accordingly for40 days. Previous research shows that religious environmental groups differ from secular groups when it comes to methods, focus areas and messages. The aim of this study was to examine how the Climate Fastingwas implemented, which effects the campaign had on members’ pro-environmental behaviour,and which strengths and weaknesses the campaign had. To be able to draw conclusions based on a wider perspective, the campaign was examined through the lens of the national organisation and a local congregation. The material used to answer the study’s research questions consisted of three interviews with staff at UCS, a survey answered bymembers of a local congregation,and an internal document. The results show that UCS ́s use of resources was enhanced by the use of what Bomberg and Hague (2018) define asspiritual resourcesthroughout the campaign. This was identified as a strength. A difference between the national organisation and the local congregation was the ability to identify and counteract barriers for members’ participation in the campaign.

Dans un essai qui aurait tout aussi bien pu s'intituler « L'islam chiite entre la politique et la religion, le cas du Liban », une analyse de l'islam politique demeure nécessaire pour mettre la lumière sur la différence entre islamisme et religion musulmane. Avec un peu moins de deux milliards de musulmans dans le monde, la religion musulmane est devenue la première religion pratiquée dans le monde actuel. Le dynamique de cette religion a permis la création d'un immense empire aux populations hétérogènes. Ainsi que, la coexistence entre religion et régime politique a provoquée de véritables luttes armées entre les grandes familles politico-religieuses, notamment le sunnisme et le chiisme. Le sunnisme ayant souvent l'étiquette d'orthodoxie a gardé cette aspect alors que le chiisme devint autres chose ce qu'il était à l'origine, lorsqu'on y voyait seulement le parti qui s'était rassemblé autour d'Ali ibn Abî Tâlib, cousin et gendre du prophète Mohammad. Dans ses quelques traitements de la doctrine islamique nous constatons que ces familles politico-religieuses, tant sunnites que chiites, proliférèrent les unes à côté des autres en même temps qu'elles se combattirent et souvent se condamnèrent réciproquement. Ceci est dû au fait qu'en l'islam, il n'y a jamais eu de pouvoir interprétatif qualifié, individuel ou collégial capable de s'imposer sans conteste.L'effondrement de l'Empire Ottoman donna l'occasion à la France et la Grande-Bretagne de partager le monde arabe sur la base des fameux accords Sykes-picot. La France va restructurer les territoires syrien et libanais, elle établit la structure constitutionnelle confessionnelle complexe du Liban, faisant du pays de Cèdre le plus grand laboratoire du communautarisme. Dans le Liban d'après-guerre, le communautarisme va de soi, il reflète l'état de la société et celle de la conciliation entre spécificités confessionnelle et principe fondamental de l'Etat nation. Le communautarisme libanais va évoluer à travers des mutations économiques, sociales et politiques, notamment chez la communauté chiite. Nous présenterons l'évolution de la communauté chiite dans cet environnement, ainsi que le rôle fondamental joué par Moussa el-Sadr dans la libération de la communauté chiite. Son objectif étant une réaction à la conscience politique du «Metwali». Sa première action était la lutte contre les inégalités sociales et devait s'engager avec l'Etat libanais dans une série d'affrontements qui couvraient souvent un aspect spectaculaire: grève générale en 1970, avertissement au gouvernement et à la réunion de 1974 à Baalbeck que Moussa-El -Sadr a annoncé la naissance du mouvement AMAL. Ce mouvement joue un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique libanaise. Enfin, nous consacrons une partie de ce travail à l'émergence d'une milice radicale pro-iranienne chiite, le Hezbollah, qui a pénétré le système politique libanais. Sa place est privilégiée à cause de ses succès dans la résistance contre Israël, de ses actions sociales et humaines et de ses organisations. La timide participation du « parti de Dieu » au parlement libanais constituait un premier pas vers la « libanisation » du parti. En 2012, le parti chiite annonce sa participation aux combats en Syrie à côté de l'armée de Bachar el-Assad, freinant ainsi le processus de libanisation. Le Hezbollah devient un des acteurs incontournables de la géopolitique du Moyen Orient et retourne en force sur la scène politique libanaise pour s'inscrire dans le cadre d'un chiisme politique international
In an essay that might as well have been entitled "Shia Islam between politics and religion, the case of Lebanon", an analysis of political Islam remains necessary to shed light on the difference between Islamism and religion Muslim. With just under two billion Muslims in the world, the Muslim religion has become the first religion practiced in the world today.The dynamics of this religion allowed the creation of an immense empire with heterogeneous populations. As well as, the coexistence between religion and political regime provoked real armed struggles between the big politico-religious families, notably Sunnism and Shiism.Sunnism often had the label of orthodoxy, but Shiism became something else that it was originally when one saw only the party that had gathered around Ali ibn Abi. Tâlib, cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Mohammad. In his few treatments of Islamic doctrine we find that these politico-religious families, both Sunni and Shiite, proliferated alongside each other at the same time that they fought each other and often condemned each other. This is due to the fact that in Islam there has never been a qualified, individual or collegiate interpretative power capable of imposing itself unquestionably.The collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave France and Britain the opportunity to share the Arab world on the basis of the famous Sykes-picot agreements. France will restructure the Syrian and Lebanese territories, it establishes the complex confessional constitutional structure of Lebanon, making the country of Cedar the largest laboratory of communitarianism. In post-war Lebanon, communitarianism is self-evident, reflecting the state of society and the reconciliation of confessional specificities with the fundamental principle of the nation-state. Lebanese communitarianism will evolve through economic, social and political changes, especially among the Shia community.We will present the evolution of the Shiite community in this environment, as well as the fundamental role played by Moussa el-Sadr in the liberation of the Shia community. His goal is a reaction to the political conscience of "Metwali". Its first action was the fight against social inequalities and was to engage with the Lebanese State in a series of clashes that often covered a spectacular aspect: general strike in 1970, warning to the government and to the 1974 meeting in Baalbeck that Moussa-El -Sadr announced the birth of the AMAL movement. This movement plays a vital role in Lebanese politics. Finally, we devote part of this work to the emergence of a radical pro-Iranian Shiite militia, Hezbollah, which has penetrated the Lebanese political system. His place is privileged because of his successes in the resistance against Israel, his social and human actions and his organizations. The timid participation of the "party of God" in the Lebanese parliament was a first step towards the "libanization" of the party. In 2012, the Shiite party announced its participation in the fighting in Syria next to the army of Bashar al-Assad, thus curbing the process of Lebanization. Hezbollah becomes one of the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East and returns in force on the Lebanese political scene to be part of an international political Shiism

The central focus of this thesis is the role of narratives in the construction, mobilisation and validation of scientific knowledge claims. With an epistemological commitment to constructivism, which conceptualises scientific knowledge as the product of a process (and not something revealed), the regulatory domain of impact assessment in respect of Basslink, a 350 kilometre power cable that will link Tasmania to the Australian mainland across Bass Strait, has been used as a case study to undertake the task of tracing the translations that intervened between assessment process inputs and outputs - contributions deemed 'scientific' and 'independent' by the project's proponents and supporters. Specifically, the knowledge claims tendered by Hydro Tasmania, Tasmania's hydro-electricity generator, in respect of predicted environmental impacts on the Gordon River arising from changes to river flows required to generate and export hydro-electricity across Basslink, have been examined. The central epistemological question has been how, given the extent of the contingencies and indeterminacies in predictive economic and environmental modelling inputs and outputs used to substantiate the impacts and benefits of Basslink (which have been detailed in the thesis), was Hydro Tasmania's case in support of the development made durable and, thereby, legitimated by the decision-making body charged with the task of assessing the project. This study follows Hydro Tasmania's knowledge claims in respect of the Gordon River impacts through the process and demonstrates the pivotal role of narratives and the extent to which they can bridge empirical gaps, explain and obscure inconsistencies, erase unexpected model outputs, contextualise findings and mobilise ontological claims. The tension between the fulfilment of disclosure requirements upon proponents by means of 'scientific facts'and the extent to which issues such as trust, accountability and past track record, bear upon people's uptake of these 'facts' is also examined in this work.

The central focus of this thesis is the role of narratives in the construction, mobilisation and validation of scientific knowledge claims. With an epistemological commitment to constructivism, which conceptualises scientific knowledge as the product of a process (and not something revealed), the regulatory domain of impact assessment in respect of Basslink, a 350 kilometre power cable that will link Tasmania to the Australian mainland across Bass Strait, has been used as a case study to undertake the task of tracing the translations that intervened between assessment process inputs and outputs - contributions deemed 'scientific' and 'independent' by the project's proponents and supporters. Specifically, the knowledge claims tendered by Hydro Tasmania, Tasmania's hydro-electricity generator, in respect of predicted environmental impacts on the Gordon River arising from changes to river flows required to generate and export hydro-electricity across Basslink, have been examined. The central epistemological question has been how, given the extent of the contingencies and indeterminacies in predictive economic and environmental modelling inputs and outputs used to substantiate the impacts and benefits of Basslink (which have been detailed in the thesis), was Hydro Tasmania's case in support of the development made durable and, thereby, legitimated by the decision-making body charged with the task of assessing the project. This study follows Hydro Tasmania's knowledge claims in respect of the Gordon River impacts through the process and demonstrates the pivotal role of narratives and the extent to which they can bridge empirical gaps, explain and obscure inconsistencies, erase unexpected model outputs, contextualise findings and mobilise ontological claims. The tension between the fulfilment of disclosure requirements upon proponents by means of 'scientific facts'and the extent to which issues such as trust, accountability and past track record, bear upon people's uptake of these 'facts' is also examined in this work.

The application of substantial quantities of phosphorus (P) has been required to increase productivity on many Australian soils. Unfortunately, these applications have often resulted in increased concentrations of P in surface runoff that contributes to excessive algal growth in surface waters and consequently a decline in their quality. The concentrations of P in runoff from intensively managed pastures are often high (1-5 mg/L) and typically at least an order of magnitude higher than water quality targets. Although a substantial amount of research has been devoted to the problem of P accumulation and mobilisation in arable systems ( in which P is typically mobilised by the action of raindrop impact and subsequently transported in particulate form ), there has been substantially less research in intensively managed pasture systems. Consequently, there is a paucity of knowledge concerning the fundamental processes and factors responsible for P in runoff from these systems and a dearth of truly effective remedial strategies. In this thesis, the accumulation of P in soil under intensively managed pastures used for dairying and the processes responsible for its mobilisation in surface runoff were investigated. This research was undertaken at two research sites in South - east Australia, i.e. Camden in New South Wales and Flaxley in South Australia. A number of factors relating to scale and hydrology may influence the processes of P mobilisation and its concentration in runoff. A comparison was made of the forms and concentrations of P in runoff between a typical rainfall simulation methodology and large runoff plots. The effect of rainfall intensity on the forms and concentrations of P was also investigated. The concentrations of P in runoff from small - scale, high - intensity rainfall simulations were on average 33 % lower than those from large plots ( approximating hillslopes ) although the processes of mobilisation ( as evidenced by runoff P forms ) were similar. Increasing rainfall intensity resulted in decreasing P concentrations, but similar forms of P. It was hypothesised that changes in hydrological characteristics ( residence time and depth of runoff ) were responsible for the differences in the P concentrations. A model of P mobilisation ( incorporating hydrological and P - release characteristics ) was developed and shown to successfully predict runoff P concentrations under a range of rainfall intensities. These findings and the subsequent model were used in the successful modelling of landscape scale nutrient exports based on rainfall simulation data as part of a separate, but complementary project. There is anecdotal evidence to suggest that Australian soils are relatively ' leaky ' in terms of P in runoff compared to soils overseas. Consequently, comparisons of the labile soil P characteristics and soil P - runoff P relationships were made between Australian soils and soils of similar fertility from the USA, UK and New Zealand ( using both experimental data and data sourced from the literature ). It was concluded that Australian soils leak more P than soils of similar fertility in the USA, UK and New Zealand, although it was beyond the scope of the thesis to make more detailed comparisons between Australian and overseas soils. The accumulation and mobilisation of P in two soils used for intensive pasture production in Australia were investigated. In intensive pasture systems P accumulated in the shallowest zones of the soil and principally as inorganic P. The concentrations of labile P were 3 - 5 times higher in the top 0.01 m than in the top 0.1 m. Using a simple model, it was estimated that only the top several mm of soil influence runoff P concentrations. The dominant form of P in runoff was shown to be orthophosphate although in low to moderate fertility soils, dissolved organic P can constitute a substantial proportion of the P in runoff. These results confirm the need to reduce the pool of P available for mobilisation in the immediate topsoil in order to reduce runoff P concentrations. Because P is stratified, it was hypothesised that one method to reduce the pool of P available for mobilisation is to de - stratify the soil ( i.e. mix the topsoil ). The effect of this technique on runoff P concentrations was investigated in laboratory and rainfall simulation experiments. These experiments revealed that reductions in runoff P concentrations between 45 and 70 % can be achieved by de - stratification of soils under permanent pastures. It was hypothesised that the benefits of de - stratification could be maximised using a combination of information relating to catchment hydrology and the spatial distribution of soil P and that this would result in large reductions in P exports with a relatively small degree of inconvenience to land managers. Given the limited opportunities identified in previous research to reduce P exports in runoff, the strategic utilisation of de - stratification is a potentially important option in water quality management for the dairy industry and warrants further investigation.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, 2006.

The application of substantial quantities of phosphorus (P) has been required to increase productivity on many Australian soils. Unfortunately, these applications have often resulted in increased concentrations of P in surface runoff that contributes to excessive algal growth in surface waters and consequently a decline in their quality. The concentrations of P in runoff from intensively managed pastures are often high (1-5 mg/L) and typically at least an order of magnitude higher than water quality targets. Although a substantial amount of research has been devoted to the problem of P accumulation and mobilisation in arable systems ( in which P is typically mobilised by the action of raindrop impact and subsequently transported in particulate form ), there has been substantially less research in intensively managed pasture systems. Consequently, there is a paucity of knowledge concerning the fundamental processes and factors responsible for P in runoff from these systems and a dearth of truly effective remedial strategies. In this thesis, the accumulation of P in soil under intensively managed pastures used for dairying and the processes responsible for its mobilisation in surface runoff were investigated. This research was undertaken at two research sites in South - east Australia, i.e. Camden in New South Wales and Flaxley in South Australia. A number of factors relating to scale and hydrology may influence the processes of P mobilisation and its concentration in runoff. A comparison was made of the forms and concentrations of P in runoff between a typical rainfall simulation methodology and large runoff plots. The effect of rainfall intensity on the forms and concentrations of P was also investigated. The concentrations of P in runoff from small - scale, high - intensity rainfall simulations were on average 33 % lower than those from large plots ( approximating hillslopes ) although the processes of mobilisation ( as evidenced by runoff P forms ) were similar. Increasing rainfall intensity resulted in decreasing P concentrations, but similar forms of P. It was hypothesised that changes in hydrological characteristics ( residence time and depth of runoff ) were responsible for the differences in the P concentrations. A model of P mobilisation ( incorporating hydrological and P - release characteristics ) was developed and shown to successfully predict runoff P concentrations under a range of rainfall intensities. These findings and the subsequent model were used in the successful modelling of landscape scale nutrient exports based on rainfall simulation data as part of a separate, but complementary project. There is anecdotal evidence to suggest that Australian soils are relatively ' leaky ' in terms of P in runoff compared to soils overseas. Consequently, comparisons of the labile soil P characteristics and soil P - runoff P relationships were made between Australian soils and soils of similar fertility from the USA, UK and New Zealand ( using both experimental data and data sourced from the literature ). It was concluded that Australian soils leak more P than soils of similar fertility in the USA, UK and New Zealand, although it was beyond the scope of the thesis to make more detailed comparisons between Australian and overseas soils. The accumulation and mobilisation of P in two soils used for intensive pasture production in Australia were investigated. In intensive pasture systems P accumulated in the shallowest zones of the soil and principally as inorganic P. The concentrations of labile P were 3 - 5 times higher in the top 0.01 m than in the top 0.1 m. Using a simple model, it was estimated that only the top several mm of soil influence runoff P concentrations. The dominant form of P in runoff was shown to be orthophosphate although in low to moderate fertility soils, dissolved organic P can constitute a substantial proportion of the P in runoff. These results confirm the need to reduce the pool of P available for mobilisation in the immediate topsoil in order to reduce runoff P concentrations. Because P is stratified, it was hypothesised that one method to reduce the pool of P available for mobilisation is to de - stratify the soil ( i.e. mix the topsoil ). The effect of this technique on runoff P concentrations was investigated in laboratory and rainfall simulation experiments. These experiments revealed that reductions in runoff P concentrations between 45 and 70 % can be achieved by de - stratification of soils under permanent pastures. It was hypothesised that the benefits of de - stratification could be maximised using a combination of information relating to catchment hydrology and the spatial distribution of soil P and that this would result in large reductions in P exports with a relatively small degree of inconvenience to land managers. Given the limited opportunities identified in previous research to reduce P exports in runoff, the strategic utilisation of de - stratification is a potentially important option in water quality management for the dairy industry and warrants further investigation.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, 2006.

During the Australian summers of 1995/1996, 1996/1997 and 1997/1998, the embryonic development of Natator depressus was investigated in the laboratory and in natural nests at the major eastern Australian rookery of Peak Island.

Eggs were incubated under different thermal and hydric conditions on vermiculite substrates. No eggs hatched at 25°C, but eggs incubated between 26 -33°C hatched successfully. Within this range, the thermal environment significantly influenced the water exchange of eggs, incubation duration, nutrient mobilisation of embryos, hatching size and energy reserves. The pivotal temperature for sex determination in this population was close to 29.5°C with a possibly narrow transitional temperature range of 1 Celsius degree. Sexually biased differences were observed at hatching; male hatchlings produced at 26°C and 29°C were larger, but had less energy reserves than females which were produced at 32°C. Thermosensitive developmental stages at masculinising temperatures were different to those at feminising temperatures. For the 26 to 32°C temperature shift, the thermosensitive period was confined to a single developmental stage. Determination of ovaries took place at a later stage than that of testes.

The influence of the hydric environment depended greatly on the range of substrate water potentials used in experiments. Nutrient mobilisation of embryos, size and energy reserves of hatchlings were dependent on total egg water exchange over the range of 2% gain to 29% loss (at ~ -180 to -3500 kPa) of initial egg weight, but independent within the narrower range of 6% gain to 19% loss (at ~ -200 to -650 kPa). Hatching was affected only when eggs lost more than 21% of their initial egg weight (at ~ -1300 kPa). The pivotal temperature for sex determination was not influenced by the hydric environment (~ -180 to -2000 kPa).

A significant effect of clutch on morphological and physiological aspects of developing embryos indicated that genetic/maternal factors influenced these traits. Dietary sources of the female possibly contribute to maternal factors, through processes such as preferential accumulation of specific fatty acids such as oleic acid into the egg yolk. A high proportion of egg yolk lipids (35%) suggests considerable maternal investment. Only 26% of these lipids were used for embryogenesis whereas 74% remained in the form of hatchling fat bodies or residual material in the yolk sac.

Eggs in natural nests incubated over a temperature range of 25.5 to 36.5°C and experienced an average increase in temperature of 7 Celsius degrees during incubation. Water content of sand surrounding nests at the beginning of incubation varied from 2.6 to 7.8%. Hatching and emergence success were not influenced by the position of the nest on the beach, but were positively related to clutch size. Neither clutch size nor hatching and emergence success varied significantly between subsequent clutches of a female. Seasonal changes in the sex ratio of hatchlings are likely to take place at Peak Island, with an overall female biased sex ratio.

A tolerance to high incubation temperatures and severe moisture stress by N. depressus eggs may be reflected in the short incubation duration of this species relative to other species of sea turtles.