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Jacobs, Lawrence R., e Judd Choate. "Democratic Capacity: Election Administration as Bulwark and Target". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 699, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2022): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211061318.
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Headlines decried the fragility of American democracy during the 2020 elections, but extensive institutional structures steered officials in both political parties to certify the results of the election, and independent judges have validated their decisions. Political battles over election laws and procedures are not themselves signs of democracy’s demise, because legal and administrative guardrails contain the degree to which voting rights are threatened. These formidable institutional structures blunted former president Donald Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election and limited the scope and impact of new state legislation to restrict access to voting. The guardrails of elections operated as designed, but Trump’s unfounded charges of fraud coupled with state restrictions are corroding the credibility and fairness of elections. We examine the scope and function of election law and administration to understand how they protected American democracy in the contentious 2020 election.
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Akili, Rustam HS, e Willya Achmad. "The Role of Political Parties in the Implementation of Democratic General Elections in the Indonesian State Administration System". Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, n.º 4 (11 de agosto de 2023): e551. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v11i4.551.
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Purpose: The objective of this study is to analyze the role of political parties in the organization of democratic general elections, in the context of the Indonesian constitutional system. Theoretical framework: Democratic elections are one of the fundamental pillars of the Indonesian political system, based on democratic principles. In this context, political parties play a decisive role in influencing and shaping the general election process, as well as in providing a forum for citizen political participation. Method: This research will use a qualitative approach, with a descriptive analysis and a literature analysis. The results of the study show that democratic elections can be demonstrated in at least 3 things, i.e. whether human rights are recognized, protected and promoted, the loyal capacity of electoral participants. Results and Conclusions: According to the study, democratic elections in Indonesia require an active role of political parties as representatives of the interests of the people. Political parties must be able to articulate the wishes and needs of citizens and to formulate programmes and policies that reflect citizens' values and expectations. In addition, political parties must ensure that the process of electing candidates is highly transparent and accountable. Research Implications: According to the conclusions of this study, political parties play an important role in Indonesia in ensuring the consedeo of democratic elections. Representing the interests of the people, participating in fair elections. Originality/value: Writing quality candidates and leadership candidates, and mobilizing the public to actively participate in elections are part of the responsibilities of political parties.
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Martorano Miller, Nancy, Keith E. Hamm, Maria Aroca e Ronald D. Hedlund. "An Alternative Route to Voting Reform: the Right to Vote, Voter Registration, Redistricting and U.S. State Constitutions". Publius: The Journal of Federalism 49, n.º 3 (2019): 465–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjz013.
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Abstract The U.S. Constitution reserves to states the responsibility for regulating most aspects of elections. Recently, the Supreme Court has weakened the tools for federal officials to challenge state elections practices under the Voting Rights Act and signaled a great deal of deference to state authority over election law. As a result, state legislatures’ latitude to regulate elections is constrained primarily by state constitutions. With voter ID laws and partisan gerrymandering commanding considerable attention in recent years, it is important to investigate the importance of state constitutions in this area. In this article, we discuss recent efforts by voting and election reformers to utilize state constitutions to challenge restrictive voting laws and partisan gerrymandering, whether by enacting state constitutional amendments or relying on state constitutional provisions in state court litigation. We also highlight the diverse and often underappreciated landscape of voting and election laws in the states and the resources available to reformers at the state level by analyzing state constitutional provisions bearing on the right to vote, voter registration, and redistricting.
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Brogan, Michael J. "Experiment and Institutionalization: Clean Elections in New Jersey". Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 7, n.º 4 (27 de outubro de 2009): 371–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/7.4.371-392(2009).
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There is not a general consensus among scholars about whether public campaign funding initiatives increase electoral competitiveness. U.S. focused research has found the effects of Clean Election (CE) funding present mixed outcomes (Mayer and Wood 1995; GAO 2003; Mayer, Werner, and Williams 2004; Werner and Mayer 2007) On the one hand, research has found that Clean Election funding creates more competitive elections (Bardwell 2002; Mayer, Werner, and Williams 2004). While on the other, Clean Election funding scholars have found that public funding of state legislative candidates has not caused elections to become more competitive (Mayer and Wood 1995; GAO 2003). One reason for the difference in the research literature is likely a result of the program being in its early years of implementation in the U.S. This paper provides a new technique for estimating the short-term and long-range effects of the program by experimenting on the New Jersey case which is designed to cope with limited data. It accomplishes this by creating simulated elections that are based on the lessons-learned in Arizona and Maine, as well as on structural constraints present in New Jersey. The experiment‟s results confirm the impact of Clean Elections is mixed: The impact of Clean Election funding increases intra-party competition but does not increase inter-party competition. Nevertheless, while the impact of Clean Elections does show some encouraging signs for proponents of electoral reform, it is unlikely to transform the electoral landscape by making elections more competitive.
KEYWORDS: • public campaign funding • clean elections • political parties • elections • New Jersey • United States
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Spivak, Maryna, Maksym Pluhatyr, Larysa Kochubei, Anastasiia Nekriach e Svitlana Matchuk. "Features of public electoral administration in situation of pandemic". Revista Amazonia Investiga 10, n.º 47 (17 de dezembro de 2021): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2021.47.11.6.
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The aim of the article is to consider the issues of public administration of the election process in situation of pandemic, the peculiarities of the implementation of election legislation and the problems of elections in Ukraine and abroad with the introduction of quarantine restrictions. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of holding elections in situation of pandemic. Research methodology. The set of general scientific and special methods is used to achieve the objectives of the research: systemic, dialectical, systemic and structural, legal and dogmatic, comparative, predictive methods. Research results. It has been noted that in many countries the question of postponing the dates of elections and referendums, which had been set in advance, was raised because of the Covid-19 pandemic. Practical meaning. The analysis of the experience of foreign countries in postponing the voting dates of elections and referendums has shown that such measures had been taken because of the introduction of the state of emergency as the special legal regime for public authorities and administration throughout the State or in individual administrative-territorial units, which entailed substantial restriction of citizens’ rights and freedoms in the area of electoral matters. Value / originality. The need for further research of alternative voting methods, such as direct visits to the polling station, such as remote voting, voting by mail, early voting, mobile voting, electronic voting, voting by proxy and others has been substantiated.
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Lestari, Endang Puji, e Muh Risnain. "EVALUASI NORMA KEDAULATAN RAKYAT DALAM KONSTITUSI DAN PELAKSANAANNYA DALAM KERANGKA NEGARA HUKUM DEMOKRATIS". Indonesian Journal of Law and Policy Studies 1, n.º 1 (31 de maio de 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/ijlp.v1i1.2633.
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The issue of determining the winners of the presidential election, the tenure of president and vice president, the principle of electing the regional head and the legal regime of the regional head are issues that are still not completely regulated in the constitution and need improvement. Several articles in the constitution relating to people's sovereignty should the MPR make changes to article 6 paragraph (3), article 7, article 18 paragraph (4) and article 23 paragraph (2) by looking at the practice of state administration and the dynamic development of democratic life. MPR as an institution that has the authority to change the constitution can carry out the process of changing the constitution according to the mechanism of article 37 of the 1945 Constitution. such as the absence of the presidential treshold regime and separate elections between legislative elections, presidential elections, local elections. Therefore, the Parliament and the President are called upon to amend Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning elections in line with constitutional values
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Alexander, Ongky, e Rona Okra. "Postponement Of Elections Perspective Of Constitutional Law In The Indonesian Constitution". Hutanasyah : Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara 2, n.º 2 (29 de fevereiro de 2024): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37092/hutanasyah.v2i2.705.
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Elections are a democratic party for the people as the holder of the highest sovereignty, namely electing members of the DPR, DPD, president, and vice president by the 1945 Constitution article 22E paragraph "general elections are carried out directly, publicly, freely, secretly, honestly and fairly every five once a year." However, due to recent issues saying that the 2024 election will be postponed, which was proposed by several political party leaders and one of President Joko Widodo's ministers for reasons of maintaining national economic stability, the author tries to divert research on the issue of postponing elections from maintaining financial stability to the realm of state administration and constitution. The author uses qualitative research methods because the data source and results of this research are from library research in the form of descriptions of words. In this research, secondary data sources are used where data sources include books, articles, and journals. Data collection techniques are generally carried out by looking for data sources so that this research is carried out only based on written works, including research results that have been published, and that still need to be published. With the discussions and the results of the research, the author can conclude that if the issue of postponing the election is implemented, then it is unconstitutional or a violation of the Indonesian constitution and state administration; if this discourse is implemented by the government unilaterally without considering the will and opinion of the people.
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Haruna, Mageed Oshogwe. "Analyzing Electoral Misconduct: The Case of 2019 General Elections in Gombe State, Nigeria". Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 18, n.º 2 (30 de novembro de 2020): 134–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/0202/81(0280).
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Credible election is fast becoming a feature of the democratic process canvassed globally. However, misconducts still mar the exercise and smooth transition in a couple of countries, including Nigeria. This study focused on electoral misconducts reported during Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, using Gombe State as reference. Data were collected through primary and secondary sources, which involved questionnaire administration, interviews and desk review of published works relevant to the paper. The findings revealed that there were electoral misconducts in several areas during the 2019 general elections not only in Gombe Metropolis but in other parts of the State. These misconducts ranged from vote buying, to material inducements and destructions of election materials, among others. The study recommends the need for a new electoral law that will criminalise vote buying and other sundry electoral frauds in future elections in Gombe and other parts of the country.
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Prayoga, Satria, Febrian e Iza Rumesten. "REFORMULATION OF REGIONAL HEAD ELECTION ADMINISTRATION DISPUTE POLICY BY THE GENERAL ELECTION SUPERVISORY BOARD AND THE STATE ADMINISTRATIVE COURT IN INDONESIA". Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, n.º 3 (5 de março de 2024): e3169. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i3.3169.
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Purpose: The research objectives related to the reformulation of regional election administration dispute policies by Election Supervisory Agency and the State Administrative Court in Indonesia can include several things, one of which is to evaluate the effectiveness of existing policies: The purpose of this research can include evaluating existing policies related to dispute resolution administration of regional elections by Election Supervisory Agency and the state administrative court. Method: The research method used in this research is a normative research method using a statutory approach and a conceptual approach Results and Conclusion: The reformulation of regional election administration collection policies by the General Election Supervisory Agency) and the State Administrative Court in Indonesia highlights efforts to increase effectiveness and efficiency in resolutions related to the regional head election process. Implications of research: By strengthening the regional election administration dispute resolution process, especially through independent institutions such as the General Election Supervisory Body and the State Administrative Court, this can increase the legitimacy and trust of the public in the democratic process at the local level.
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Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed, e Rashaad Ali. "Sarawak State Elections 2016: Revisiting Federalism in Malaysia". Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, n.º 1 (abril de 2017): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600102.
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The recent state elections in the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak in 2016 saw the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, secure a comfortable victory through its component party, the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, led by the late Adenan Satem, who passed away suddenly on 11 January 2017. A key theme of Adenan's election campaign was greater autonomy for the state of Sarawak, while he also distanced himself from the troubles of the Najib Razak administration and the federal government. This paper seeks to examine the Sarawak state elections within the context of Malaysia's federalism. We argue that the state elections highlight how a lack of popularity and weakened federal government has allowed states to exercise more leverage in order to gain greater influence and autonomy, strengthening the original federal agreement of 1963 while inadvertently weakening the centre. We argue that Malaysia's claim to be a federation is largely superficial, as much power constitutionally rests with the federal government at the expense of state autonomy. This is demonstrated through both an examination of federalism as a broad concept and a brief history of centre–state relations in Malaysia. This paper posits that further “bargaining” by states with the federal government during election campaigns may be possible if the centre continues to exhibit political weakness.
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Ningrum, Deva Mariana Isti, e Tukiman Tukiman. "ANALISIS PENGELOLAAN LOGISTIK PEMILU 2024 KPU PROVINSI JAWA TIMUR". Jurnal Progress Administrasi Publik 4, n.º 1 (24 de maio de 2024): 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.37090/jpap.v4i1.1232.
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Indonesia is a democratic country that uses an electoral system for every change of president. High quality general elections are very important to realize people's sovereignty in a democratic state government based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. To hold democratic elections, professional election organizers are needed who have integrity, capacity and accountability. The General Election Commission is an example. In this research, the author uses a descriptive approach as a qualitative research method. Qualitative research is a type of research that describes and analyzes events, phenomena, social activities, attitudes, beliefs, perceptions and thoughts of individuals and groups. Data was collected from interviews with three informants from the General Election Commission, which is responsible for logistics management for the 2024 election. As shown by the distribution of logistics for the 2024 election, the results show that the East Java Province General Election Commission manages state property well, including logistics election. However, several improvements and strengthening are needed in the human resources sector as well as warehouse and other logistics infrastructure so that the upcoming General Election can take place optimally and according to planning. Our common goal is successful simultaneous elections in 2024 with transparent financial administration and accountability. Keywords: Management; Elections; KPU
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Muhtadin, Muhtadin. "Politik Hukum Partai Politik dan Pemilihan Umum". AHKAM 2, n.º 2 (18 de abril de 2023): 210–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.58578/ahkam.v2i2.1025.
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According to modern democracies, political parties and elections are institutions that cannot be separated from one another. Each Political Party will always try to gain great popular support during the General Election so that the People's Representative Institution is dominated by the Political Party concerned. General elections are people's parties which are a manifestation of the principle of people's sovereignty, so it is during elections that the people are given freedom in making political choices and attitudes through candidates for people's representatives who are members of Political Parties. The will of the people is the basis of government power. That will be born in periodic and honest elections conducted in general elections and in common with secret voting, by means of free and equal voting. Thus, freedom, honesty, secrecy and equality are essential in the administration of elections. Political, legal, political party and electoral policies in guarding democratization in Indonesia have undergone significant shifts over time. General elections are considered a real form of democracy and the most concrete form of public participation in participating in the administration of the state.
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Hutauruk, Appe. "The Role of Government Politics and Law in Building Public Participation in Elections". Journal of Social Science 4, n.º 3 (25 de maio de 2023): 856–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jss.v4i3.563.
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The use of voting rights in a general election is the subjective right of citizens (people) who have qualified to vote, but from the aspect of the interests of the state and nation, it can be considered that the use of voting rights / voting rights of citizens in general elections, in essence is a form of responsibility to participate in the administration of government. However, at the current level of reality there is a tendency for people to experience "frustration" and "political lethargy" to exercise their sovereignty through the mechanism of elections. This fact is due to the fact that people feel that their aspirations cannot be accommodated after the general election and presidential election. In addition, there is the influence of pressure groups (especially groups that want the disintegration of the nation and the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia) so that people better abstain and become "white groups". Therefore, a directed and effective government legal policy is needed to increase legal awareness of citizens participating in exercising their active voting rights in general elections and presidential elections.
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Nugroho, Wahyu. "Politik Hukum Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi atas Pelaksanaan Pemilu dan Pemilukada di Indonesia". Jurnal Konstitusi 13, n.º 3 (22 de novembro de 2016): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1331.
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After amendment 1945, whether legislative elections and the election of the executive power implementing held directly by the people, and going political reform electoral laws and local election, both in the revision of the existing political regulations, and rules in the law after the Constitutional Court decision, namely Law No. 42 of 2008 on General Election of President and Vice President, and and Law No. 10 of 2016 on the Second Amendment of Act No. 1 of 2015 on Stipulation of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2014 on the election of Governors, Regents and Mayors became acts. The purpose of the study on the implementation of the legal political and local elections are to conduct political rearrangement and local elections law in a mosaic of Indonesian state structure, maturity in politics, the consolidation of local democracy, and changes in local people’s minds to develop the region very hung to the figure of its leader, as well as ensuring the political rights of citizens in national and local political constellation. The results in this study is the need for consistency of law enforcement for compliance with a number of legal instruments and the implementation of procedures and penalties in the administration of elections. Aspects of legal certainty and the cultural aspect is very important law met in order for the elections and the local election purpose in achieving this goal idealized.In addition, the electoral administration in central and local levels, as well as participating in the election and the election shall comply with laws and regulations, ranging from the Commission Regulation, Act, as well as adherence to Constitutional Court decision. The author draws conclusions that the renewal of electoral politics and the local election after the Constitutional Court Decision in the Indonesian constitutional structure has implications for changes in the system, the mechanism and the pattern of elections and the local election organizers and participants of the election and the local election. On some empirical experience that was shown in the administration of elections and the election, people think the dynamic to organize and improve the system, as well as have awareness of constitutional rights guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution on political rights for the sake of the spirit of building area through the local elections to choose a figure that is idealized.
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David Olaleye, Olugbile. "Local Government Election Management in Lagos State and the Influence Of A Zero-Sum Game". African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 6, n.º 2 (21 de novembro de 2023): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-gsd8stto.
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By intent and definition, the Local Government in a democracy is supposed to be the closest government to the people and its administrator should be decided by its residents through a free and fair election. But in Nigeria, the works of the election management bodies that conduct Local Government elections in the States are cumbersome because the Governors have substantial control over them. For instance, the Chairman of the Lagos States Independent Electoral Commission is nominated by the Governor, who also has a major stake in the outcome of Local Government elections. The Local Government election in Nigeria is a zero-sum game for the ruling party in the State, as election into all the Local Government administrative centers is seen as a 'must-win' for the party of the Governor. One of the reasons for this is that Local Governments in Nigeria receive a monthly statutory allocation from the National Revenue. Also, local government official positions that include: the Chairman, Vice Chairman, Supervisory Councilors and other Councilors are used by the Governors and other ruling elites in the States to ‘settle’ loyal party members in their localities. This paper uses Lagos State to highlight the reality of the management of local government elections in Nigeria. It submits that the mode of configuration and procedure of local government election administration must be changed to a more transparent and unbiased one before the election can be taken seriously by the residents of the State.
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Anugrah, Fajrian Noor, Gunarto Gunarto e Sri Endah Wahyuningsih. "Legal Reconstruction of Government's Political Regulation in the Election of Regional Heads Based on Pancasila Justice Values". Scholars International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 7, n.º 01 (24 de janeiro de 2024): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijlcj.2024.v07i01.005.
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This research analyzes the weaknesses of the government's political and legal regulations in the current implementation of regional head elections and finds a legal reconstruction of the government's legal politics in regional head elections based on Pancasila justice values in Indonesia. In a constructivism paradigm where the type of research method used is normative juridical and the specifications of this research have a prescriptive analytical nature with the approach used by the author being a statutory approach. The research results found that the weakness of the government's political and legal regulations regarding regional elections, the substance of which regulates the resolution of election crimes; Requirements as Candidates for Governor and Candidates for Deputy Governor, Candidates for Regent and Candidates for Deputy Regent, as well as Candidates for Mayor and Candidates for Deputy Mayor; Prohibition in campaigning; Criminal Sanctions Regional head elections; Simultaneous regional head elections; Community participation in organizing elections and the existence of a special electoral judicial body. Therefore, the reconstruction of the government's political and legal regulations for regional head elections as a whole based on the values of Pancasila justice in its formation can be done by synchronizing vertically with the 1945 Constitution and horizontally with the national election law starting from the planning, preparation, discussion, stipulation, and promulgation stages with adhere to principles in the formation of laws that Pancasila guides as the source of all sources of law in Indonesia by reconstructing the provisions governing the requirements for regional head candidates, candidate registration, voter data collection, campaigns, community participation, violations of the code of ethics, administration, dispute resolution, election crimes, state administration disputes, disputes over election results, formulation of criminal sanctions, implementation of simultaneous regional elections, as well as the formation of a tribunal for election crimes.
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Weinstein-Tull, Justin. "Election Law Federalism". Michigan Law Review, n.º 114.5 (2016): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.114.5.election.
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This Article provides the first comprehensive account of non-Voting Rights Act federal voting laws. Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act—long the most effective voting rights law in American history—was disabled by the Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act is in the crosshairs. As the Supreme Court becomes more hostile to race-based antidiscrimination laws like the Voting Rights Act, Congress will turn to race-neutral, election administration-based reforms to strengthen the right to vote. Indeed, many proposals for reform post-Shelby County have taken this form. The federal laws this Article examines—the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA), the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA), and the Help America Vote Act (HAVA)—regulate major aspects of the elections process: voter registration, absentee ballots, voting machine technology, and accessibility for disabled persons. These statutes, and the model of regulation they illustrate, both represent the future of federal election law and present previously unstudied challenges with implications for election law broadly. Federal legislation that seeks to regulate and standardize elections implicates complicated relationships among federal, state, and local governments. This domain of “election law federalism” has two distinct features: (1) unusually expansive federal power to legislate pursuant to the Elections Clause; and (2) widespread state prerogative to delegate election responsibilities to local government. Because of these unusual characteristics, federal election laws of the kind this Article discusses run in perceived tension with traditional federalism doctrines like the anticommandeering principle and state authority to organize its own subdivisions. That tension has created enforcement difficulties and widespread noncompliance with the statutes. This Article proposes reforms that would allow federal election legislation to accommodate the realities of the elections system and more effectively optimize the roles of federal, state, and local governments within the elections system.
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Mindarti, Lely Indah, Akmal Malik, Bambang Supriyono e Hermawan. "Quality of Regional Election Implementation as Determinant of Performance of Simultaneous Regional Election: Community Trust and Satisfaction as Mediation, and Regulatory Harmonization as Moderation". Review of Pacific Basin Financial Markets and Policies 24, n.º 01 (março de 2021): 2150008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219091521500089.
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The objectives of this research are to analyze how to build the political and managerial balance of government in direct and simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia based on the managerial approach of government and the decentralization approach quantitatively. Data analysis uses the Social Network Analysis (SNA) or Social Network Theory (SNT) approach to map policies using the XL Node and first-order confirmatory factor analysis which is a form of measurement model in the Structural Equation Model (SEM). The population in this study is the Regency/City and Province Organizers of the 2018 elections, which are 88 pairs of Regional Heads/Deputy Regional Heads. The sample of this study was voters who assessed the quality of the elections and other variables, totaling 340 respondents. The results of the study indicate that community trust and community satisfaction can be mediation for the quality of the implementation of regional election to influence the performance of simultaneous regional election. In addition, harmonization of regulations is a moderating variable that can affect the quality of the implementation of regional elections, public trust, and public satisfaction with the performance of simultaneous regional elections. This study conducted a quantification study related to new approaches in building a balance with the managerial approach of governance (Rosenbloom, DH (2015). Public Administration: Understanding Management, Politics, and Law in the Public Sector, 8th ed. Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill; Frederickson, HG (1980). New Public Administration. University of Alabama Press; Frederickson, GN and NA Lynch (1984). The impact of synchronous communication on the problem of electing a leader in a ring. In Proc. 16th Annual ACM Symp. Theory of Computing, Washington, D.C., pp. 493–503. https://doi.org/10.1145/800057.808719 ) and the decentralization approach (Smith, BC (1985). Decentralization: The Territorial Dimension of the State. Taylor & Francis; Smith, BC (2012). Desentralisasi, Dimensi Teritorial Suatu Negara (diterjemahkan oleh Tim MIPI). Jakarta: MIPI).
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Cornelis, Vieta I. "CODE OF ETHICS: QUALITY OF ELECTION MANAGEMENT TO REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN SIMULAR ELECTIONS IN INDONESIA". Constitutional Law Society 1, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2022): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36448/cls.v1i1.4.
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The urgency of the implementation of General Elections in a Democratic State in Indonesia is to function for the sustainability of the government system so that it requires an active role from all elements of the Indonesian nation, to realize a General Election that is truly carried out in a structured, systematic and responsible manner with consistent and trustworthy escort or supervision. That’s why things that happen related to the code of ethics for the organizers of the General Election, at the time of the General Election simultaneously and must be properly regulated by the organizers of the democratic party. The research method used in this article is normative legal research or commonly referred to as doctrinal law research that focuses on written regulations (law in book). The findings in this article show that in the future simultaneous general elections in the State of Indonesia, which consists of islands with different ethnicities, cultures, different human resources. One thing is realized that democracy does not guarantee equality of conditions, democracy only guarantees equality of opportunity. This equality is what we must apply so that all people have the same rights and obligations in obtaining the things that are mandated in the administration of state life.
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Sudrajat, Hendra. "Phenomenon of Constitutional Law Regarding the Authority of Deputy Local Leaders in Local Elections (Pilkada) Results". Jurnal Bina Praja 12, n.º 2 (16 de dezembro de 2020): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.261-272.
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Since the reformation era in 1998 through amendments to the 1945 Constitution, which began in 1999 to 2002, it has impacted Indonesia's state administration system's structure. The direct election system's opening in the election of the President and Vice President and the legislature to the local elections (Pilkada). Local elections (Pilkada) candidates are a package for local leaders, which fascinating to examine. In Article 18, paragraph (4) to the 1945 Constitution does not mention the Deputy local leaders, thus causing problems. When the Deputy local leaders authority is limited by the constitution, which has an impact on conflicts of authority between the local leaders and Deputy local leaders, which results in disrupted government services. This study aims to provide a solution to this phenomenon so that it finds two options, namely, first to retain the position of Deputy local leaders in the local elections with the complaint mechanism method and precise judgment of taxation, and secondly to be consistent with the state constitution, the local elections (Pilkada) is held without a Deputy local leaders candidate with his position replaced. by the local secretary.
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Rasji, Rasji, Viane Patricia e Sanny Nuyessy Putri. "Analysis of Problems in the Implementation of Elections in Districts or Villages". QISTINA: Jurnal Multidisiplin Indonesia 2, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2023): 622–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.57235/qistina.v2i1.547.
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General elections, hereinafter referred to as elections, have the means of popular sovereignty to elect members of the People's Representative Council, members of the Regional Representatives Council, President and Vice President, and to elect members of the Regional People's Representative Council which are carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Any choice is very prone to various violations and even fraud. Indicators that show the reasons for this problem are not only in the organizers, but also in the behavior of competitors. The intended Indonesian citizens are the original Indonesian people/nation and people of other nations who are legalized by law as citizens. Any choice is very vulnerable to various violations and even cheating. One of the violations that we often face is the abuse of the right to vote. General elections are considered to be the earliest stage of various series of democratic constitutional life. Law Number 7 of the 2017 Election clarifies various criminal provisions against violations and/or fraud in the administration of elections. So that elections are the driving force behind the mechanism of the Indonesian political system. Until now, elections are still considered as an important state event. This is because elections involve all the people directly.
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Rusinga, Rekai. "Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised elections An Assessment of Credibility". Journal of African Elections 20, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2021): 90–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i1a5.
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This paper assesses the credibility of Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised elections using an electoral cycle approach, arguing that the free expression of voters’ choice is a sine qua non for credibility. A study of Election Observer Missions’ reports (EOMs), media reports, and observation in relation to the 2018 elections, points to inadequate legal reforms; questionable independence and impartiality of the Elections Management Body (EMB); media bias; partisan distribution of aid; abuse of state resources; vote buying; partisan involvement of traditional leaders and of the military; intimidation; and suspicious results management. The paper concludes that the 2018 harmonised elections did not pass the credibility test owing to the cumulative effect of structural inadequacies. There is thus a need to comprehensively reform Zimbabwe’s electoral laws, improve elections administration, and ensure a level playing field for contestants by addressing the political environment within which elections are held.
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Rusinga, Rekai. "Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised elections An Assessment of Credibility". Journal of African Elections 20, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2021): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i1a6.
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This paper assesses the credibility of Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised elections using an electoral cycle approach, arguing that the free expression of voters’ choice is a sine qua non for credibility. A study of Election Observer Missions’ reports (EOMs), media reports, and observation in relation to the 2018 elections, points to inadequate legal reforms; questionable independence and impartiality of the Elections Management Body (EMB); media bias; partisan distribution of aid; abuse of state resources; vote buying; partisan involvement of traditional leaders and of the military; intimidation; and suspicious results management. The paper concludes that the 2018 harmonised elections did not pass the credibility test owing to the cumulative effect of structural inadequacies. There is thus a need to comprehensively reform Zimbabwe’s electoral laws, improve elections administration, and ensure a level playing field for contestants by addressing the political environment within which elections are held.
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Abrahám, Samuel. "Early Elections in Slovakia: A State of Deadlock". Government and Opposition 30, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1995): 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00435.x.
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THE EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS IN SLOVAKIA HELD ON 30 September–1 October 1994 and resulting in the victory of populists and nationalists caught many observers by surprise, both in and outside Slovakia. Unlike in Poland and Hungary, the leftist party in Slovakia suffered decisive setbacks, receiving 10.4 per cent of the poll instead of around 20 per cent as indicated in the pre-election surveys. The Democratic Party, the latest successors to the intellectuals who took power from the communists after November 1989, did not even receive the 5 per cent necessary to enter the National Council (see Table 1). The reaction to the overall results has been one of resignation, and pessimism about the fate of democracy in this post-communist country, which, with the Czech Republic constituted Czechoslovakia until 1993.
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Hambali, Muhammad Afied, Teguh Prasetyo, Widayati Widayati e Muhammad Ngazis. "Feasibility Test Reconstruction of Ethical Enforcement Regulations for Election Organizers Based on the Values of Justice with Dignity". Scholars International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 5, n.º 1 (12 de janeiro de 2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijlcj.2022.v05i01.001.
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In the context of building an ethical enforcement system for general election organizers in Indonesia, apart from the need to complete and reinforce the material for legislation, it is also important to question the effectiveness of the work of general election organizers. The organizers of the General Election have the authority to impose sanctions on perpetrators of violations of the General Election administration. The emergence of ethical enforcement problems for the organizers of the General Election, especially in Article 458 paragraph (13) and paragraph (14) of Law no. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, which explains that the DKPP's decision is final and binding, this can lead to legal uncertainty and cannot be equated with final and binding decisions from judicial institutions in general because DKPP is an internal election organizer that is authorized by law. The results of this study have theoretical implications, especially concerning the code of ethics in the administration of elections that has developed so far which views that laws and regulations apply as the only absolute recognized standard of truth. This study has practical implications, that state law needs to be adapted to the conditions and situations of this nation, not to the interests of certain parties. Enforcement of ethics as described in Law no. 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The substances regulated are obligations to the state, obligations to the community, integrity, independence, and professionalism of the General Election Organizer. Although there is no explicit mention of the obligation to honor a code of ethics that is implemented properly/not violated is expected to place the General Election Organizer in the highest honor.
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Mutawalli, Muhammad, e Zulhilmi Paidi. "Periodic Principles in General Elections: Orientation and Implications in Indonesia". Jurnal Penelitian Hukum De Jure 23, n.º 3 (29 de setembro de 2023): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.30641/dejure.2023.v23.357-374.
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The general election is one part of the practice of democracy in Indonesia. In this case, the general election is a manifestation of people’s sovereignty. In general, the principles of elections include the principles of direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair. This study seeks to explore the legal construction related to the periodic principle of general elections which must be held periodically every five years to become a separate principle in elections. The issue of periodization in general elections really needs to be emphasized as one of the principles in general elections as the main basis for creating a cycle of replacement and filling of public positions in the state administration system. This research is a normative legal research with statutory and conceptual approaches. The results of the study confirm that the orientation of legal construction on the periodic principle has actually been expressly stated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and is based on a systematic interpretation. In this case, the orientation of the periodic aspect is part of the general election principle which is obligatory and must be implemented. This implies that the principles of general elections include the principles of direct, general, free, confidential, honest, and fair, and must be held periodically for five years. In this case, the periodic principle becomes very important to be recognized and explicitly stated in the general election law as a new principle in the technical implementation of general elections. this has implications for the implementation of elections that are inconsistent and tend to change in each implementation. Whereas in holding general elections, the periodic principle will uniformize the holding of elections simultaneously, both national elections and elections at the regional level by setting forth and affirming in the general election law that periodization is a technical principle in holding general elections in Indonesia.
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S., Zhumatay, Tasagil A., Кabyltayeva S.K. e Mukanova G.K. "Election campaigns in the 1st and 2nd State Dumas as a reflection of the social activity of the peoples of the Steppe Territory: problems and significance". Bulletin of the Karaganda university History.Philosophy series 107, n.º 3 (30 de setembro de 2022): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2022hph3/68-73.
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The results of the elections to the 1st and 2nd State Duma and the election campaigns showed the interest of the population of the Steppe Territory in democratic changes. This led to the fact that even with curtailed voting rights and obstacles posed by the administration, the majority elected to the 1st and 2nd Dumas persons who enjoyed authority among the population and advocated transformations in the socio-political system of tsarist Russia. The article describes the election campaigns, which were indicators of the social activity of the inhabitants of the Steppe region. The authors show that during the elections to the 1st and 2nd State Dumas, the progressive Kazakh democratic intelligentsia, which called for the use of the Duma to protect the rights of nomads, intensified its activities.
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Marisa, Hizra, Ade Pornauli, Achmad Indra e Alya Aurora. "The Regional Head Elections (Pilkada) 2020 During Covid-19 Pandemic: A Projection". Journal of Election and Leadership 1, n.º 2 (2 de agosto de 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v1i2.4424.
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This study aims to find out a projection and how the development of elections during COVID-19 pandemic. The regional heads elections is one manifestation of the reform movement in 1998 which wants a change in state administration after being dominated by authoritarianism to become democratic. This election is known to the public as a venue for the election of regional heads who will serve or lead. Covid-19 pandemic is a virus transmission and causes an outbreak ove the world including Indonesia. A number of regions contributed to the 2020 elections. The regional head election system in 2020 is the third time held in Indonesia. The ballot is planned to be held simultaneously on September 2020. The total area that will carry out simultaneous regional head elections in 2020 is 270 regions with 9 provinces, 224 districts and 37 cities. The government regulation in lieu of law number 2/2020 on the local election was finally set by President Joko Widodopada on May 4th, 2020. The election which originally took place on September 23rd was finally postponed for 3 months, which became on December 2020. This step was criticized because it was considered ignoring COVID-19 pandemic.
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Beulah C, Hepzibah. "Pandemic challenges vs. public policy: reflections on the electoral administration in the world's largest democracy". Studia z Polityki Publicznej 9, n.º 1(33) (6 de junho de 2022): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp/2022.1.2.
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Democratic elections pose an immense challenge to any government during an emergency crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. More so for a country like India, with close to 18% of the world's population comprising an equally daunting and eager voter base of around 911 million in the time of a raging virus, both in the urban and rural areas of the nation. The first democratic large-scale election during the pandemic was successfully held in the state of Bihar in North India with more than 90 million voters, which was an astonishing feat by itself. The model followed by South Korea with the highest voter turnout provided an insight to the Indian authorities on conducting the elections. The Indian Election Commission, an independent statutory body which is entrusted with the task of conducting free and fair elections, allowed for the virtual mode of campaigning, and specific guidelines for polling were recommended. The rule changes have profound implications in significantly reducing crowded campaigns, which was synonymous with Indian democracy. The traditional lens through which the administration of elections was perceived has undergone a paradigm shift during the pandemic. New insights might surface if the electoral administration is reviewed in this study on an argumentative basis against the background of the big steps taken by the Indian election machinery. The aspects on which the research debates include: (i) the pros and cons of the action taken by the regulators; (ii) positive and negative responses from the political parties; and (iii) health and safety of the voters. The study concludes by affirming with data on the success of the Bihar Election and the wise choice of the Indian government in seizing the opportunity by taking the cues from South Korea.
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Bulegenova, Bibigul, Aigul Amirzhanova e Zhanerke Yeralina. "ELECTIONS OF AKIMOV-2021: NEW COMMUNICATION TRENDS ON THE WAY TO THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF SOCIETY". Qogam jane Dauir 75, n.º 3 (25 de setembro de 2022): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2022-3.05.
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Since Kazakhstan gained independence, the institution of elections has been the main feature and principle of democracy that forms representative government. The improvement of the institution of elections is due to the reforms carried out so far. As you know, along with the highest authorities, in 2021 the population got the opportunity to choose the akims of rural districts by election. In this article, the election of candidates for the post of rural administration by self-nomination, along with registration through political parties, is considered as a new communicative trend in this election campaign. The introduction of the column "Against all" in the electoral legislation is considered as a new change. The analysis was carried out and the scientific conclusion of the mayors' elections of 2021 was obtained according to the data of the Central Election Commission and the State Statistics Agency, as well as monitoring of Internet sources of information. In connection with the conclusions obtained on the basis of the study, it was proposed to update the elections of rural akims, improve them, expand the scope of various political and communication technologies as the main principle of democracy.
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Ologbenla, Derin, e Waziri Babatunde Adisa. "Money-Bag Politics, Rent-Seeking And Flawed Elections In Nigeria: A Theoretical Statement". Journal of Public Administration and Governance 2, n.º 1 (2 de janeiro de 2012): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v2i1.1682.
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The history of Nigerian politics is replete with money-bag politics. Although, there is hardly any country in the world where instances of bribery or political corruption are not present in their national politics, researches on Africa’s postcolonial history, have however shown that, in Africa, corruption is an institutionalized and a systemic practice affecting not only the postcolonial state itself, but also the majority of the citizenry. Using Nigeria, as a case study, this paper argues that since the 1964/1965 Western Region elections to the 2007 general elections, there has hardly been any election conducted in Nigeria without associated cases of corrupt practices such as vote buying, ballot snatching, election rigging, election violence, political and legislative lobbying etc. The aftermath of this or its cumulative effective, is better seen when the number of years spent by Nigeria under the military is weighed against the number of years it spent under civilian administration. Using the peripheral political economy approach, this paper opines that the problem of flawed elections in Nigeria should be traced more to the nature and character of the Nigerian colonial state, prebendal politics among Nigerian politicians, imperial capitalism, primitive accumulation of capital as well as the nature and character of class contestations among various interest groups in contemporary Nigeria . The paper adds that the fierce struggle for state powers and the accompanying prosecution of elections with illicit money, is an indication of the peripheral nature of Nigerian politics.
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Muzayanah, Muzayanah. "Kajian Yuridis Tentang Kesadaran Warga Negara Untuk Menggunakan Hak Pilih Dalam Melaksanakan Demokrasi Pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah". Jurnal Komunikasi Hukum (JKH) 7, n.º 1 (2 de fevereiro de 2021): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jkh.v7i1.31492.
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The Republic of Indonesia is a state based on the rule of law in implementing state administration based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The administration of government with a democratic system in which the highest sovereignty is in the hands of the people and in its implementation the people elect a leader to run the government. To determine the regional leader / regional head must be carried out through regional head elections. Regional head elections are intended to continue the government which has ended its term of office. Therefore, regional head elections must be held simultaneously throughout the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. The holding of regional head elections is a big job and is the responsibility of all parties, including all citizens of the Republic of Indonesia, so that the implementation of regional head elections runs well. The regional head elections in question have been held and are the result of the hard work of various relevant state institutions that have carried out their duties and responsibilities, in this case the General Election Commission (KPU) which has held regional head elections simultaneously throughout the territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). ). The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia regulates the voting rights of citizens to participate and actively participate in determining regional leaders / regional heads who will lead in their respective territories. Citizens have the right to vote to vote at regional head elections. This is of course an awareness and responsibility as citizens so that regional leaders / regional heads are elected who are able to organize government and create prosperity and justice based on the values contained in the principles of Pancasila. The problem in this research is how a juridical study of the awareness of citizens to use their voting rights in implementing democracy in regional head elections?This research is a normative juridical research with the Library Research research method. The data collection method uses secondary data in the form of primary legal materials and secondary and tertiary legal materials. The population in this study is a random population of residents / community of Pengkol hamlet, Mangunsari village, Gunung pati District, Semarang City. The results of the research show that people in this region as citizens of the Republic of Indonesia have the awareness and responsibility to exercise their voting rights in the implementation of regional head elections, especially the election for Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Semarang on December 9, 2020. Regional head elections in this region have been going well and in a conducive situation even though it was held during the Covid-19 pandemic. It is hoped that the holding of this regional head election will produce regional leaders who have reliable and quality leadership management and are able to bring the community to realize social justice for all Indonesian people.
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Junaedi. "Legitimacy Steps Delaying the A2024 Election Implementation". East Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 2, n.º 1 (31 de janeiro de 2023): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/eajmr.v2i1.2679.
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The legitimacy of the postponement of the 2024 General Election can be implemented, even if it is against the state constitution, including Amendments to the 1945 Constitution, Presidential Decrees, and constitutional conventions. The last way to postpone the election is by creating a constitutional convention. Changes are not made to the text of the Constitution, the Constitution. 45, but it is carried out in the practice of state administration, and it is challenging to create a constitutional convention on postponing elections. Moreover, ordinary people will readily perceive it as a 'deviation' from the 1945 Constitution.
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Biroroh, Ta’mirotul. "Optimizing The Role of the General Election Commission in Realizing Democratic Elections in Indonesia". International Journal of Law and Politics Studies 3, n.º 2 (29 de novembro de 2021): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijlps.2021.3.2.5.
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The mechanism for transferring people's sovereignty is carried out through general elections to elect leaders and representatives of the people who will be mandated to carry out state and government affairs in accordance with the provisions contained in the legislation. One of the interesting developments from the point of view of the Indonesian state administration began when Indonesia experienced a transitional period of general elections (elections) which are one of the main pillars of democracy. In Indonesia, the existence of an election management body has existed since the 1955 general election until now. In every course of political history, Indonesia has several different institutional models of election management from time to time. The General Election Commission in Indonesia it is called Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) is an institution that carries out the function of organizing elections in Indonesia. In addition to the KPU, there are institutions that also play an important role in the implementation of elections and are closely related to the existence of the KPU, namely survey institutions that carry out quick count processes. The survey institutions in a number of developing countries, especially those that are actively building democracy, are also not a little doubted by their moral honesty, at least being sued with a critical attitude such as the existence of a poll on the existence of a political survey institution, which has resulted in an attitude of uncertainty about the performance survey agency. This condition makes people less confident in the survey results which are considered no longer independent. It is proven that every time an election is held, a number of survey institutions seem to want to lead public opinion towards certain contestants. This is certainly very unfortunate considering that the survey results are one of the important instruments in democracy.
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Andreev, A. A. "Organization of elections among the native and foreign population in the first State Duma". Nauchnyi dialog, n.º 3 (30 de março de 2020): 298–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-3-298-316.
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The study is devoted to the elections to the first Russian parliament among the representatives of the so-called “native” and “foreign” population of the Russian Empire. It is shown that in the conditions of the revolutionary events of 1905-1906 at the highest bureaucratic level for Russian absolutism, the fundamental issue was the issue of delegating part of the legislative initiative to elected representatives of society. It is noted that under pressure from local administrations - the Turkestan Governor-General and Caucasian Viceroyalty - it was decided to entrust voting right in a truncated form to the peoples of the Caucasus (Caucasian Viceroyalty), Turkestan Territory (Semipalatinsk Oblast), the Steppe Territory and the nomadic foreigners of Russian provinces and regions. It is indicated that a comparative analysis of official documentation on elective production and periodicals on the outskirts allows us to consider in detail the very process of the first elections, its differences and similarities in parts of the empire. The author concludes that the election rules proposed by the center made it possible for people who are not connected with the local administration to be represented by their people in the first State Duma. The analysis of the biographies of the candidates showed that the ethnic factor played a greater role than their political views.
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Mohee, Mansha. "Electoral Governance and Human Rights Amid Pandemics in Africa: Key Lessons from the Early COVID-19 Experience". Journal of African Law 65, S2 (20 de outubro de 2021): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855321000395.
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AbstractOver 25 African countries had planned elections for 2020. In the face of the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in March, states resorted to one of two courses of action: adherence to planned electoral timelines in the shadow of the outbreak, which largely led to record low voter turnouts and hastened the spread of the virus; or adjourning elections with ill-defined election programming, constitutional tensions and unrest over delayed polls. The global health crisis not only frustrated the organization of the electoral process but set severe challenges to democracy, the rule of law and human rights in the region at a time of landmark elections, notably in Ethiopia, Burundi and Malawi. This article analyses initial state responses in electoral administration in light of international electoral norms, and interrogates the role of national and regional mechanisms in securing safe, inclusive, timely, free and fair elections amid new infectious disease outbreaks.
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Utama, Joel Dharma, Indra Perwira e Ali Abdurrahman. "Judicial Review Analysis of the General Election Law Number 42 of 2008 and Implications for the 2019 Simultaneous Elections". Melayunesia Law 5, n.º 2 (30 de dezembro de 2021): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.30652/ml.v5i2.7817.
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The Constitutional Court (MK) is a high state institution in the Indonesian constitutional system that holds judicial power with the Supreme Court according to Law No. 4 of 2003 article 1. It executes independent judicial power for the administration of justice for law enforcement and equity. As stated by the 1945 Constitution, the Constitutional Court has the authority to adjudicate to examine laws toward the Constitution or, in other words, it functions as a guardian of the Constitution. General Elections are held once every five years to elect pairs of candidates for president/vice president and legislative members. Indonesia currently holds elections simultaneously between these two elections in one day, in contrast to the elections in previous years. One thing that catches the public's attention is that the holding of simultaneous elections in 2019 is felt to have not met their expectations. The origin of the simultaneous elections was caused by the number of activists and circles requesting the Constitutional Court to cancel the norm. The presidential and legislative elections were held separately. Then, the Constitutional Court decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 affirms that the legislative and presidential elections must be concurrent and interprets the elections held separately as Unconstitutional stated by the 1945 Constitution. Several Constitutional Court considerations were also given in line with various decision aspects, but the expectation of these considerations did not reach an upright and correct general election in 2019. Therefore, the author is interested in writing about the analysis of the Authority of the Constitutional Court in Judicial Review of General Election Implementation Materials and Implications for the 2019 Election.
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Inoue, Carlos. "Election Cycles and Organizations: How Politics Shapes the Performance of State-owned Enterprises over Time". Administrative Science Quarterly 65, n.º 3 (30 de agosto de 2019): 677–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839219869913.
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This study develops a dynamic perspective on how elected state officials’ political incentives shape the behavior and performance of organizations, particularly state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Drawing on theoretical views about the relationship between politicians and firms, I argue that state officials seeking votes manipulate SOEs to boost employment before elections. As a result, SOEs exhibit both higher employment levels and lower financial performance in election years. The positive relationship between elections and SOE employment, however, is not uniform across firms and geographic communities: it is likely to be stronger in economically disadvantaged communities and weaker for SOEs with private investors. Data from Brazil’s water sector—an industry managing a crucial societal resource—support these predictions. These results shed light on the mechanisms linking officials’ political incentives and SOE behavior and show that SOE performance is politically contingent and thus varies systematically over time. More broadly, this study reveals how firms’ responses to political pressures depend on both organizational and community attributes and highlights how the interplay of election cycles, organizations, and communities shapes the performance of organizations in state capitalism.
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Usman Egye, Ahmed. "Impact of Bimodal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) on Election Integrity in Nasarawa State". Journal of Advanced Research and Multidisciplinary Studies 4, n.º 1 (21 de fevereiro de 2024): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/jarms-sgbqxnwy.
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The election umpire sought to improve election integrity in Nigeria with the introduction of the bimodal voters' accreditation system replaced the earlier Card Reader, which was only intended to identify and recommend voters on election day. BVAS was designed as a game changer since it could identify, authenticate, and validate prospective voters to ensure free, fair, and credible elections in the country. However, the outcome of elections nationwide and the pending litigations on election fraud and integrity are contemporary discourses among scholars and citizens. Therefore, this study examines the impact of the bimodal voters’ accreditation system on election integrity in Nasarawa State, Nigeria with a specific focus on the 2023 general election. This study adopted a descriptive research design, primary data were collected through a self-structured questionnaire and interview guide to elicit information from the respondents. The study utilised technology theory as the theoretical framework for the study. Multi-stage sampling techniques were used to select a sample size of ninety (90) respondents for questionnaire administration. The findings of the study revealed that the bimodal voters' accreditation system has eradicated overvoting/double voting, increased public participation in the electoral process, enhanced the public level of trust and confidence in the electoral process and improved electoral transparency and integrity in the study area. The study concluded that though the bimodal accreditation system has helped improve the electoral system, however, there is a need to improve its effectiveness to prevent loopholes. The study recommends among others, the need for the autonomy of electoral umpires to prevent political meddling.
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Chmielarz-Grochal, Anna, e Jarosław Sułkowski. "CHANGES IN THE POLISH ELECTORAL BODIES’ SYSTEM AND THE ISSUE OF CITIZENS’ TRUST IN THE RELIABILITY AND HONESTY OF ELECTION PROCEDURES (REFLECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE ELECTORS’ CONSTITUTIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS)". Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 2, n.º XX (30 de junho de 2020): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.1687.
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The article is an attempt to answer the question how the changes in the electoral administration introduced by Amendment Act of 2018 may result on the level of citizens’ trust in the state. The starting point for these considerations is the constitutional consciousness of citizens, which should be an important factor in building and maintaining trust also in electoral bodies and procedures. Elections are an important element of the democratic system. In the electoral process, electoral bodies play a special role in building public confidence. Their task is to ensure a broadly understood reliability of election procedures and fairness of the elections themselves. In the authors’ opinion, the legislator’s intention was a kind of smoke screen, whereas articipatory goals gave way to current politics. Modification of the model of electoral administration from professional to political, increasing the powers of political nominees (electoral commissioners, men of trust) and fairly disrespectful treatment of social observers, as well as favoring party committees, allows to undermine the truthfulness of these intentions. Such actions may raise voters’ reasonable doubts as to the integrity of the elections held, and, as a result, deepen/intensify the already existing distrust.
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Harsono, Jumardi. "PERUBAHAN KEWENANGAN BADAN PENGAWAS PEMILIHAN UMUM TERHADAP PELANGGARAN PEMILIHAN UMUM LEGISLATIF BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017 TENTANG PEMILIHAN UMUM". Jurnal Panji Keadilan : Jurnal Ilmiah Nasional Mahasiswa Hukum 2, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2019): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36085/jpk.v2i1.267.
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ABSTRAKPerubahan Kewenangan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum terhadap Pelanggaran Pemilihan Umum Legislatif berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah: (1). Untuk mengetahui latar belakang terjadinya perubahan kewenangan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum terhadap pelanggaran pemilihan umum legislative berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum, (2). Untuk mengetahui mekanisme penyelesaian pelanggaran Pemilihan Umum oleh Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum terhadap pelanggaran pemilihan umum legislatif berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 7 tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum yang bersifat yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan dua pendekatan yakni pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian yang melatarbelakangi perubahan kewenangan pelanggaran Pemilu yakni adanya aspirasi Bawaslu yang kesulitan dalam praktik, dimana saat terjadi pelanggaran administrasi Pemilu yang semestinya diselesaikan dengan cepat, tidak bisa dilakukan karena proses penerusan laporan dari pengawas Pemilu ke Komisi Pemilihan Umum/Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah tidak diproses secara cepat dan tidak diberi putusan serta tindakan. Disisi lain adanya usulan agar Bawaslu dan Mahkamah Konstitusi menjadi dua lembaga yang menangani perselisihan Pemilu. Mahkamah Konstitusi menangani perselisihan hasil Pemilu, sedangkan Bawaslu menangani pelanggaran ketentuan Administrasi pemilu, menjadi penyidik dan penuntut pelanggaran ketentuan pidana Pemilu, perselisihan antara Komisi Pemilihan Umum dengan peserta Pemilu, perselisihan antara peserta Pemilu. Bawaslu hendak dikembangkan menjadi penegak hukum dan menyelesaikan sebagian sengketa Pemilu. Pelanggaran Pemilu dibagi menjadi enam jenis yaitu Tindak Pidana Pemilu, Kode Etik Penyelenggara Pemilu, Pelanggaran Administrasi Pemilu, Sengketa Pemilu, Perselisihan hasil Pemilu, sengketa tata usaha Negara. Keseluruhan pelanggaran Pemilu ini ditangani oleh masing-masing lembaga yang berbeda.Kata kunci: pemilu legislatif; pelanggaran pemilu; mekanisme penanganan pelanggaran pemiluABSTRACTT Changes to the Authority of the General Election Supervisory Board on Violations of Legislative General Elections based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The objectives of this study are: (1). To find out the background of the change in authority of the General Election Supervisory Agency against violations of the legislative general election based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, (2). To find out the mechanism for resolving violations of the General Election by the General Election Supervisory Board against violations of legislative elections based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. This type of research is legal normative juridical research using two approaches namely the approach of legislation and a conceptual approach. The results of the research behind the change in election violation authority are the aspirations of Bawaslu which have difficulties in practice, where during the election administration violations which should be resolved quickly, cannot be done because the process of forwarding reports from Election supervisors to the Election Commission/Regional Election Commission is not processed quickly and not given decisions and actions. On the other hand there is a proposal that the Election Supervisory Body and the Constitutional Court be two institutions that handle election disputes. The Constitutional Court handles disputes over election results, while the Election Supervisory Body handles violations of electoral administration provisions, becomes investigators and prosecutors of violations of Election criminal provisions, disputes between the General Election Commission and election participants, disputes between election participants. Bawaslu wants to be developed into law enforcement and resolve some election disputes. Election Violations are divided into six types, namely Election Crimes, Election Organizers Code of Ethics, Election Administration Violations, Election Disputes, Election Results Disputes, State administrative disputes. All of these Election violations are handled by different institutions.Keywords: legislative elections; election violations; mechanism for handling election violations
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Zahariadis, Nikolaos. "Policy Networks, Elections, and State Subsidies1". Review of Policy Research 22, n.º 2 (março de 2005): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-1338.2005.00124.x.
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Ariyanto, Bambang, e Rachman Maulana Kafrawi. "Orderly principles of state administration in selecting ministers". Legality : Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum 30, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2022): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/ljih.v30i1.15868.
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One of the advantages of the presidential system is the president's authority to appoint ministers without the intervention of others. The President's authority has been confirmed in Article 17 paragraph (4) of the Constitution 1945 which states that the President appoints and dismisses ministers. This regulation is also emphasized by the existence of Law Number 39 of 2008 concerning the Ministry of the State which states that ministers are assistants to the president in leading Ministry. The State Ministry Law does not set limits on how persons can be elected by the president to become ministers, whether from political parties, professionals, academics, practitioners; it is all purely the authority of the president. Limitations on ministerial candidates are only regulated in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 79/PUU-IX/2011asserting that the positions of ministers and ministries may not be sold as a political gift to a person or a group. On that basis, the question regarding what legal principles in the state administrative law can be referred to by the president in forming a competent cabinet is raised. With normative-juridical methods, the purpose of this paper is to find out the principles in state administrative law in the implementation of government, especially in cabinet elections. The results of the study show that the principle of the orderly administration of the state must serve as a reference in the implementation of government, especially in cabinet elections. This principle involves the basis of order, harmony, and balance in state control and administration. Besides, the ministers appointed by the president must avoid and be aware of the occurrence of maladministration that leads to liability personal, not job responsibilities. To strengthen the principle of orderly state administration, The Ministry of State must include this principle in one of its articles.
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Salisbury, Chris. "Commentary: ‘It was “year one”’ - Insiders’ reflections on Wayne Goss and the 1989 Queensland election". Queensland Review 27, n.º 1 (junho de 2020): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2020.5.
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AbstractThe thirtieth anniversary of the election of Wayne Goss’s Labor Party to government in Queensland was marked on 2 December 2019. Considered a landmark political event, the 1989 state election saw the once-dominant National Party dispatched from office after thirty-two years of conservative government in this state. The election of an energetic new premier kick-started a period of purposeful public administration reform and public accountability renewal that many have described since as ‘the birth of modern Queensland’. Yet the end of the divisive Bjelke-Petersen era, as Goss’s ascent was characterised, was for some an uneasy time of accelerated transformational change. From these varied perspectives, and through the recorded recollections of public figures and senior administrators of the time, this article looks back at a modern benchmark for ‘historic’ state elections in Queensland.
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Norris, Pippa. "The 1992 US Elections". Government and Opposition 28, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1993): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01305.x.
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The American Elections This Year Overturned conventional expectations. In March 1991 President Bush — leader of the free world during the fall of the Berlin wall and winner of the Gulf war — seemed invincible. With the troops home in victory parades, Bush's approval rating stood at 88 per cent in Gallup polls. Few thought he could lose against Governor Clinton, dogged by questions about the draft and marital fidelity, perceived as a second-rank Democratic contender from a small southern state. Yet President Bush won 37.7 per cent, the lowest share of the popular vote of any incumbent president since William Taft in 1912. Against most predictions, 19 per cent of the vote went to Ross Perot, the best result for a third party candidate since Teddy Roosevelt. Governor Clinton enjoyed a comfortable victory, with 43.2 per cent of the popular vote and 370 electoral college votes in 32 states. The result for Clinton was not a landslide, indeed his share of the popular vote was similar to Mondale's in 1984 and Carter's in 1980, and less than Dukakis's in 1988. But questions about a popular mandate are academic: Democrats now control both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue, and almost two-thirds of governorships and state legislative chambers.
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Gede Nofantara Putra, I Gusti Bagus Suryawan e Ida Ayu Putu Widiati. "Hak Mantan Narapidana Korupsi sebagai Calon Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah dalam Pemilihan Umum". Jurnal Interpretasi Hukum 2, n.º 2 (24 de junho de 2021): 447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/juinhum.2.2.3477.447-451.
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Indonesia is a constitutional democracy which in a democratic country, general elections including regional head elections (Pemilukada) are a way of being a form of people's sovereignty in playing an active role in state administration. The existence of post-conflict local elections is held at all types of political levels either in a democratic, authoritarian or totalitarian system and is recognized by States adhering to the principle of people's sovereignty. As for the formulation of the problem of this scientific paper, namely (1) How are the requirements for the nomination of members of the People's Representative Council and Regional People's Representative Council members in the election (general election)? (2) What are the implications of corruption convicts running for members of the people's representative council and regional people's representative council? This research uses normative legal research methods, statutory and conceptual approaches, primary and secondary legal sources, document studies and literature studies, and analysis of legal interpretations and descriptive analysis. On human rights, a person who has served a sentence as a prisoner has the same rights as other citizens and because the prisoner has already served the consequences of his actions with a sentence.
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Hurytska, Mariia, e Volodymyr Rykhlik. "VARIETIES OF ELECTORAL TECHNOLOGIES IN UKRAINE". Politology bulletin, n.º 88 (2022): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2022.88.161-174.
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The article analyzes the meaning of the concept of «electoral technologies», modern approaches to its interpretation, the classification of electoral technologies according to various characteristics, the principles of democratic elections and the effectiveness of electoral technologies in modern Ukraine. To focus attention on the varieties of electoral technologies, the analysis of modern approaches, the research aims to represent the principles of democratic elections and the effectiveness of electoral technologies in Ukraine. The methodological basis of the study was the dialectical method, which made it possible to identify and learn electoral technologies as a legal phenomenon. In addition, during the research, formal-logical techniques were used (logical methods of analysis and synthesis were used during the identification of features and definition of the concept of electoral technologies, as well as their classification, modeling and abstraction techniques — during the development of practically possible proposals for improving the electoral process), systemic (allowed to systematize and classify electoral technologies, as well as regulate the use of illegal electoral technologies. Scientific novelty. It is proposed to classify electoral technologies according to various features and criteria based on the experience of modern Ukraine. Conclusions. Political elections presuppose appropriate technologies of activity, which are always dynamic and in need of change. The study of electoral technologies is a relevant contribution to their development against the background of Ukrainian state formation. Understanding the content and typology of political electoral technologies at the current stage is an important need to improve and increase the efficiency of political power and state administration. Further research in this field can be focused on improving the methodology of electoral technologies and optimizing election processes, analysis of election campaign technologies, and the level of involvement of parties in the organization of the election process.
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Biggers, Daniel R., e Daniel A. Smith. "Does threatening their franchise make registered voters more likely to participate? Evidence from an aborted voter purge". British Journal of Political Science 50, n.º 3 (2 de julho de 2018): 933–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123418000157.
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AbstractPrior research predicts that election administration changes that increase voting costs should decrease participation, but it fails to consider that some interpret those changes as attacking their franchise. Drawing on psychological reactance theory, this study tests whether such perceived attacks might instead activate those citizens. It leverages the State of Florida’s multi-stage effort in 2012 to purge suspected non-citizens from its voter rolls, comparing the voting rates of suspected non-citizens whose registration was and was not formally challenged by the state. Within-registrant difference-in-difference and matching analyses estimate a positive, significant participatory effect of being challenged, particularly for Hispanics (the vast majority of the sample). Placebo tests show that those challenged were no more likely than those not challenged to vote in previous elections.
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GOERRES, ACHIM, STAFFAN KUMLIN e RUNE KARLSEN. "Pressure without Pain: What Politicians (Don’t) Tell You about Welfare State Change". Journal of Social Policy 48, n.º 4 (28 de março de 2019): 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279419000138.
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AbstractHow do political leaders politicise welfare state “reform pressures”, e.g. unemployment, ageing or globalisation, in election campaigns? Competing expectations range from no politicization at all to a clear and unbiased coupling between pressures and intended policy responses. Eighteen speeches held by prime ministerial candidates at election-year party congresses in Germany, Norway and Sweden (2000–2010) reveal an unfinished and biased problem-solution coupling. On the one hand, even in these affluent countries pressures are frequently politicised. On the other hand, leaders either cherry-pick less painful policy solutions, or refrain altogether from debating them. So, while citizens learn that the welfare state is pressured, they are not exposed to the full range of policies they increasingly have reason to expect after elections.
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Samusevich, Andrey V. "Administrative regulation of the regional electoral cycle in Russia: The main trends of regional heads elections in 2019–2020". Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 21, n.º 3 (25 de agosto de 2021): 354–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2021-21-3-354-361.
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This article elaborates the thesis the process and results of the regional heads elections in 2019 and 2020. An attempt is also made to frame the model of the manageable electoral procedure for the governors’ appointments implemented during the period of the regional election campaigns of 2019 and 2020. The methodological framework includes the design of the regional electoral cycle and the concept of the viability of public administration and administrative elites as an independent research category of political science. Based on the results of the analysis, a conclusion is drawn about the current situation of the state administration and administrative elites in the Russian political system and the degree of their participation in the political process.