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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Elections – cross-cultural studies"
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Cervi, Laura. "TikTok Use in Municipal Elections: From Candidate-Majors to Influencer-Politicians". Más Poder Local, n.º 53 (28 de julho de 2023): 8–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.56151/maspoderlocal.175.
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TikTok is without any doubt the most successful social network among Gen Zers and, consequently, is increasingly becoming their preferred place to discuss, share opinions, rally around social issues, and express political alignments. Accordingly, both politicians and political parties around the world are joining the platform to connect with young voters: previous exploratory studies, however, have shown that most political actors struggle to adapt to the platform’s affordances, appearing cringy, out of touch, or simply using TikTok as an «old medium», without utilizing it to enhance interaction with citizens. This article contributes to the emerging stream of literature looking at the political uses of this platform in electoral campaigns by studying its application in a local election, focusing on how Ada Colau, candidate mayor for the 2023 Barcelona Municipal elections, has integrated TikTok in her communication strategy. Applying an affordance-based multimodal content analysis of all the tiktoks posted during the campaign, the paper discloses that, although not fully exploiting the platform’s affordances –in particular its participatory potential– the candidate optimally adapts to its vernaculars and cultural environment, constructing a highly recognizable personal style, which seems to borrow and implement the marketing techniques used by influencers and internet celebrities. Therefore, the study concludes that Ada Colau can be considered an example of a new category of celebrity politician, the «influencer-politician», suggesting that future research should dig deeper into this novel dynamic of hybridization and cross-pollination between politics and digital cultures.
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Malet, Giorgio. "Una nuova frattura in Europa?" Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 74, n.º 2 (30 de dezembro de 2015): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9257.
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In the enduring debate regarding the structure of political competition, substantial evidence has been accumulated on the emergence of a new European dimension and on its relevance in some national elections. Yet, there have been few attempts to match the supply side with the demand side of electoral politics through cross-national studies. To fill the gap, this article adopts a two-step procedure. On the one hand, it investigates the political potential of Euroscepticism tracing back the fault lines of a new cleavage to processes of economic competition, cultural diversity and political integration. On the other, it showcases the uneven process of politicization of the EU issues in Italy, France, and United Kingdom. In these countries the growing difficulties of mainstream parties to deal with issues that crosscut the traditional left-right dimension have paved the way to the success of new anti-establishment parties. These challengers have exploited conflicts and issues generated by the integration process thus undermining the conventional dynamics of party competition. Nonetheless, preferences on the integration process affect voting behaviour only in Great Britain and, partially, in France, while in the Italian case there is still little evidence of EU issue voting.
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Beloshitzkaya, Vera. "Democracy and Redistribution: The Role of Regime Revisited". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, n.º 3 (26 de dezembro de 2019): 571–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419892063.
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This study challenges a well-supported institutionalist theory in comparative politics that links democracy with higher levels of redistribution as well as studies that link authoritarianism with welfare state liberalization. Using pooled cross-sectional data for ten post-communist countries spanning twenty-five years and a dynamic model specification, the study shows that, contrary to what the institutionalist theory predicts, post-communist democratic governments redistribute about 0.6 percent less of their GDP on social protection in the short term and 1.3 percent less in the long term than post-communist autocrats do. However, consistent with the cultural legacies hypothesis, there are no differences when it comes to redistribution of life chances through health care and education. I attribute the finding that post-communist autocracies redistribute more via social spending and are reluctant to liberalize their welfare states to their need to maintain popular legitimacy in a region where citizens are accustomed to high levels of redistribution and popular protests often lead to regime turnover. I argue that post-communist democracies have other available mechanisms to maintain their legitimacy, namely, free and fair elections, while post-communist autocratic governments have to rely on redistribution to do so. The findings have implications for our understanding of authoritarian resilience in the region.
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Robertson, Adams Cohen, Crenson Minnis, Hopkins Hogg, Jacob Son e Klandermans Clemen. "Analysis of Electability, Capacity, Campaign Resources on the Chances of Elected Public Officials in the General Election Democracy Party". Jurnal Sosial, Sains, Terapan dan Riset (Sosateris) 11, n.º 1 (30 de dezembro de 2022): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35335/e2dvp861.
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This research delves into the multifaceted landscape of electoral success by examining the intertwined influences of electability, capacity, and campaign resources on the performance of public officials from the Democracy party. By adopting a multidimensional approach, this study seeks to contribute to the understanding of how these factors interact and shape candidates' outcomes in general elections. Through a combination of quantitative analysis and qualitative insights, this research uncovers intriguing patterns in the electoral arena. Likability emerges as a powerful driver of voter choices, showcasing a robust positive correlation between candidates' likability scores and their electoral success. This underscores the significance of personal connection and emotional resonance in swaying voter decisions. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the study finds no significant correlation between candidate capacity attributes and electoral outcomes. While capacity remains valued, its impact appears contingent on its alignment with other factors such as likability and strategic resource allocation. This challenges traditional notions of experience as the primary determiner of electoral victory. The research further reveals a moderate positive correlation between effective campaign resource allocation and electoral success. Candidates who judiciously allocate resources, particularly in media coverage and social media engagement, tend to achieve better outcomes. This highlights the strategic importance of resource optimization in influencing voter perceptions and preferences. These findings provide a nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between electability, capacity, and campaign resources in the context of the Democracy party's electoral campaigns. The implications extend to strategic decision-making for the party, as well as contributing to the broader discourse on electoral dynamics and democratic representation. Looking ahead, this research suggests avenues for further exploration, inviting future studies to consider cross-cultural comparisons, technology's role, and the evolving nature of voter behavior in shaping electoral outcomes
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Jensen, Jakob Linaa, e Sander Andreas Schwartz. "Introduction: A Decade of Social Media Elections". Social Media + Society 8, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2022): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063461.
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Social media has been a part of election campaigns for more than a decade. In this special issue, we combine longitudinal and cross-national studies of social media in election campaigns, expanding the time span as well as number of countries compared to former comparative studies. The four papers present examples of longitudinal studies, covering multiple election cycles from four different countries: Australia, the United States of America, Denmark, and Italy. By including the countries mentioned, we focus on countries considered to be “first movers” when it comes to the digitization and internetization of the political life. As such, they are “most similar cases.” However, they also have different political systems: the United States and Australia are characterized by a Westminster system dominated by a few large parties and a tradition of strong confrontation between government and opposition, whereas Denmark and Italy are multi-party systems with a tradition of collaboration and coalition governments. Technologically, the four countries might be similar, but politically and in terms of media systems, they differ; the United States is characterized by a commercialized American media system with little role for public service broadcasters, Denmark has very strong public service media, and Australia has elements of both these systems. Finally, Italy represents a Southern European media system with traces of clientelism as well as public service media. Thus, studies of the four countries form a diverse yet solid set of cases for exploring the growing (and changing) role of social media in national elections.
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Bruns, Axel, Daniel Angus e Timothy Graham. "Twitter Campaigning Strategies in Australian Federal Elections 2013–2019". Social Media + Society 7, n.º 4 (outubro de 2021): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063462.
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This special issue of Social Media + Society develops a cross-national, longitudinal perspective on the use of social media in election campaigns. Australia, where leading social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter were adopted early and widely by the general population, and where federal election cycles are unusually short (often less than 3 years), provides a particularly suitable environment for observing the evolution of social media campaigning approaches. This article extends our analysis of previous federal election campaigns in Australia by examining Twitter campaigning in the 2019 election; to allow for a direct comparison with previous campaigns, it builds on a methodological and analytical framework that we have used since the 2013 election.
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Gómez-Aguilella, María-José. "The University as an Educational Institution With Values in the Knowledge Society". Review of European Studies 12, n.º 2 (9 de abril de 2020): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v12n2p20.
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In this paper, we present a study which analyzes the relation between educational institution with the values of their students, all related with the knowledge society. The specific profile, young university students, help us to determine their prospects in the actual framework and beyond. The research is also focused on a specific country, Spain, although cross-cultural studies are being developed. The surveys were recruited through an online survey, the best way for our target to participate. We conduct a survey in which we elicited the importance of university like an educational institution regarding the knowledge society frame, as well as the values of their students depending on the election of the educational institution. This allows us to determine if the election of the educational institution is related with the values of their students, and if these values determine the election of the university. We try to establish by means of a quantitative study the profile of these students. For this reason, the study reveals knowledge of a new relations in specific variables, determined by the experience lived, which is an area of research that has received little attention to date. The variables to investigate are Knowledge society, educational institution and values (of their students) and its relation.
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Marcelli, Enrico A., e Wayne A. Cornelius. "Immigrant Voting in Home-Country Elections: Potential Consequences of Extending the Franchise to Expatriate Mexicans Residing in the United States". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 21, n.º 2 (2005): 429–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2005.21.2.429.
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Despite widespread interest in the effects of expanding expatriate Mexicans' ability to vote in the 2006 Mexican presidential election, no systematic estimates of potential participation currently exist. Applying logistic regression techniques to 2001 Los Angeles County Mexican Immigrant Residency Status Survey data and 2002 Current Population Survey data, we find that 125,000 to 360,000 (1.5–4.2 percent of ) expatriate Mexican migrants residing in the United States may vote in 2006. Migrants who are less well integrated in the United States, have a Mexican political party affiliation, or attend religious meetings more frequently are estimated to be more likely to vote. And although a minority of expatriates is likely to vote for the PAN candidate in 2006, the expatriate vote is not likely to exceed one percent of the total Mexican vote; state and local, rather than national, electoral outcomes are more likely to be influenced. Still, instituting an absentee ballot and facilitating cross-border mobility could significantly expand expatriate participation in future Mexican elections. Pese al gran interés en torno a los efectos que tendría la capacidad de los expatriados mexicanos para votar en la elección presidencial de 2006, no existen estimaciones sistemáticas de una participación potencial. Al aplicar técnicas de regresión logística a los datos que arroja el estudio del estatus de migratorio de los mexicanos en el Condado de los Ángeles, así como al Censo de Población, encontramos que entre 125,000 y 360,000 (1.5 a 4.2 por ciento) de los expatriados mexicanos que viven en Estados Unidos, podrían votar en 2006. Los migrantes que no se hallan del todo integrados en Estados Unidos, que tienen una filiación política, o bien, que asisten a congregaciones religiosas son más propensos a votar. Y, aunque resulta plausible que una minoría de expatriados vote por el candidato del PAN en 2006, el voto no excederá un punto porcentual del voto mexicano total; los resultados estatales y locales, más que nacionales, son los que se revelarán susceptibles de influencia. Aún así, la instauración de una boleta para votar a distancia, o bien, de facilidades para el cruce de la frontera podría extender la participación de los migrantes de forma significativa en las futuras elecciones mexicanas.
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Becker, Annette. "Modality and ENGAGEMENT in British and German political interviews". Languages in Contrast 9, n.º 1 (24 de março de 2009): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.9.1.02bec.
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Speakers regulary use modality and other resources from the appraisal system of engagement to position themselves intersubjectively. In doing so, they modify the discursive space for the voices of others. This is particularly relevant in political media interviews, especially in questions with topics that are potentially face-threatening to the interviewees’ public face. This paper compares the use of modality and other engagement resources in British and German political interviews and discusses the differences in frequency and function. Data is taken from videotaped and transcribed political interviews conducted during British and German election night broadcasts. Their analysis is based on recent studies in contrastive pragmatics, appraisal theory and pragmatically oriented studies on media discourse, bearing in mind that cross-cultural comparison of data taken from a particular genre has to take into account a broad range of contextual factors including genre-specific constraints.
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Atkinson, Rachel B., Jasmine A. Khubchandani, Maria B. J. Chun, Emma Reidy, Gezzer Ortega, Paul A. Bain, Caroline Demko, Jeenn Barreiro-Rosado, Tara S. Kent e Douglas S. Smink. "Cultural Competency Curricula in US Graduate Medical Education: A Scoping Review". Journal of Graduate Medical Education 14, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2022): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4300/jgme-d-21-00414.1.
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ABSTRACT Background Cultural competency training provides participants with knowledge and skills to improve cross-cultural communication and is required for all graduate medical education (GME) training programs. Objective The authors sought to determine what cultural competency curricula exist specifically in GME. Methods In April 2020, the authors performed a scoping review of the literature using a multidatabase (PubMed, Ovid, MedEdPORTAL) search strategy that included keywords relevant to GME and cultural competency. The authors extracted descriptive data about the structure, implementation, and analysis of cultural competency curricula and analyzed these data for trends. Results Sixty-seven articles met criteria for inclusion, of which 61 (91%) were focused exclusively on residents. The most commonly included specialties were psychiatry (n=19, 28.4%), internal medicine (n=16, 23.9%), and pediatrics (n=15, 22.4%). The shortest intervention was a 30-minute online module, while the longest contained didactics, electives, and mentoring programs that spanned the entirety of residency training (4 years). The sample sizes of included studies ranged from 6 to 833 participants. Eight (11.9%) studies utilized OSCEs as assessment tools, while 17 (25.4%) conducted semi-structured interviews or focus groups. Four common themes were unique interventions, retention of learning, trainee evaluation of curricula, and resources required for implementation. Conclusions Wide variation exists in the design, implementation, and evaluation of cultural competency curricula for residents and fellows.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Elections – cross-cultural studies"
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Verardi, Vincenzo. "The Economics of electoral systems". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211302.
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WEBER, Till. "The structuring effect of electoral competition". Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/18408.
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Defence date: 6 June 2011Examining Board: Professor Mark Franklin, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute; Professor Bernhard Weßels, Social Science Research Center Berlin; Professor Christopher Wlezien, Temple University
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Democratic politics are structured by elections. Governments come and go, campaigns come and go, policies come and go, and so forth. In representative democracy, the mere existence of elections strongly alters the behavior of representatives who are interested in re-election and of voters who are affected by political communication. Unlike many of our models, the real world structures politics through time, and especially through time between elections. When elections approach, democratic systems seem to be transformed to a degree that facilitates the analysis of a wide variety of campaign effects. Voters and parties do not change significantly through the electoral cycle. Their environment does. The aim of this book is to develop concrete theory for the functioning of political time and to demonstrate its effects with empirical data. At the core of the theory is a dual mobilization cycle. One leg of this cycle concerns the creation and decay of structure in voting behavior. The book traces the causal path preceding the result: the dynamics of voter perceptions, the determinants of party preference, and the logic of turnout and choice. The other leg of the dual cycle concerns the configuration of the party system. Here the causal path leads from the dimensions of conflict within parties over the ability of the leadership to enforce unity in parliamentary behavior to the implementation of campaign strategies. The book also spells out the connections between the two legs and locates them in political time. The methodology developed for this purpose, labeled “Quasi Time Series,” serves to transform cross-sectional data (which are available in abundance) in a way so that they fulfill functions of time series (which are exceedingly rare). The comparative approach exploits data from several decades, dozens of countries, hundreds of parties, thousands of legislators and about 100,000 voters.
Livros sobre o assunto "Elections – cross-cultural studies"
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Persson, Torsten. Electoral rules and corruption. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2001.
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Karakamiševa, Tanja. Elections and electoral systems: Analyses, situations, dilemmas, solutions. Skopje: Kultura, 2004.
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Nat︠s︡ionalʹnyĭ instytut stratehichnykh doslidz︠h︡enʹ (Ukraine), ed. Doslidz︠h︡enni︠a︡ naĭbilʹsh poshyrenykh u sviti proport︠s︡iĭnykh vyborchykh system i perspektyv ïkh zaprovadz︠h︡enni︠a︡ u nat︠s︡ionalʹne derz︠h︡avotvorenni︠a︡ ta pravotvorenni︠a︡: Analitychna dopovidʹ. Kyïv: Nat︠s︡ionalʹnyĭ instytut stratehichnykh doslidzhenʹ, 2007.
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Karakamiševa, Tanja. Izbori i izborni sistemi: Analizi, sostojbi, dilemi, rešenija. Skopje: Kultura, 2004.
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Horiuchi, Yusaku. Institutions, incentives and electoral participation in Japan: Cross-level and cross-national perspectives. London: Routledge/RoutledgeCurzon, 2005.
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Richard, Gunther, Puhle Hans-Jurgen e Montero Jose R. 1948-, eds. Democracy, intermediation, and voting on four continents. Oxford , UK: Oxford University Press, 2007.
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Drude, Dahlerup, ed. Women, quotas and politics. New York: Routledge, 2006.
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Gene, Frankland E., Lucardie Paul 1946- e Rihoux Benoît 1965-, eds. Green parties in transition: The end of grass-roots democracy? Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2008.
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Schofield, Norman. The political economy of democracy and tyranny. München: Oldenbourg, 2009.
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Ma, Reniu Vilamala Josep, Barrat Jordi e Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials., eds. E-voting: The last electoral revolution. Barcelona: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, 2008.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Elections – cross-cultural studies"
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Börzel, Tanja A., e Miriam Hartlapp. "Eurosceptic Contestation and Legislative Behaviour in the European Parliament". In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 97–122. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94012-6_5.
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AbstractEurosceptic political parties have gained substantial support in democratic elections. Scholars have widely studied their programmatic positions. We know much less about the behaviour of Eurosceptics within legislatures. How does Eurosceptic contestation translate into voting behaviour? How do members of Eurosceptic parties engage in plenary debates? Do they stick to their peers when they vote and debate or do they form an untidy opposition? We expect Eurosceptic contestation to be weaker in policy fields that are less structured along the new cultural cleavage and are dominated by left-right ideologies or national interests. Our chapter develops this argument and offers an empirical study of Eurosceptic polarisation and Eurosceptic cohesion in the European Parliament (EP). We present an analysis of roll-call votes in the 7th and 8th legislative term of the EP (2009–2019). Six case studied then zoom into selected legislative processes in three policy fields to explore how contestation materialises in committee work and parliamentary debates in different policy fields. Our findings on cross-sectoral differences allow for a more differentiated understanding of Eurosceptic contestation becoming a vital feature of democratic practices rather than undermining EU policy-making, and European integration more broadly.
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Aggarwal, Neil Krishan. "Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, Ajmal Kasab, and Saifullah Khalid from the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba". In Militant Leadership, 84—C3P213. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197640418.003.0004.
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Abstract The Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT) runs several organizations. The LeT wages militancy in Kashmir. Its charity, the Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD), administers hundreds of educational institutions. It also started a now-defunct political party known as the Milli Muslim League (MML) to field candidates for Pakistan’s 2018 elections. This chapter presents psychological case studies of the LeT’s chief, Hafiz Muhammad Saeed; the militant leader Ajmal Kasab, who was apprehended in 2008 during an attack in Mumbai; and the JuD Director Saifullah Khalid, who previously headed the MML. The chapter analyzes mosque sermons, press statements, media interviews, and Kasab’s videotaped confession. Hafiz Muhammad Saeed’s motivation for violence occurred after his family migrated from India to Pakistan in 1947. Ajmal Kasab wanted to escape poverty. Saifullah Khalid’s motivation appears to be avenging militant relatives. Two cross-cultural targets for intervention emerge. Governments must (1) promote nonviolence in social organizations such as schools and (2) craft counter-messages with religious leaders that promote tolerance in places of worship.
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Бабакина, Оксана. "ФОРМУВАННЯ ГРОМАДЯНСЬКОСТІ В МАЙБУТНІХ УЧИТЕЛІВ ПОЧАТКОВИХ КЛАСІВ У ПЕДАГОГІЧНОМУ КОЛЕДЖІ". In CROSS-CULTURAL STUDIES IN HIGHER SCHOOL PEDAGOGY, 190–219. OKTAN PRINT, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46489/ccsihsp-23-07.
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The article highlights the problem of citizenship formation in future primary school teachers at the pedagogical college. The key tasks of civic education are defined. The educational components of the college curriculum, which affect the state of civic education for future primary school teachers, are analyzed. An example of a questionnaire regarding the diagnosis of the formation of citizenship in future primary school teachers is given. A fragment of the program of the special course "Fundamentals of civic education of the teacher's personality" is highlighted. The expediency of civic education of students of higher education during the study of various educational components is commented. The relationship between the formation of the public and the study of history, art, literature, etc. is traced. It is noted that future primary school teachers should be encouraged to actively participate in thematic events at the pedagogical college, art and theater clubs, electives, celebrations, competitions, and exhibitions. The author emphasizes the expediency of using political information to stimulate students of higher education to think, to become aware of their life and public positions, to defend their thoughts and ideas. The perspective of the research is the study of the peculiarities of the formation of citizenship in future primary school teachers during pedagogical practice.
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Stepanets, Ivan, e Alona Prokopenko. "IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PEDAGOGICAL CONCEPT OF EDUCATION OF FUTURE TEACHERS IN THE CONDITIONS OF DIGITIZATION OF EDUCATION". In CROSS-CULTURAL STUDIES IN HIGHER SCHOOL PEDAGOGY, 89–120. OKTAN PRINT, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46489/ccsihsp-23-03.
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The article raises the problem of implementing the pedagogical concept of educating future teachers in the conditions of digitalization of education. It was found that the implementation of the concept should be carried out taking into account the concepts (guidance, management, system, utilitarian). Effective ways of effective implementation of the concept of education of future teachers in the conditions of digitalization of education by means of modernization of the content of educational components of the professional training system, improvement of the corresponding educational and methodological complex are highlighted. Attention is focused on the expediency and variety of ways to involve future teachers and scientific-pedagogical and pedagogical workers in self-education and self-development, in particular during informal education, participation in scientific-practical conferences, master classes, trainings, etc. in online formats. Fragments of the development of electives, the «Educational potential of the nation» website, questionnaires are presented. It is noted that the implementation of the pedagogical concept of education of future teachers in the conditions of digitalization of education should be carried out in accordance with the stages of implementation in order to ensure a purposeful and effective process of professional development of professional teachers. The effectiveness of the implementation of the concept is checked using a diagnostic toolkit for determining the level of education of future teachers according to four criteria and corresponding indicators (cognitive, educational, praxiological, process-resultative). Further experimental verification of the pedagogical concept of education of future teachers in the conditions of digitalization of education is defined as the perspective of the research.
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Брославская, Галина. "РЕАЛІЗАЦІЯ СТРУКТУРНО-ФУНКЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ МОДЕЛІ ФОРМУВАННЯ ІНСТРУМЕНТАЛЬНИХ КОМПЕТЕНТНОСТЕЙ МАЙБУТНІХ УЧИТЕЛІВ МАТЕМАТИКИ І ФІЗИКИ У ПРОЦЕСІ ПРОФЕСІЙНОЇ ПІДГОТОВКИ". In CROSS-CULTURAL STUDIES IN HIGHER SCHOOL PEDAGOGY, 365–88. OKTAN PRINT, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46489/ccsihsp-23-13.
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The article describes the stages (preparatory-organizational and formative) of introducing the structural-functional model into the educational process with the aim of forming instrumental competencies in future teachers of mathematics and physics in the process of their professional training. It was noted that for this purpose, programs of pedagogical experiments should be developed, the composition of its participants should be staffed, a list of special courses, electives, circles, pedagogical program products, methodological recommendations and scientific-methodical manuals should be implemented, which will contribute to increasing the level of effectiveness of the formation of instrumental competences of future teachers of mathematics and physics in the process of professional training. The author states that since the effective formation of instrumental competencies of future teachers of mathematics and physics in the process of professional training is possible only in stages, the approbation of the structural and functional model of the formation of instrumental competencies of future teachers of mathematics and physics in the process of professional training is expedient to be carried out from the first course of professional training. In order to achieve the set goal, we proposed to develop an elective, a special course, a group, a seminar-workshop, etc., which should be implemented in the educational process throughout the entire period of study. Attention is focused on the fact that the development of instrumental competences of future teachers of mathematics and physics occurs thanks to the use of the programs «Sqirlz Water Reflections», «SMART NoteBook»; «Microsoft PowerPoint»; «FantaMorph»; «Macromedia Flash» etc.
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Özkazanç-Pan, Banu. "Introduction". In Transnational Migration and the New Subjects of Work, 3–18. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529204544.003.0001.
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The introduction provides the reader with a context for transnational migration studies and its importance for studying people, work and organizations today. Starting out referencing contemporary trends, such as Brexit, the election of Trump and general rise of anti-immigrant, righ-wing regimes globally, the introductory chapter lays the foundation for a transnational migration perspective. Key ideas from transnational migration studies, an interdisciplinary field born out of sociology, are explained and their relevance for theorizing and studying difference in the context of globally-mobile people made explicit. The chapter then outlines how existing approaches to the study of people and work under these new times and in the context of mobility has taken shape in the management, focusing explicitly on diversity and cross-cultural management areas. These two scholarly areas represent the dominant approach to the study of people and difference albeit there have been critical interjections into static notions of identity, place and work in these areas. Altogether, the introduction lays the foundation for the book in terms of the need for and importance of transnational migration studies as a much-needed theoretical approach for rethinking identity, difference and work in the diversity and cross-cultural management fields.
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Malgrati, Paul. "Rabbie for Yes? (2000–2014)". In Robert Burns and Scottish Cultural Politics, 205–38. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399503457.003.0009.
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This chapter studies the reception of Burns in the early twenty-first century. It begins with a study of the political consensus about Burns, evident across the benches of the Scottish Parliament in the years following its inauguration. Such cross-party unity, I argue, allowed the poet’s memory to become a significant object of Scotland’s devolved cultural policies. From the organisation of the 2009 ‘Year of Homecoming’, launched on Burns’s 250th anniversary, to the creation of a brand-new museum at Burns’s birthplace in 2011, Scottish government interventions throughout the 2000s broke with the tradition of laissez-faire regarding Burns’s memory-making. Yet post-devolution unity rapidly faded after Alex Salmond and the SNP won an absolute majority at the 2011 Scottish election, thus paving the way for a referendum on Scottish independence in September 2014. Relying on a broad range of primary sources, including interviews and social media archives of both the ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ Campaigns, this section demonstrates how the poet’s patriotic image, once a totem of devolution, became a divisive touchstone when debating Scotland’s independent future.