Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Eastern Massachusetts Literary Council"

This article reframes the Anglo-Wabanaki wars as conflicts fought over river energy. Beginning in the 1680s, Massachusetts officials began building forts away from settlements and next to waterfalls to control prime fishing and portage sites. These river forts, particularly one at Pejepscot Falls in Brunswick, Maine, would trigger conflict more than colonial encroachments on Wabanaki land.

In 1923, with the aim of furthering the promotion of political, social and cultural-educational work among women in Azerbaijan, the monthly, literary-art, socio-political journal “The East Woman” has begun to be published. “The East Woman” journal had to struggled on the most difficult and hardest issues in its early days, it is possible to concentrate this fight mainly around three tasks. The first of these is to save working Turkish women from Sharia, religion and superstition, old traditions, to get them out of the narrow family life and to fight decisively with all appearing forces for the sake of the ability to assimilate their true freedoms; secondly, propagate and encourage them to attract Azerbaijani women captured for centuries under the charism regime, deprived of their rights and freedoms, to new public living quarters, factories and plants, cultural and educational front, the work of council structure; the third was to struggle to create the necessary conditions for women to work properly on the new front. “The East Woman” journal commented on the history, the origin and the content of the work of Maternity and Child Protection in Azerbaijan providing articles of various content relating to the protection of mothers and infants from the first issue. In some articles an advice was given to mothers, an information on maternal and child health was conveyed and fight measures were shown. It was spoken about how to cherish, to feed, to educate children and other issues in the period from birth to the age of kindergarten . In other group articles news about work, measures done in connection with the above mentioned issues was reflected. Thus, research shows that “The East Woman” journal provides extensive information on the creation of maternity and child protection and its responsibilities in Azerbaijan. The journal has conducted great pedagogical propaganda by publishing information, news, materials giving scientific knowledge about nurseries, kindergartens, child care offices, maternity hospitals, children's hospitals, etc. in its pages.

In the autumn of 1918, the Central Carpatho-Russian Council was created in eastern Russia with the goal to liberate Galician, Bukovina, and Ugric Rus “from under the Austro-Magyar yoke” and reunify them with Russia. The leaders of the organization, who supported the anti-Bolshevik movement, set the task of informing the population of Russia and the leadership of the Entente countries and the USA about their intentions. They attempted to influence the decision-making process related to the future fate of the Carpathian lands by the participants of the Peace Conference in Paris. One of these attempts was to send to the USA and Europe a delegation of three representatives -Semyon Bendasyuk (1877-1965), Mikhail Sokhotzky (1878-1962), and Ilya Tziorogh (1880-1942). This article aims at reconstructing the course of the mission and assessing its consequences, which will allow highlighting an understudied episodes of the international activities of the Central Carpatho-Russian Council and detailing the biographies of the delegation participants. The main source for the study was the correspondence between employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian government, Admiral Alexander Kolchak and members of the Central Carpatho-Russian Council from the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation. The author concludes that the mission of the Carpatho-Russian delegates failed due to a complex of reasons related to the course of the trip itself as well as the international situation. Struggling through financial and transportation difficulties, the Carpatho-Russians also turned out to be dependent on factors that they could not influence - the results of the Civil War in Russia and the decisions of the Entente countries and the United States.

Anneo Cornuto: Compendio di Teologia Greca. (Testo greco a fronte.) Saggio introduttivo e integrativo, traduzione e apparati di Ilaria Ramelli. Milano 2003.; Commentum Cornuti in Persium. Recognoverunt et adnotatione critica instruxerunt W. V. Clausen et J. E. G. Zetzel. Monachii et Lipsiae in aedibus K. G. Saur, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana MMIV.; David Noy-Alexander Panayotov-Hanswulf Bloedhorn: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. vol. I. Eastern Europe. (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 101.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004.; David Noy-Hanswulf Bloedhorn: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. vol. III. Syria und Cyprus. (TSAJ 102.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004.; Walter Ameling: Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. Bd. II. Kleinasien. (TSAJ 99.) Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck 2004. Edward Champlin: Nero. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge (Massachusetts) - London (England) 2003.; Pesthy Monika: A csábítás teológiája. A kísértés fogalmának története az ókorban. Kairosz Kiadó, Budapest 2005.; Szakrális képzőművészet a keresztény ókorban I-II. Összeállította, fordította, a jegyzeteket és a bevezető tanulmányt írta Bugár M. István. Catena, a Pécsi Tudományegyetem Patrisztika Központja, a Paulus Hungarus és a Kairosz Kiadó közös sorozata. Budapest 2004.

During the year 1888 — the centenary of white settlement — Australia celebrated the jubilee of Queen Victoria together with the advent of electricity to light Tamworth, the first town in the Southern Hemisphere to receive that boon. In the north-eastern colony of Queensland, serious debates involving local administrators included membership of the Federal Council, the annexation of British New Guinea and the merits of a separation movement in the north. In this distant colony, events in Ireland — such as Belfast attaining city status or Oscar Wilde publishing The happy prince and other tales — had little immediate global impact. Nevertheless, minds were focused on Irish matters in October, when the scion of a well-established west Ireland family — a select member of the traditional Tribes of Galway, no less — was named as the new governor of Queensland. The administrators of the developing colony roundly challenged the imperial nominators, invoking a storm that incited strong opinions from responsible governments throughout Australia and around the world.

Cardinal Bessarion (ca. 1400–1472), a theologian born in Trebizond and educated in Byzantium, made a career in the hierarchy of the Byzantine clergy and attracted the attention of the imperial family. He was one of the most active participants of the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438–1439). Following the failure of the church union in Constantinople, Bessarion came to work for the papal curia in Rome. As a cardinal he used his income and contacts to help Byzantine refugees and Greeks living under the rule of the Republic of Venice, especially after the fall of Constantinople. Fearing that the loss of statehood could mean that the heritage of Greek culture would fall into oblivion, Bessarion created a great library containing the masterpieces of Ancient Greek literature, the classical philosophical works, and the texts of the Eastern Church Fathers. In 1468, he donated this collection to the Republic of Venice, and in such a manner founded one of the first public libraries in Europe.

The article focuses on one of the least studied episodes in the history of diplomatic relations between Russian churches and the Eastern Patriarchates - the land estates of foreign monasteries in the Russian Empire in the 1860s-1870s. Using previously unknown materials from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, the author traces the decision-making process in the Russian government departments (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of State Property, Committee of Ministers) responsible for the management of the land estates of eastern monasteries in Bessarabia in 1873-1874. It was found that the reform approved by the Imperial Decree dated March 9, 1973, was caused not only by the Decree of the 1872 Council of Constantinople on the Bulgarian schism and by the Decision of the Holy Synod of Jerusalem on the deposition of Patriarch Kyrillos II (1872), but also by the discovered abuses of authorized persons (so-called “confidants”), which resulted in the complete deforestation of the land estates, which threatened an ecological catastrophe for the entire Bessarabian region. Another objective of the reform was to suppress the financial violations of the authorized persons (the confidants), who spent a fair portion of income from the land estates in Bessarabia at their own discretion. The new regulations of the Committee of Ministers, aimed at ensuring the respect for the interests of monasteries, changed the entire system of interaction between the Russian power structures and the * The article is part of Project № 20-09-41016 supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research. hierarchies of eastern monasteries in terms of management of monastic land estates within the Russian Empire. Although the Russian reform relating to the land estates in Bessarabia (1873-1874) was drastically different from the sequestration of the Moldovan-Vlachian monasteries estates by the government of Prince A. Cuza (1862), their lands and treasures performed by the government of Prince Aleksandru Cuza (1862), the decrees of the Russian government caused an extremely negative reaction from the Greek monasteries of Athos, which led to the conflict between Greece and Russia at the Holy Mount.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Abstract After the Reunion of 433 Alexandria and Antioch were in communion again but the fragile balance of power collapsed in the 440s. Cyrillians and dyophysites regarded each other as heretics and attempted to win over as many episcopal sees as possible. It is notable—and against previous scholarly assumptions—that until 448 Dioscorus remained on the side-lines, in contrast to Emperor Theodosius (408–450) whose mistrust towards Theodoret of Cyrrhus and other dyophysite near eastern bishops increased during the 440s. The bishop of Cyrrhus actively engaged in the controversy not the least through his literary oeuvre: by declaring the Council of Constantinople in 381 to have been ecumenical, he caused such a turmoil so that Emperor Theodosius summoned the Second Council of Ephesus in August 449. Presided by Dioscorus, the council deposed with Flavian of Constantinople, Eusebius of Dorylaeum, Theodoret, and Domnus of Antioch all leading dyophysite bishops in the Eastern Roman Empire. Theodosius wished to regard it as the third ecumenical council (after Nicaea in 325 and the First Council of Ephesus in 431) that should have ended questions of doctrine but Pope Leo denounced it as ‘robber-council’ and insisted to annul it. The chapter discusses particularly questions of the councils’ canonicity and Dioscorus’ role in it.

Babur Empire, founded by Gazi Zahirad-Din Muhammad Babur Shah, also known as the Gurkani State, is considered one of the 16 largest Turkic states established in history. With this aspect, this state founded by Babur in South Asia attracts the attention of researchers.In this context, the number of master's and doctoral theses written in universities in Turkiye about the Babur State, including Babur and his sons and grandsons after him, the departments in which these theses were written and their contents have been a matter of curiosity. This research is limited to the number and areas of the theses in question.This study is important in terms of presenting the academic studies about Babur, who established an empire that includes countries such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan, which constitute a significant part of the world's population. In this study, it is aimed to present quantitative data about the theses written in Türkiye.Literature review, which is one of the qualitative research techniques, was used as a method in the study and quantitative data were obtained by making use of the thesis query feature on the website of the Council of Higher Education (YOK). These theses are classified under titles such as the number of theses, their distribution by years, the status of being a master's or doctoral thesis, and the universities they were written in.