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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Enslaved soldiers"
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Hamdani, Yoav. "“Servants not Soldiers”: The Origins of Slavery in the United States Army, 1797–1816". Journal of the Early Republic 43, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2023): 537–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a915153.
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Abstract: This article illuminates a lesser-explored aspect of the United States as a “slaveholding republic.” Between 1816–1861, the U.S. Army relied on thousands of enslaved persons who served as officers' servants. In 1816, Congress authorized allowances, rations, and bonuses for officers' private servants while putting an end to the practice of soldiers serving as servants. This legislative move effectively subsidized and incentivized military slaveholding. The paper delves into the political circumstances and legislative maneuvers that led Congress to institutionalize military slavery, establishing mechanisms to sustain, fund, and expand the number of enslaved servants. Military slavery developed gradually with the foundation, bureaucratization, and professionalization of an American military peace establishment. It evolved from 1797 to 1816 through competing policy objectives, resulting in a long-lasting bureaucratic workaround euphemistically termed "servants not soldiers." Facing public criticism over officers’ abuse of soldiers’ labor, the army “outsourced” officers’ servants through a dual process of privatization and racialization, differentiating between “public” and “private” service, between free, white soldiers and enslaved, black servants. Though serving slaveholders’ interests, the adopted solution was a product of bureaucratic contingencies and ad-hoc decision-making and not a policy orchestrated by a cabal of enslavers. Interestingly, a basic question of reimbursement led somewhere unanticipated, ending in government-sponsored enslaved servitude. Acknowledging this contingency does not excuse the actions but underscores how slavery was often "solved" through institutional accommodation rather than political or moral opposition. Thus, slavery directly impacted the U.S. Army, a central national institution, altering the military system at its pivotal, formative moments.
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Fuentes, Andrés Reséndez. "Battleground Women:Soldaderasand Female Soldiers in the Mexican Revolution". Americas 51, n.º 4 (abril de 1995): 525–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007679.
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Revolution and women did not mix well, at least in the eyes of most leaders of the insurrection that swept Mexico in 1910-17. Moreover, common wisdom suggested that armies were no place for the “gentler sex” and hence the two kinds of women that did accompany men to the battleground–female soldiers and soldaderas–were generally regarded as marginal to the fighting and extraordinary, or strange, in character.Female soldiers received much notice in the press and arts during the revolution and in its aftermath. They were portrayed as fearless women dressed in men's garb flaunting cartridge belts across the chest and a Mauser rifle on one shoulder. But they were invariably shown in the guise of curiosities, aberrations brought about by the revolution. Soldaderas received their share of attention too. They were depicted as loyal, self-sacrificing companions to the soldiers or, in less sympathetic renderings, as enslaved camp followers: “the loyalty of the soldier's wife is more akin to that of a dog to its master than to that of an intelligent woman to her mate.” But even laudatory journalistic accounts,corridos, and novels did not concede soldaderas a prominent role in the revolutionary process, much less in the success of the military campaigns.
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Shepard, Alan. "Endless Sacks: Soldiers’ Desire in Tamburlaine*". Renaissance Quarterly 46, n.º 4 (1993): 734–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039021.
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Christopher Marlowe's two-part Tamburlaine the Great (published 1590) captures all of the spirit and something of the scope of legendary violence the historical Tamerlane levied against his enemies. In the course of ten acts Tamburlaine's armies roll over several nations and cultures, leaving thousands of civilians enslaved or worse. Marlowe's graphic representation of the trail of blood and brutality is itself notorious.In the interest of founding his own legend as the hypermasculine “Generall of the world” (1:5.1.451), Tamburlaine practices virtual genocide against his enemies and ethnocide against their cities, religions, and ways of life. By no means does he work alone. The soldier-males who serve in his armies eagerly follow his lead.
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Lockley, Tim. "The West India Regiments and the War of 1812". Journal of the Early Republic 43, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2023): 569–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a915156.
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Abstract: The West India Regiments, men of African descent embodied into regular regiments of the British Army, played a hitherto unheralded role in the War of 1812. Knowledge of the military prowess of these regiments was widespread in the US in the early nineteenth century, and the British exploited this, mixed with a large amount of rumour and speculation as a terror tactic during the war. The West India Regiments were used as recruiters in the Chesapeake in 1814, and on active campaigns against New Orleans and Georgia in 1815. They were directly and indirectly responsible for the escape of thousands of enslaved people from slave states to British forces and even forced some US commentators to contemplate the recruitment of their own enslaved soldiers as a counterweight. While their military contribution to the war ended up being small, the psychological importance of regiments of black men within easy reach of the southern states lingered long after peace had been agreed.
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Fatah-Black, Karwan. "Slaves and Sailors on Suriname's Rivers". Itinerario 36, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2012): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000053.
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On transatlantic slave ships the Africans were predominantly there as cargo, while Europeans worked the deadly job of sailing and securing the vessel. On the plantations the roles changed, and the slaves were transformed into a workforce. European sailors and African slaves in the Atlantic world mostly encountered each other aboard slave ships as captive and captor. Once the enslaved arrived on the plantations new hierarchies and divisions of labour between slave and free suited to the particular working environment were introduced. Hierarchies of status, rank and colour were fundamental to the harsh and isolated working environments of the ship and the plantation. The directors of Surinamese plantations shielded themselves from the wrath of their enslaved by hiring sailors, soldiers or other white ruffians to act as blankofficier (white officer). These men formed a flexible workforce that could be laid off in case tensions on plantations rose. Below the white officers there were non-white slave officers, basjas, managing the daily operations on the plantations. The bomba on board slave ships played a similar role.
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Schwalm, Leslie A. "Surviving Wartime Emancipation: African Americans and the Cost of Civil War". Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 39, n.º 1 (2011): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2011.00544.x.
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Ask any Civil War historian about the cost of the Civil War and they will recite a host of well-known assessments, from military casualties and government expenditures to various measures of direct and indirect costs. But those numbers are not likely to include an appraisal of the humanitarian crisis and suffering caused by the wartime destruction of slavery. Peace-time emancipation in other regions (the northern U.S., for example) and in other societies (like the British West Indies) certainly presented dangers and difficulties for the formerly enslaved, but wartime emancipation chained the new opportunities and possibilities for freedom to war’s violence, civil chaos, destruction and deprivation. The resulting health crisis, including illness, injury, and trauma, had immediate and lasting consequences for black civilians and soldiers. Although historians are more accustomed to thinking of enslaved people as the beneficiaries of this war, rather than its victims, we cannot assess the cost of this war until we answer two important questions: first, what price did enslaved people have to pay because their freedom was achieved through warfare rather than a peacetime process; and secondly, in this war in which so many Americans paid such a high cost, to what extent did racism inflate the cost paid by people of African descent? In answering these questions, we reconsider this specific war, but we must also tie the U.S. Civil War to a larger scholarship on how wars impact civilians, create refugee populations, and accelerate harsh treatment of people regarded as racial, religious, or ethnic outsiders. We are reminded that war is not an equal-opportunity killer.
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Feimster, Crystal N. "Rape and Mutiny at Fort Jackson: Black Laundresses Testify in Civil War Louisiana". Labor 19, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2022): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9475688.
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Abstract The Black soldiers of the Fourth Regiment of the Native Guard (also known as the Corps d'Afrique) stationed at Fort Jackson, Louisiana, and the laundresses who served them and their white officers were formerly enslaved people who had seized their freedom by joining and aiding the Union cause. Over the course of six weeks, in December 1863 and January 1864, they engaged in open munity to protest racial and sexual violence inflicted by white Union officers. In so doing they made visible the violent terms of interracial interaction that informed the meaning of wartime freedom and Black labor (terms that were still very much rooted in the prisms and discourses of enslavement). More importantly, as free labor Black women began to negotiate a deeply abusive racial and sexual terrain.
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Shamas, Mirza Noman, M. Akbar Khan, Risham Zahra e Nomee Mahmood. "Societal Afflictions and Economic Inequity: A Marxist Study of Fountain’s Billy Lynn’s Long Halftime Walk". Journal of English Language, Literature and Education 4, n.º 2 (10 de dezembro de 2022): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/jelle.2022.0402130.
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The world is full of people who are thirsty for others’ blood. They lack soft corners and ethical morals. Under such circumstances, conflict erupts the societies that cause destruction and wreckage. Conflict resolution and the creation of global harmony is the basic need to resolve the issues. Additionally, freedom is the most precious gift given to people. However, some people do not realize this, they remain suffering from various hardships and spend their lives as slaves. This is the era of development and progress; we can see the escalated building and pillars of knowledge all around the world. However, some people are facing cruelties and life-threatening situations. Contrary to this, some people enslaved by force are bestowed with the courage and determination to be free. They sacrifice their most valuable belongings such as children for freedom. This study is the proximal approach explaining such types of devastations in the spotlight of the novel Billy Lynn’s Long Halftime Walk. Keeping in view the Marxist theory, societal afflictions and economic inequity are analyzed and the results depict that being a soldier in an American force is the most damaging phenomenon. The soldiers are betrayed by being given special privileges, however, in return, they have to give up on their own freedom, and they are forced to shed the blood of others.
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Rediker, Marcus. "Afterword: Reflections on the Motley Crew as Port City Proletariat". International Review of Social History 64, S27 (26 de março de 2019): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000142.
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AbstractThis essay reflects on the workers in Atlantic and Indian Ocean port cities who made possible the rapidly expanding system of global capitalism between 1650 and 1850. In all of the ports treated in this volume, a mixture of multi-ethnic, male and female, unskilled, often unwaged laborers collectively served as the linchpins that connected local hinterlands (and seas) to bustling waterfronts, tall ships, and finally the world market. Although the precise combination of workers varied from one port to the next, all had an occupational structure in which half or more of the population worked in trade or the defense of trade, for example in shipbuilding/repair, the hauling of commodities to and from ships, and the building of colonial infrastructure, the docks and roads instrumental to commerce. This “motley crew” – a working combination of enslaved Africans, European/Indian/Chinese indentured servants, sailors, soldiers, convicts, domestic workers, and artisans – were essential to the production and worldwide circulation of commodities and profits.
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Steinmetz, Carl H. D. "The Dutch slavery and colonization DNA. A call to engage in self-examination". Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, n.º 11 (16 de novembro de 2021): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.811.11178.
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This article answers the question whether there is a Dutch slavery and colonisation DNA. After all, the Netherlands has centuries of experience (approximately three and a half centuries) with colonisation (including occupation, wars and genocide, rearrangement of land and population, plundering and theft), trade in enslaved people (the Atlantic route: Europe, Africa, North and South America) and trade in the products of these enslaved people. The Netherlands has colonised large parts of the world. This was a large part of Asia, including the Indonesian archipelago, Malaysia, Ceylon, Taiwan and New Guinea, large parts of the continent Africa, including Madagascar, Mozambique, Cape of Good Hope, Luanda, Sao Tome, Fort Elmina etc., and North (New York) and South America (including Brazil, Dejima, Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles). It is a fact that human conditions and circumstances influence the human DNA that is passed on to posterity. This goes through the mechanism of methylation. This mechanism is used by cells in the human body to put genes in the "off" position. Human conditions and circumstances are abstractly formulated, poverty, hunger, disasters and wars. These are also horrors that accompanied slavery and colonisation. The Dutch, as slave traders, plantation owners, occupiers of lands, soldiers, merchants, captains and sailors, and administrators and their staff, have had centuries of experience with practising atrocities. Because those experiences are translated into the DNA of posterity, it is understandable that Dutch authorities misbehave towards immigrants and refugees. Those institutions are political leaders, governmental institutions, such as the tax authorities and youth welfare, and also companies that do their utmost to avoid taking on immigrants. This behaviour is called institutional colour and black racism.
Livros sobre o assunto "Enslaved soldiers"
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Mendes, Pinto Fernão. The peregrination of Fernão Mendes Pinto: Soldier of fortune, trader, pirate, agent, ambassador, during twenty-one years in Ethiopia, Persia, Malaya, India, Burma, Siam, Cochin-China, East Indies, China, Japan. Sailing unchartered oriental seas, he was five times shipwrecked, thirteen times captured, sixteen times enslaved. He met a saint, repented his ways, returned home and wrote his story for his children and for posterity. Manchester: Carcanet in association with the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the Discoveries Commission, 1992.
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Under the flags of freedom: Slave soldiers and the wars of independence in Spanish South America. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008.
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Snoby, Paulette. April's Revolution: A Modern Perspective of American Medical Care of Civil War Soldiers and African Slaves. iUniverse, Incorporated, 2014.
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On Azrael's wings. Clayton, N.C: P.D. Pub., 2008.
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Prince Estabrook: Slave and soldier. Lexington, Mass: Pleasant Mountain Press, 2001.
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Argo, Charles. Stolen Boys of the Ottoman Empire: The Child Levy as Public Spectacle and Political Instrument. I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, 2013.
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Schneider, Elena A. The Occupation of Havana. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469645353.001.0001.
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In 1762, British forces mobilized more than 230 ships and 26,000 soldiers, sailors, and enslaved Africans to attack Havana, one of the wealthiest and most populous ports in the Americas. They met fierce resistance. Spanish soldiers and local militias in Cuba, along with enslaved Africans who were promised freedom, held off the enemy for six suspenseful weeks. In the end, the British prevailed, but more lives were lost in the invasion and subsequent eleven-month British occupation of Havana than during the entire Seven Years’ War in North America. The Occupation of Havana offers a nuanced and poignantly human account of the British capture and Spanish recovery of this coveted Caribbean city. The book explores both the interconnected histories of the British and Spanish empires and the crucial role played by free people of color and the enslaved in the creation and defense of Havana. Tragically, these men and women would watch their promise of freedom and greater rights vanish in the face of massive slave importation and increased sugar production upon Cuba's return to Spanish rule. By linking imperial negotiations with events in Cuba and their consequences, Elena Schneider sheds new light on the relationship between slavery and empire at the dawn of the Age of Revolutions.
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The slaves' gamble: Choosing sides in the War of 1812. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
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Battles and Victories of Allen Allensworth: Lieutenant-Colonel, Retired, U. S. Army. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2010.
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Ferdinand, Wiletta D., e Barakka Payton. Enslaved Man, Union Soldier, Victim and Survivor of the 1887 Thibodaux Massacre. Primedia eLaunch LLC, 2020.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Enslaved soldiers"
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Noyalas, Jonathan A. "“To Call on All the Blacks”". In Slavery and Freedom in the Shenandoah Valley during the Civil War Era, 45–59. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066868.003.0004.
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Chapter 3 closely examines the experiences of the Shenandoah Valley’s African Americans during the Civil War’s first year. Initially, enslaved people believed that Union general Robert Patterson’s army, which entered the northern Shenandoah Valley in the late spring of 1861, might liberate them. However, as this chapter shows, the Valley’s enslaved learned that Patterson enforced Union policy at the conflict’s outset, which precluded Union soldiers from aiding enslaved people flee enslavers. Despite Patterson seizing freedom seekers and either returning them to enslavers or locking them up in the jail in Martinsburg, those who desired freedom remained undaunted. Freedom seekers hoped that offering something of value to Patterson, either labor or services as spies, might soften Patterson’s position, but it did not. Additionally, this chapter examines the efforts of some soldiers in Patterson’s army to defy his orders and aid freedom seekers. Finally, this chapter highlights the reaction of the Valley’s enslaved population to passage of the First Confiscation Act and the stories of enslaved people who fled to Harpers Ferry in late 1861 and early 1862, seeking refuge with Patterson’s replacement in the Shenandoah Valley, General Nathaniel P. Banks.
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Levin, Kevin M. "The Camp Slaves’ War". In Searching for Black Confederates, 12–36. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653266.003.0002.
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The chapter begins by stating that a widely circulated picture of a white soldier and a Black Confederate soldier is actually a photograph of Andrew Chandler and his family slave, Silas. Slaves were sometimes allowed to purchase military uniforms or were provided them by their masters, which explains why there are photographs of Black men in Confederate uniforms. At the onset of the war, Confederates believed they could offset the disadvantage of having a smaller population and less war-making power than the Union by utilizing slave labor. The government impressed enslaved people to work on earthworks, railroads, and weapon production. They also performed various jobs in camps such as cooking, performing music, and assisting in hospitals. White soldiers often brought slaves from home to act as personal servants. At times, the presence of personal slaves created class tensions within camps. Enslaved people often took on various tasks in camps for payment. While the shared experience of war likely brought the enslaved and their enslavers closer together, the racial hierarchy was strictly, and often violently enforced by the enslavers. Enslavers’ belief that their slaves were loyal to them and the Confederate cause sometimes caused emotional distress when a slave would run away or defect to the Union.
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Levin, Kevin M. "Turning Camp Slaves into Black Confederate Soldiers". In Searching for Black Confederates, 123–51. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653266.003.0006.
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By the 1990s, photographs of uniformed black men as well as pension applications in which the distinction between slave and soldier was sometimes clouded were perceived as evidence that there were large numbers of Black Confederate soldiers. In the late 1970s, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, became more aggressive in their claims that Black men enlisted in the Confederate army as the general public sought accurate information regarding the history of slavery. This interest intensified during the civil rights era as historians and Black Americans pushed back against the Lost Cause narrative, specifically the belief that enslaved population was loyal to their enslavers. The belief that there were willing, Black soldiers in the confederacy spread with the advent of the internet, as many people did not know how to vet sources. Additionally, films and other media blurred the distinctions between camp slaves and soldiers. Ultimately, false narratives made their way into textbooks and even historical sights.
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Noyalas, Jonathan A. "“The Servants … Could Not Be Conveniently Stored Away”". In Slavery and Freedom in the Shenandoah Valley during the Civil War Era, 60–88. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066868.003.0005.
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This chapter focuses on 1862, with a particular emphasis on how Stonewall Jackson’s 1862 Valley Campaign impacted enslaved people and free blacks. Throughout the spring of 1862, enslaved people, estimated in the thousands, sought refuge with Union forces. However, as this chapter illustrates, taking sanctuary with Union troops did not mean that the Valley’s African Americans were passive participants. This chapter highlights the various ways freedom seekers supported Union operations in the Valley throughout 1862. Simultaneously, the chapter also illustrates that the desire for survival at times trumped the desire for freedom and prompted some freedom seekers to return to enslavers. Although incidents such as these have been used by advocates of the Lost Cause to perpetuate the “happy slave” myth, this chapter discusses the complexities of life for African Americans and how what some interpreted as loyalty to enslavers was in fact an enslaved person’s loyalty to themselves. Finally, this chapter examines how some Union soldiers, due to interactions with enslaved people in 1862, became more open to transforming the war to preserve the Union into one that also eradicated slavery.
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Fields-Black, Edda L. "Day Clean". In Combee, 318–46. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197552797.003.0014.
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Abstract This chapter talks about Minus Hamilton’s inability to provide an official military report of his experience on the plantation where he was held in bondage. It touches on the illiteracy of Harriet Tubman, the overwhelming majority of soldiers in the First and Second South Carolina Volunteers, and those people enslaved on the Combahee rice plantations. It also recounts Colonel Thomas Higginson’s recording of Hamilton’s story, noting how it was a rare privilege to view the raid through the eyes of an enslaved person who secured liberation from bondage. The chapter points out Hamilton’s view on how the usual enslaved person would not look a white person in the eye and how the Black soldiers who wore the Union blue coats, in contrast stood with their backs straight and held their heads up. It reveals what Hamilton saw after the Second South Carolina Volunteers left the Yankee gunboats, describing how they set ablaze the slaveholder’s barn.
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Lang, Andrew F. "Insurrection". In A Contest of Civilizations, 244–81. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660073.003.0007.
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Emancipation was the signal, transformative event of the American Civil War, engulfing most wartime contemporaries in a social, political, and cultural revolution. From the war’s outset, African Americans insisted that the Lincoln administration wage an uncompromising abolitionist war. Black men petitioned to serve in Union armies. Eventually, once the Union determined the military and political necessity of emancipation, African Americans poured into the Union army, waging war against former enslavers and the Confederacy’s slaveholding cornerstone. No group of Americans depended more on conquering the slaveholders’ rebellion. But the very act of emancipation radicalized Confederates who alleged that Black men enlisting in Union armies violated the laws of war and the Confederacy itself. Declaring this enslaved “insurrection” as the world’s largest enslaved revolt, Confederates condemned Black Union soldiers and their white officers to death. African American military service, however, convinced loyal white Unionists of the moral imperative of emancipation, aligning loyal white and Black in a common cause against the Confederacy.
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Cairns, John W. "Runaway Announcements and Narratives of the Enslaved". In The Edinburgh History of the British and Irish Press, Volume 1, 564–74. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474499170.003.0026.
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This chapter examines announcements for runaways seemingly held as enslaved. The notices for enslaved runaways are comparable to those for runaways more generally, particularly for those seeking the return of servants under indenture and apprentices, as well as of sailors and soldiers. From the analysis it emerges that the content of press notices in the British press had some standard features: description of the runaway, usually with name and any alias, name of master or mistress, mode of absconding, details of talents and skills, including languages, ability to play a musical instrument and a reward. The analysis draws on the considerable scholarship in the U.S.A. about runaway advertisements in the eighteenth century American press. This scholarship provides a useful framework for the understanding of British runaway announcements although it may also be profitable to think of how the announcements also differ, as a means of understanding the different experiences of these individuals whether in Britain or the colonies.
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Levin, Kevin M. "Camp Slaves and Pensions". In Searching for Black Confederates, 100–122. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653266.003.0005.
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Around 2,800 former camp slaves received pensions from former Confederate states. Although the total number was relatively small, these men remained a potent symbol within the Lost Cause narrative, shaping Southern memories of the war well into the twentieth century. The push to pension former camp slaves was mostly sustained by Confederate veterans and enslavers who had interacted extensively with camp slaves. These veterans often argued for pensions for loyal slaves who were now impoverished, illustrating that financial assistance relied on Black people complying with their position at the bottom of the racial hierarchy. Sumner Archibald Cunningham, who oversaw the publication of Confederate Veteran magazine from 1893 until his death in 1913, was perhaps the most important voice in the argument for camp slave pensions. People often point to the existence of pensions for the formerly enslaved as evidence of Black Confederate soldiers, however, no documentation regarding pensions acknowledges Black men as soldiers.
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Colby, Robert K. D. "The “Uncongenial Air of Freedom”: Union Occupation and the Slave Trade". In An Unholy Traffic, 45–77. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197578261.003.0003.
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Abstract Chapter 2 explores the effects of Union military successes in 1861 and 1862 on the Confederate slave trade. Slave trading slowly rebounded in the Confederacy following secession and, by the winter of 1861, appeared to be on a path toward relative normality. In the spring of 1862, however, Union forces won several major victories and captured or threatened many of the Confederate States of America’s biggest slave trading centers, including Alexandria, Norfolk, Nashville, Memphis, Natchez, and, most importantly, New Orleans. When US soldiers occupied these cities, they all but ended slave trading in them by refusing to uphold what enslavers understood to be their property rights in man. In doing so, they aided and abetted enslaved people’s ongoing resistance to slavery. With enslavers’ right to hold people as property uncertain, the slave trade virtually ceased in Union-occupied areas.
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Glymph, Thavolia. "Northern White Women and the “Garden of Eden”". In The Women's Fight, 163–96. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653631.003.0006.
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Northern women, white and black, went South during the Civil War. Most went as nurses, spies, agents of soldiers’ aid societies, teachers, and missionaries. Others accompanied soldier husbands and served company cooks or housekeepers, searched for lost family members, or nursed wounded family. A few disguised themselves as men and served as soldiers themselves. Regardless of their motivation to go South, they were generally united in their belief that enslaved people were at once abused and racially inferior. This belief led to skepticism of and concern over what should be “women’s work” in the South during the war. This skepticism and concern also informed Northerners’ views on the best path for integrating African Americans into the nation after war’s end. Many Northern white women came to see their roles as “mothers” to the newly freed Black race and struggled to bond with Black women or see them as equals.; by doing so, white Northern women helped refurbish the racial ideology that had defended slavery and would work to constrain Black women’s lives for decades.