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Smith, Michael M. "The Mexican Secret Service in the United States, 1910-1920". Americas 59, n.º 1 (julho de 2002): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0091.
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Throughout the era of the Mexican Revolution, the United States provided sanctuary for thousands of political exiles who opposed the regimes of Porfirio Díaz, Francisco Madero, Victoriano Huerta, and Venustiano Carranza. Persecuted enemies of Don Porfirio and losers in the bloody war of factions that followed the ouster of the old regime continued their struggle for power from bases of operation north of the international boundary in such places as San Francisco, Los Angeles, El Paso, San Antonio, New Orleans, and New York. As a consequence, Mexican regimes were compelled not only to combat their enemies on domestic battlefields but also to wage more subtle campaigns against their adversaries north of the Río Bravo. The weapons in this shadowy war included general intelligence gathering, surveillance, espionage, counter-espionage, and propaganda; the agency most responsible for these activities was the Mexican Secret Service.
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Johnson, Loch K. "James Angleton and the Church Committee". Journal of Cold War Studies 15, n.º 4 (outubro de 2013): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00397.
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James J. Angleton, who served as chief of counterintelligence for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) from 1954 to 1974, was an important figure in the Cold War and, in a sense, the first line of defense against clandestine Soviet intelligence operations directed against the United States and its allies. In 1975 a U.S. Senate investigative committee—informally known as the Church Committee and led by Senator Frank Church—called Angleton to testify in public on his approach to counterintelligence, especially how he had become involved in illegal domestic operations in the United States. His testimony to committee staff investigators preceding the hearing, along with his public statements to senators during the hearing, displayed an extreme view of the global Communist threat. Amid ongoing revelations in the mid-1970s of illegal CIA actions, Angleton proved unable to mount an effective public defense of his approach.
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Darden, Keith A. "Russian Revanche: External Threats & Regime Reactions". Daedalus 146, n.º 2 (abril de 2017): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00440.
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Has the development of post-Soviet Russia in an international system dominated by a democracy-promoting United States bred an authoritarian reaction in Russia as a response to perceived threats from the West? Beginning with the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, Russian elites have increasingly seen the United States as a distinctively threatening power, one with a strategy to exploit civic organizations, ethnic groups, and other forms of domestic pluralism as “fifth columns” in an effort to overthrow unfriendly regimes. With each new crisis in U.S.-Russian relations – Ukraine 2004, Georgia 2008, Ukraine 2014 – the Russian leadership has tightened controls over society, the press, and the state. The result is that the United States’ muscular promotion of democracy abroad has produced the opposite of its intended effect on Russia, leading successive Russian governments to balance the perceived threat from the United States by pursuing greater military and intelligence capacity to intervene abroad, and by tightening internal authoritarian controls at home to prevent foreign exploitation of the nascent internal pluralism that emerged in the wake of Communism.
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Greenfield, Mary C. ""The Game of One Hundred Intelligences": Mahjong, Materials, and the Marketing of the Asian Exotic in the 1920s". Pacific Historical Review 79, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2010): 329–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2010.79.3.329.
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The Mahjong craze of 1922––1924 marks a pivotal moment in the culture that shaped and justified U.S. imperialism. In a mere two years Mahjong evolved from an expensive upper-class pursuit that prized an "authentic" and imported experience into a widely available mass-marketed pastime produced in the United States. Changes in technology made possible the mass production of what had formerly been elite trophies of empire, helping to make imperialism both accessible and palatable to mainstream Americans. The process was not always smooth. Mahjong opened fault lines between old elites and new money, as well as between male salesmen and female consumers. Finally, Mahjong had implications for domestic interethnic relations, as it incorporated Chinese Americans into a nascent national multicultural ideal while still marking them as an inassimilable "other."
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Perevezentsev, Alexandr. "First Ladies in US History: Historical and Bibliographical Review". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, n.º 1 (março de 2024): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.1.13.
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The introduction of this article delves into the author’s contemplations on the role of the first ladies of US presidents in maintaining their image and electoral appeal. The author highlights that the general public’s lack of knowledge regarding the intelligence, education, mentality, and character of first ladies is an evident historical injustice. Currently, modern historians are actively rectifying this oversight. The purpose of the study is to analyze modern literature on the role and significance of first ladies in the history and political life of the United States and to provide a chronology of published biographical research on this issue in English-language and domestic historiography. The methodology employed is rooted in specialized historical research methods, including comparative-historical analysis, which allows for an exploration of research trends in this historical domain. Additionally, historical systemic and retrospective methods are employed, along with elements of the historical biographical method. The author’s historiographical analysis is founded on principles of historicism and historical objectivity. The materials used in the study are memoirs, biographical essays, documents, scientific monographs and articles, and Internet resources, including the official websites of the White House and the National First Ladies’ Library. The “Analysis” section contains the main part of the article’s text, that is, an analysis of literature and other sources, including autobiographies and memoirs of first ladies, interesting information about the authors of modern biographical studies, as well as the chronological order of published works of Englishlanguage and domestic authors. The results of the research are encapsulated in the author’s conclusions on the topic. It is determined that the historiography surrounding the role and significance of first ladies in American history is currently underdeveloped and, often, subjectively biased. Typically, more attention and subsequent publications are dedicated to the spouses of the most popular presidents, overshadowing other first ladies, even if they were remarkable individuals themselves.
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Spivakova, D. S., e M. L. Sirotko. "Medical and economic aspects of the development of AI technologies in Russia and worldwide (literature review)". Terapevt (General Physician), n.º 8 (12 de agosto de 2023): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-12-2308-05.
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The review presents the results of a study of the effectiveness of and prospects for funding the introduction of artificial intelligence in the healthcare sector. The authors analyzed the history of the transformation of digitalization in Russian healthcare and identified its main stages. The assessment of the introduction of artificial intelligence in Russia in relation to the recent past and to the experience of foreign colleagues was carried out. The most popular directions of AI projects are studied on the example of specific companies. The article examines the dependence of the size of the share of the country's GDP spent on digitalization of the system and the speed of transformation of the level of quality of services provided, as well as the tendency to decrease the load on the system, reducing the size of the resulting gap in patient desires and system resources in parallel with the growth of healthcare funding. The paper presents a study of the current state of the digitalization level of the system in comparison with other countries (the United States of America, the People's Republic of China, and the countries of the European Union). The paper presents the tactics and plans of digitalization of each country separately and in comparison. The results of the analysis of the strategy for the introduction of artificial intelligence in the field of domestic healthcare and the healthcare systems of Germany, the USA, and China are presented; the main differences, advantages, and disadvantages are identified. The paper presents the cases of various perspectives in solving urgent problems of the healthcare system based on the experience of other countries; the correlations of complementary strategies and possible consequences are investigated. The paper contains examples of research on the problem of doctors' and patients' trust in artificial intelligence technologies. The creation of digital assistants for patients, predictive analytics, treatment control, and remote monitoring are among the most popular global trends in AI implementation.
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Craven, Krista, Torin Monahan e Priscilla Regan. "Compromised Trust: DHS Fusion Centers’ Policing of the Occupy Wall Street Movement". Sociological Research Online 20, n.º 3 (agosto de 2015): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3608.
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State surveillance programs often operate in direct tension with ideals of democratic governance and accountability. The fraught history of surveillance programs in the United States, for instance, illustrates that government agencies mobilize discourses of exceptional circumstances to engage in domestic and foreign spying operations without public awareness or oversight. While many scholars, civil society groups, and media pundits have drawn attention to the propensity of state surveillance programs to violate civil liberties, less attention has been given to the complex trust dynamics of state surveillance. On one hand, in justifying state surveillance, government representatives claim that the public should trust police and intelligence communities not to violate their rights; on the other hand, the very act of engaging in secretive surveillance operations erodes public trust in government, especially when revelations about such programs come to light without any advance notice or consent. In order to better understand such trust dynamics, this paper will analyze some of the competing trust relationships of Department of Homeland Security (DHS) ‘fusion centers,’ with a focus on the role of these organizations in policing the Occupy Wall Street movement of 2011 and 2012.
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Lewis, Mark. "The Failure of the Austrian and Yugoslav Police to Repress the Croatian Ustaša in Austria, 1929–1934". Austrian History Yearbook 45 (abril de 2014): 186–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000672.
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Since the 1970s, historiography about the pre-World War II phase of the Croatian Ustaša concentrated on Italian and Hungarian state support for Ante Pavelić's national-separatist/terrorist organization from approximately 1929–1934, and identified Nazi support when it became more significant in the late 1930s and put the group in charge of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941. More recent scholarship has investigated the support of Croatian exiles in the United States and Argentina for the Ustaša movement, as well as how the Ustaša regime, once in power, tried to legitimate its policies of racial “cleansing” and social revolution against capitalism and secularism. The first aim of this article is to return to the early period of the Ustaša, when it was a terrorist organization, and to show that it had an important base in Austria that senior Austrian police officials tolerated. The article, therefore, takes a somewhat different position from that of historian Arnold Suppan, who argued that the Austrian police could find no evidence that the Ustaša in Austria had been involved in terrorism, and that the Austrian government had made a good faith effort to expel Ustaša members. The fact that elements of the Austrian police indeed knew about the Ustaša network and protected certain senior members supports historian Gerhard Jagschitz's argument that the Vienna police had not turned over a new leaf in the postwar period and had not shed all political activities. However, Jagschitz concentrated on the problems surrounding the establishment of a domestic intelligence agency in the 1920s, showing how it ultimately was not effective. This article concentrates on 1929–1934, demonstrating that while the Austrian political police was not all-knowing, certain decisions not to share what it knew about ultra-nationalist Croatian terrorism damaged the Austrian police's international reputation. Second, this article argues that the Yugoslav police possibly turned to shadowy extra-judicial groups to carry out assassinations against Ustaša figures, in part because the Austrian police were not aggressive enough in repressing the organization. This adds an additional factor to the interpretations of historians James Sadkovich and Mario Jareb, who contend that Yugoslav police violence was an extension of the Serbian dictatorship's attempt to repress Croatian nationalism by any means necessary.
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Grünebaum, Amos, Joseph Chervenak, Susan L. Pollet, Adi Katz e Frank A. Chervenak. "The Exciting Potential for ChatGPT in Obstetrics and Gynecology". Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey 78, n.º 10 (outubro de 2023): 584–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.ogx.0000993696.39744.23.
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ABSTRACT In November 2022, AI Lab OpenAI launched the online chatbot ChatGPT (Chat Generative Pre-Trained Transformer), an accessible language model that uses the artificial intelligence (AI) branch of natural language processing (NLP) to answer prompts based on a library of 175 billion parameters from the “internet, books and other sources.” Because of its ability to answer clinical questions in plain English that can be understood by providers and patients alike, the potential for ChatGPT to be used as a clinical tool is obvious. Despite its impressive fund of source knowledge, these data are potentially biased and unreliable and may not reflect current stances. In addition, ChatGPT does not list sources for its information, and its current capability to answer clinical questions correctly is not well understood. This study aimed to assess answers given by ChatGPT in response to a spectrum of questions about obstetrics and gynecology including systems-level questions, ethical questions, and treatment-related decision making. A total of 14 questions were asked. The first question asked why US preterm birth rates are so high. The second question asked for a list of the most important interventions physicians can do to monitor, prevent, and treat premature births. The third question asked whether vaginal progesterone was effective and safe for preventing preterm birth in women with a short cervix in the midtrimester, and the fourth question asked the same question but in women with a history of preterm birth and no short cervix. The fifth question asked why maternal mortality rates in the United States are so high. The sixth question asked for a list of what obstetricians can do to prevent preeclampsia. The seventh question asked about the safety of hospital births when compared with planned home births in the United States. The eighth question asked whether it is ethically acceptable for an obstetrician to provide emergency cesarean delivery without a woman's informed consent to save the fetus or the mother. The ninth question asked how obstetricians should screen for domestic abuse and intimate partner violence in pregnancy. The 10th question asked if women should freeze their eggs and at what age. The 11th question asked about the risks and benefits of menopause hormone replacement therapy. The 12th question asked how abortion bans in the United States affect women's health and lives. The 13th question asked whether complex hyperplasia atypia surgery should be performed only by a gynecologist-oncologist. The final question asked whether we should continue using the term “pregnant woman” versus alternative including “pregnant person.” Overall, ChatGPT provided nuanced and informed answers to question on virtually any topic in obstetrics and gynecology, but occasionally revealed an apparent lack of insight into the questions being asked. ChatGPT can provide preliminary information about a wide range of topics and can be valuable to both providers and patients and will continue to improve as training data are updated, and the model learns from user prompts.
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Bradley, Curtis A., e Jack L. Goldsmith. "Obama’s AUMF Legacy". American Journal of International Law 110, n.º 4 (outubro de 2016): 628–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000763147.
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In the fifteen years since the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) was enacted on September 18, 2001, the Taliban has been removed from power but not eliminated; Osama Bin Laden has been killed and the senior leaders of Al Qaeda as of 9/11 have been captured, killed, or driven underground, although Al Qaeda remains a threat; numerous Al Qaeda affiliates have sprung up around the globe, most notably in Iraq, Yemen, Syria, and Somalia; and most ominously, the Islamic State has arisen from the ashes of Al Qaeda in Iraq to become what the Director of National Intelligence has described as “the preeminent terrorist threat” against the United States “because of its self-described caliphate in Syria and Iraq, its branches and emerging branches in other countries, and its increasing ability to direct and inspire attacks against a wide range of targets around the world.”Despite massive changes in the geographical scope of the conflict that began on 9/11, the strategy and tactics employed, and the identity of the enemy, the AUMF remains the principal legal foundation under U.S. domestic law for the president to use force against and detain members of terrorist organizations. The AUMF is already the longest operative congressional authorization of military force in U.S. history, and, as of fall 2016, there was no immediate prospect that Congress would move to repeal or update it. With the continued vibrancy of Al Qaeda, its associates, and the Taliban, and with the 2014 presidential extension of the AUMF to cover military operations against the Islamic State, the AUMF is likely to be the primary legal basis for American uses of force for the foreseeable future.
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Гатин, М. И. "WHO ARE YOU, SENOR MAS CANOSA?" Человеческий капитал 2, n.º 11(179) (19 de novembro de 2023): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25629/hc.2023.11.32.
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Статья посвящена биографии американского предпринимателя и политического деятеля кубинского происхождения Хорхе Мас Каносы. В рамках настоящего текста рассмотрены все основные этапы жизненного пути одиозного борца с режимом Фиделя Кастро: рождение, образование, эмиграция, участие в печально известной операции в бухте Кочинос, создание собственной бизнес-империи, учреждение и руководство Кубино-Американским Национальным Фондом, сотрудничество с антикастровскими радикальными организациями, активное участие в неоднозначных политических махинациях Белого дома и Центрального Разведывательного Управления США (Соединённые Штаты Америки), смерть. При том, что имя Мас Каносы практически неизвестно за пределами кубинской диаспоры в США, этот человек сыграл значимую роль в формировании американской внешней политики в отношении Кубы в 1980-1990-е гг., а его биография являет собой хороший пример кубинского эмигранта-контрреволюционера соответствующей эпохи. Его личная активность и деятельность учреждённых им институтов и организаций оказывает влияние на внутреннюю и внешнюю политику США по сей день. В этой связи изучение персональной и политической биографии Хорхе Мас Каносы представляет несомненный интерес для американистов и латиноамериканистов, специализирующихся на истории Новейшего времени. The article is devoted to the biography of the American businessman and political figure of Cuban origin Jorge Mas Canosa. All the main stages of life of the odious fighter against the regime of Fidel Castro are considered in this text: birth, education, emigration, participation in the infamous operation in Cochinos Bay, creation of his own business empire, establishment and management of the Cuban-American National Foundation, cooperation with anti-Castro radical organisations, active participation in ambiguous political machinations of the White House and the US Central Intelligence Agency, and death. Although virtually unknown outside the Cuban diaspora in the United States, Mas Canosa played a significant role in shaping U.S. foreign policy toward Cuba in the 1980s and 1990s, and his biography is a good example of a Cuban émigré counterrevolutionary of the era. His personal activism and the activities of the institutions and organisations he founded have influenced US domestic and foreign policy to this day. The study of Jorge Mas Canosa's personal and political biography is therefore of undoubted interest to Americanists and Latin Americanists specialising in the history of the Modern Age.
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Ilyin, D. V. "Несостоявшееся сотрудничество: ЭВМ и компьютерные технологии в контексте научно-технического взаимодействия сверхдержав в 1970-е гг." Вестник гуманитарного образования, n.º 4(32) (16 de fevereiro de 2024): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.23.056.
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The article is devoted to the issue of the transfer of computers and computer technologies between the USA and the USSR in the context of the defusing of international tension in the 1970s. Based on documents from domestic archives (Russian State Archive of Modern History and Russian State Archive of Economy), published English-language sources, the characteristic features and trends of the development of the Soviet computer industry against the background of the American benchmark, the assessment of Soviet computers and their production by American intelligence officers, experts, politicians, as well as commercial and scientific and technical cooperation of individual US computer firms (Hewlett-Packard, IBM, Control Data) with Soviet partners. The author comes to the following conclusions. Firstly, the Soviet leadership recognized the lag of the USSR behind the United States in the field of computer technology as a significant problem, and scientific, technical and trade cooperation with American companies were considered as one of the tools to overcome this gap. Secondly, even in the conditions of detente, commercial contacts with American computer manufacturers meant overcoming barriers to U.S. export control, Americans were still inclined to consider general-purpose computers transferred to the Soviets as a threat to their national security. Thirdly, not all American firms were ready to engage in serious scientific and technical cooperation with the Soviet Union (the case of IBM), and if such cooperation began, its results could not be called breakthrough for the Soviet computer industry (the cases of Hewlett-Packard and Control Data). In general, neither the sanctions imposed in 1980 by the Carter administration against the supply of high-tech products, nor the low effectiveness of cooperation with the United States caused irreparable harm to the Soviet computer industry. However, a qualitative breakthrough in its development did not occur during the period under review. Статья посвящена вопросу трансфера компьютеров и компьютерных технологий между США и СССР в условиях разрядки международной напряженности 1970-х гг. На основании документов отечественных архивов (РГАНИ и РГАЭ), опубликованных англоязычных источников рассмотрены характерные черты и тенденции развития советской компьютерной индустрии на фоне американского бенчмарка, оценки советских ЭВМ и их производства американскими разведчиками, экспертами, политиками, а также коммерческое и научно-техническое взаимодействие отдельных компьютерных фирм США («Hewlett-Packard», «IBM», «Control Data») с советскими партнерами. Автор приходит к следующим выводам. Во-первых, отставание СССР от Соединенных Штатов в области компьютерной техники осознавалось советским руководством как значимая проблема, и в качестве одного из инструментов преодоления этого разрыва рассматривались научно-техническое и торговое сотрудничество с американскими компаниями. Во-вторых, даже в условиях разрядки коммерческие контакты с американскими производителями компьютерной техники подразумевали преодоление барьеров экспортного контроля США, американцы по-прежнему были склонны считать передаваемые Советам компьютеры общего назначения угрозой своей национальной безопасности. В-третьих, далеко не все американские фирмы были готовы идти на серьезное научно-техническое сотрудничество с Советским Союзом (случай «IBM»), а если такое сотрудничество и начиналось, то его результаты нельзя назвать прорывными для советской компьютерной отрасли (случаи «Hewlett-Packard» и «Control Data»). В целом ни введенные в 1980 г. администрацией Картера санкции против поставок высокотехнологичной продукции, ни низкая результативность сотрудничества с США не нанесли непоправимый вред советской индустрии ЭВМ. Однако и качественный прорыв в ее развитии в рассмотренный период не произошел.
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Theoharis, Athan, Bruce W. Watson, Susan M. Watson e Gerald W. Hopple. "United States Intelligence: An Encyclopedia." Journal of American History 77, n.º 4 (março de 1991): 1472. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078445.
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Joskow, Paul L. "United States Energy Policy during the 1990s". Current History 101, n.º 653 (1 de março de 2002): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.653.105.
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The good performance of energy markets during the seven or eight years following the Gulf War masked many continuing and emerging energy policy challenges that derive from larger domestic and foreign policy issues. The changes in world oil, domestic natural gas, and electricity markets in 1999 and especially 2000 likely reflect the effects of ignoring some of these challenges.
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Freudenberger, Herman, e Jonathan B. Pritchett. "The Domestic United States Slave Trade: New Evidence". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 21, n.º 3 (1991): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204955.
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Gioe, David V., Joseph M. Hatfield e Mark Stout. "Can United States intelligence community analysts telework?" Intelligence and National Security 35, n.º 6 (25 de maio de 2020): 885–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2020.1767389.
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Cheathem, Mark Renfred. "The Domestic Slave Trade and the United States Constitution". Reviews in American History 35, n.º 3 (2007): 374–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2007.0048.
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Shifter, Michael. "The United States and Colombia: Partners in Ambiguity". Current History 99, n.º 634 (1 de fevereiro de 2000): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.634.51.
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The Clinton administration and Congress will likely reach an agreement to increase aid to Colombia. Yet whether the agreement reflects a serious commitment with a clear strategic purpose to support Colombia and the Colombian government—or whether it merely seeks to satisfy the myriad domestic political interests and agendas involved in United States policy toward Colombia—is a critical question. It is a question, however, that can probably not abide much ambiguity.
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Syrett, Nicholas L. "Responding to Domestic Violence in the Nineteenth-Century United States". Journal of Women's History 33, n.º 1 (2021): 158–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2021.0009.
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Moran, Christopher R. "Spy watching: intelligence accountability in the United States". Intelligence and National Security 34, n.º 2 (agosto de 2018): 307–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2018.1505111.
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Hollins, Hunter. "Cold War North Korea and United States naval intelligence". War in History 25, n.º 3 (13 de fevereiro de 2018): 387–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516671739.
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On 23 January 1968, the North Korean Navy attacked and captured the USS Pueblo, a United States naval intelligence collection ship in international waters off the coast of North Korea. The USS Pueblo was one of a group of AGER ships created to provide intelligence from the Sea of Japan during the Cold War. This article discusses the growing hostilities of North Korea during the Cold War and uses recently declassified documents to illustrate the naval intelligence efforts of the United States to monitor the North Korean threat.
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Luff, Jennifer. "Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49". Journal of Contemporary History 53, n.º 1 (8 de dezembro de 2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658701.
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Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, and also of anticommunism, in both the USA and the UK, but their respective labor movements developed distinctively different political approaches to domestic and international communism. Comparing labor anticommunist politics in the interwar years helps explain sharp divergences in the politics of anticommunism in the USA and the UK during the Cold War.
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Lemco, Jonathan, e Scott B. MacDonald. "Latin America's Volatile Financial Markets". Current History 100, n.º 643 (1 de fevereiro de 2001): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.643.86.
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The soundness of Latin America's financial health remains dependent on international capital–primarily from the United States–and commodity exports–also primarily to the United States. This dependence on the international financial environment, along with deep-seated domestic economic inequalities and structural deficiencies, means a guarded economic prognosis for the countries of the region.
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Lintelman, Joy K. "Introduction: Forum on American Domestic Service". Social Science History 15, n.º 3 (1991): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021179.
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The articles on American domestic service that appear in this issue of Social Science History were part of a 1989 Social Science History Association Annual Meeting session. They reveal that, despite the investigations of Katzman (1978), Sutherland (1981), Dudden (1983), Glenn (1986), and others, there is still a great deal to know about domestic service in the United States. Each article offers a different perspective on transformations within domestic service in the United States in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and provides new information about different demographic categories of domestic servants. Taken together, they suggest creative new ways of understanding the occupation and its relationship to race, ethnicity, gender, and the industrial labor market.
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Yarygin, Grigory. "U. S. climate institutions and the intelligence community: Domestic and international collaboration". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, n.º 4 (2022): 432–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.404.
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Climate change presents an actorless threat. The most powerful world jurisdictions are undertaking efforts to tackle this global threat multiplier. The Biden-Harris administration, returning the U. S. back to international climate politics, claims the leadership role. The author of the article examines how the administration’s climate rhetoric is backed up organizationally. The institutional architecture that powers Biden’s climate policy is put at the center of the article’s analysis. The United States intelligence community has been entrusted with a significant role in running current U. S. institutional climate recovery efforts. The article approaches the engagement of the intelligence community in climate policy from such angles as policymakers’ expectations of the intelligence community and its role and capabilities for domestic and international collaboration. The article proceeds through three stages. The first stage presents theoretical frameworks for new-institutional analysis approaches to climate policy of the United States. The second examines how the Biden-Harris administration organizes institutions in the system of climate policy. The third approaches the role and functions of the U. S. intelligence community in climate change prevention policy. The author concludes that the U. S. intelligence community possesses a strong capacity to provide for responsible decision making in regard to the climate, however, mechanisms for domestic and international climate intelligence exchange have yet to be determined.
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Berg, Manfred. "“HE KEPT US OUT OF WAR!” A COUNTERFACTUAL LOOK AT AMERICAN HISTORY WITHOUT THE FIRST WORLD WAR". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2017): 2–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781416000438.
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One hundred years after President Woodrow Wilson led Americans into the Great War, this essay ponders various counterfactual scenarios based on the assumption that the United States had not become a belligerent power in 1917. The methodological introduction makes a case for counterfactual analysis as a useful and indeed indispensable tool of historians. The second part demonstrates that contemporaries, including Wilson himself, did not consider American entry into the war a foregone conclusion. The third section looks at the possible consequences of continued American neutrality on the international position of the United States, while the fourth part focuses on the question which major domestic developments would have been unlikely had America remained neutral. Had the United States stayed out of the Great War, America's international role in the postwar world would not been very different from what it actually was in the 1920s, but the nation would have been spared the spasms of war hysteria that altered domestic politics.
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Weinberg, Gerhard L. "German Documents in the United States". Central European History 41, n.º 4 (14 de novembro de 2008): 555–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000848.
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At the end of World War II, vast quantities of German documents had fallen into the hands of the Allies either during hostilities or in the immediately following weeks. Something will be said near the end of this report about the archives captured or seized by the Soviet Union; the emphasis here will be on those that came into the possession of the Western Allies. The United States and Great Britain made agreements for joint control and exploitation, of which the most important was the Bissell-Sinclair agreement named for the intelligence chiefs who signed it. The German naval, foreign office, and chancellery archives were to be physically located in England, while the military, Nazi Party, and related files were to come to the United States. Each of the two countries was to be represented at the site of the other's holdings, have access to the files, and play a role in decisions about their fate. The bulk of those German records that came to the United States were deposited in a section of a World War I torpedo factory in Alexandria, Virginia, which had been made into the temporary holding center for the World War II records of the American army and American theater commands. In accordance with the admonition to turn swords into plowshares, the building is now an artists' boutique.
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Gunter, Michael M. "United States-Turkish Intelligence Liaison Since World War II". Journal of Intelligence History 3, n.º 1 (junho de 2003): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2003.10555075.
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TSORIEVA, Z. Kh. "THE MAIN PROVISIONS OF THE US ENERGY DOCTRINE: HISTORY AND MODERNITY". EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, n.º 1 (2021): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.01.01.024.
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The article examines the chronology of the development of the energy doctrine of the United States, which for many years has been focused on reducing the country's dependence on foreign energy imports. And while the United States does not currently need to import foreign energy on a huge scale, to effectively ensure energy security, a number of factors must be taken into account, both from a domestic and international point of view.
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Theoharis, Athan, e Uri Bar-Joseph. "Intelligence Intervention in the Politics of Democratic States: The United States, Israel, and Britain." American Historical Review 102, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 1997): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171274.
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Caddell, Joseph W. "Spy chiefs, Vol. 1: intelligence leaders in the United States and United Kingdom". Intelligence and National Security 34, n.º 3 (11 de outubro de 2018): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2018.1521772.
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Heinz, Annelise. "“Maid’s Day Off”: Leisured Domesticity in the Mid-Twentieth-Century United States". American Historical Review 124, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 2019): 1316–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz642.
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Abstract At the height of the mid-twentieth-century domestic revival, middle-class Jewish women created forms of “leisured domesticity,” marked by temporary female-only recreational spaces in their family-centered arenas. In contrast to other forms of recreation, with mahjong second-generation Jewish women gained an entitlement to peer-oriented leisure in the site of domestic labor: the home. Based on extensive oral histories, Heinz argues that consistent cultural patterns emerged around mahjong. These commonalities created a widespread culture that reached its height in the postwar years of upward mobility, experienced in particularly pronounced ways by Jewish Americans. Although the culture of mahjong could reinforce women’s domestic roles as much as undermine them, the weekly mahjong ritual demanded a temporary reallocation of household labor. Understandings of postwar life have largely been shaped by a duality between what defined an idealized domesticity in theory (devoted mothers in family-centered middle-class homes) and the ways that women resisted or were excluded from these norms. In contrast, the practices of leisured domesticity illuminate a multidimensional reality. Mahjong-playing mothers neither overthrew nor fully acquiesced to the powerful norms of postwar American “model” domesticity. Creating a widely accepted rhythm of women’s recreation made domesticity more livable by carving out patterns of leisure within it.
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Vasquez, John A. "Domestic contention on critical foreign-policy issues: the case of the United States". International Organization 39, n.º 4 (1985): 643–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027053.
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Variations in domestic contention on foreign policy, particularly variations of a cyclical nature within the United States, have been often identified but not explained. Changes in international interactions on global issues affect domestic contention. Such external events as the rise of new global issues, the emergence of crises, moves toward accommodation and resolution, war, and foreign-policy failure are related to the diverse forms that domestic contention can take. U.S. domestic contention, both in the recent past and in the short-term future, illustrates particularly well how hard-liners and accommodationists battle over the lessons of history.
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Smith, Mark C. "Questioning Similarities: Prohibition in the United States and Finland". American Studies in Scandinavia 49, n.º 1 (29 de janeiro de 2017): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v49i1.5460.
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Only two republics have ever adopted national alcohol prohibition in peacetime, and they did so at almost exactly the same time. For these reasons and others, historians of temperance have considered prohibition in Finland and the United States to be essentially similar. In fact, despite originating at the same time, the two are quite dissimilar. American prohibition came out of Protestant revivalism and a capitalist desire for worker efficiency. By the late nineteenth century two powerful temperance organizations, the Women’s Christian Temperance Union and the Anti- Saloon League, had emerged to lead the movement for domestic prohibition and to evangelize for prohibition abroad. Prohibition in Finland came out of the movement to achieve a cultural and political nationalism. Temperance was part of the Turku academics’ attempt to create a virtuous unified peasantry and working class. The working class, in particular, used the temperance movement to organize their movements. While the United States and Finland were the only two republics to undertake national prohibition, the US largely ignored the Finnish experiment. They praised it in the early 1920s only to emphasize its later failures as a way of trying to obscure their own inability to achieve a viable policy.
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Baxandall, Rosalyn, e Phyllis Palmer. "Domesticity and Dirt: Housewives and Domestic Servants in the United States, 1920-1945." Journal of American History 77, n.º 4 (março de 1991): 1396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078359.
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Patrick, Stewart. "America's Retreat from Multilateral Engagement". Current History 99, n.º 641 (1 de dezembro de 2000): 430–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.641.430.
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Since the end of the cold war, the United States has demonstrated a growing willingness to act alone and to opt out of multilateral initiatives. Whether tiring of its international obligations, preoccupied with domestic concerns, or tempted to exploit its hegemony, the country has in a number of prominent instances withdrawn from collective initiatives, demanded exemptions from global rules, shirked commitments to international organizations, or extended its domestic law extraterritorially.
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Suponitskaya, Irina. "Spies or Heroes? Soviet Intelligence in the United States in the 1930s and 1940s". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 3 (2022): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020246-8.
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The article focuses on the most successful period in the history of Soviet intelligence in the United States, namely the 1930s and 1940s. The reasons for this success are analysed, first and foremost being the worldwide enthusiasm for the ideas of communism and the achievements of the USSR in building a new socialist society, to which the propaganda of the Stalinist regime had contributed in no small measure. The author examines the activities of the Soviet secret services, which established an extensive covert network in the United States during those years. Members of the underground were collecting information, primarily in the field of the latest military technologies, including the secrets of the production of the atomic bomb. While the history of intelligence professionals has been sufficiently studied, the work of their American voluntary agents is less known. There were many communists and sympathisers among them; a significant proportion were Russian immigrants. The aim of the article is to explore their views, behavioural motives, and subsequent fate. The study draws on records from American and Russian archives opened to researchers in the 1990s: previously classified Soviet diplomatic correspondence, which, after being decrypted by the Venona project, was recognised as a communication channel between intelligence in the United States and the centre in Moscow; it was supplemented by the so-called “Vassiliev Notebooks”, containing documents from the archives of the Foreign Intelligence Service (formerly the First Directorate of the KGB) as well as records from the Comintern archive at the Russian Centre for the Preservation and Study of Documents of Contemporary History (RTsKhIDNI). New sources offer a more comprehensive picture of the scale and methods of Soviet intelligence work, the activities of American agents, and allow to answer a number of questions that have caused controversy among historians, including the guilt of the Rosenbergs in the theft of nuclear secrets and whether Alger Hiss, a high-ranking US State Department official, was a Soviet intelligence agent.
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Laidler, Paweł. "How Republicans and Democrats Strengthen Secret Surveillance in the United States". Political Preferences, n.º 25 (28 de janeiro de 2020): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.25.5-20.
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The purpose of the paper is to assess the relationship between secrecy and transparency in the pre- and post-Snowden eras in the United States. The Author analyzes, from both political and legal perspectives, the sources and outcomes of the U.S. politics of national security with a special focus on domestic and intelligence surveillance measures. The core argument of the paper is that, due to the role of the executive which has always promoted the culture of secrecy, there is no chance for the demanded transparency in national security surveillance, despite the controlling powers of the legislative and judiciary. As the analysis proves, the United States in the post-Snowden era seems to be the most transparent and secretive state, at the same time.
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Рidbereznykh, Inna, e Illia Komissarov. "Industrial history of the United States (1800 ‒1930 s)". Current issues of social sciences and history of medicine 30, n.º 2 (13 de maio de 2021): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24061/2411-6181.2.2021.262.
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Purpose of the article to analyse socio-economic changes and features which were caused by the process of industrialization in the USA, define preconditions, stages and consequences of industrialization, in American society. Research methods. The methods of analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization are used in research. Scientific novelty. Today, economic issues cannot be considered in isolation without the problems of the industrial sector. We now understand that industrialization is the primary factor in creating an independent and developed domestic market for each country, as the statistics show. Understanding of these high-quality changes, the introduction of industry in the economic sector of the country, can best be seen in the example of the world's most powerful economy - the United States. How this power arose, what this country as a whole and in the region had to go through, what conditions were created for further growth, and what legacy this country has now, we are interested in all this as a fundamental example of building a successful economy. Conclusions. The effects of industrialization have helped the United States raise its status in the international arena by conquering new markets for its own products. Changes also happened in American society which realized it`s status in a world economy and supported such ideas as imperialism but these ideas have taken on a different form from the European model. Structurally, the United States has built a network of clusters that have created points of attraction and economic diversity in different parts of the country
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Price, Daniel M. "United States v. Stuart". American Journal of International Law 83, n.º 4 (outubro de 1989): 918–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203382.
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In response to a request by Canadian tax authorities under the United States-Canada Double Taxation Convention (Convention), the U.S. Internal Revenue Service (IRS) issued summonses to obtain U.S. bank records concerning certain accounts of respondents, Canadian citizens whose Canadian tax liability was under investigation. Respondents sought to quash the summonses, arguing that because under 26 U.S.C. §7609(b) the IRS is prohibited by U.S. law from using its summons authority to obtain information about a U.S. taxpayer once a case is referred to the Justice Department for prosecution, and because the tax investigation of respondents was part of a Canadian criminal investigation, the IRS should be precluded from using its summons authority to honor the Canadian request under the Convention. Unsuccessful in the district court, respondents prevailed in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, which held that under the “good faith” standard applicable to enforcement of domestic summonses, the IRS may issue a summons pursuant to a Convention request only if it first determines and makes an affirmative statement to the effect that the Canadian investigation has not reached a stage analogous to a Justice Department referral by the IRS. The U.S. Supreme Court (per Brennan, J.) reversed, and held: (1) that if the summons is issued in good faith, it is enforceable regardless of whether the Canadian request is directed toward criminal prosecution under Canadian law; and (2) neither United States law nor anything in the text or the ratification history of the Convention supports the imposition of additional requirements. Justice Kennedy (joined by O’Connor, J.), concurring in part and in the judgment, filed a brief opinion to state his view that it is unnecessary to decide whether Senate preratification materials are authoritative sources for treaty interpretation. Justice Scalia, concurring in the judgment, wrote separately to oppose the use of such materials in treaty construction.
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Hoy, Suellen, e Phyllis Palmer. "Domesticity and Dirt: Housewives and Domestic Servants in the United States, 1920-1945". Technology and Culture 33, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105817.
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Levin, Y. A., e S. O. Buranok. "Formation of “Red Scare” Concept in USA in First Half of XX Century". Nauchnyi dialog, n.º 5 (30 de maio de 2020): 424–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-5-424-434.
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The issue of how the an important and multifaceted aspect of domestic and foreign policy formed by US FBI, called the "Red Scare" is addressed in the article. It is shown that this political and ideological concept seemed unacceptable for distribution in the United States, since it created a danger of the penetration of communist ideas and their adherents into all government bodies and major public organizations. Factors that influenced the strengthening of the FBI’s position in the fight against communist ideology in the United States in the 1920s, in particular, terrorist acts carried out by left-wing forces, which allowed the FBI to implement a program of struggle (Palmer raids) with organizations, adhering to communist views are examined. The measures taken by the FBI and its director John Edgar Hoover in the 1930s against Soviet intelligence, which contributed to reinforcing negative perceptions of the “Red Scare” within the agency are highlighted. The authors conclude that the position of the FBI influenced the building of the attitude of the entire US intelligence community in this vein, which in turn had a great impact on the development of the country’s domestic and foreign policy.
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Mullendore, Kristine B. "Unmasking the Blurred Lines Regulating the Foreign Intelligence and Domestic Surveillance Activities of the United States". Public Administration Review 77, n.º 5 (30 de julho de 2017): 791–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/puar.12823.
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Behfar, Malihe, e Hassan Savari. "Evaluation of United Nations Security Council Resolutions by States". Journal of Politics and Law 10, n.º 1 (29 de dezembro de 2016): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n1p204.
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In UNs history, the Legality of Security Council Resolutions, in many cases, is challenged. Generally, these challenges are taken by States that affected Security Council decisions. With notice that States are the representative for implementation of SCR, they intervene their determination and interpretation in the way that implement SC Decisions. In some cases, domestic and regional courts evaluate the state action in implementation SCRs. Although these cases couldn’t provide direct review on Resolutions, but affected in the way of implementation. Evaluation by States is probable and arises some concerns about decreased effectiveness of SC in the maintenance of international peace and security.
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Vinovskis, Maris A. "History of Testing in the United States: PK–12 Education". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 683, n.º 1 (maio de 2019): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219839682.
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This article provides a brief history of K–12 education testing in the United States from colonial America to the present. In early America, students were examined orally. After the mid-nineteenth century, written tests replaced oral presentations. In the late nineteenth century, graded schools gradually replaced the single-teacher, one-room schools. In the beginning of the twentieth century, standardized intelligence tests were increasingly used to categorize and promote students. State departments of education have played a larger role in local school funding and policies in the past hundred years. Since the 1960s, the federal government has expanded its involvement in national education while also promoting the role of states. During the past three decades, the federal government and states increased the use of high-stakes national testing with initiatives such as America 2000, Goals 2000, No Child Left Behind, and Every Student Succeeds.
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Vidal Pérez, Esteban. "MISCELÁNEA: LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE UNA POTENCIA GLOBAL: LA INFLUENCIA DE LA COMPETICIÓN GEOPOLÍTICA INTERNACIONAL EN LA TRANSFORMACIÓN DE LA ESFERA DOMÉSTICA DE ESTADOS UNIDOS". Revista española de derecho internacional 73, n.º 2 (25 de junho de 2021): 337–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17103/redi.73.2.2021.1b.06.
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Neoclassical realism and structural realism provide different explanations about the rise of the United States as a global power. However, these approaches overlook the influence of international geopolitical competition on the internal political structures of States and how they affect their foreign policy. In this paper, we analyze the role of external pressures in shaping the United States’ domestic sphere to explain how it became a global power. To do so, we resort to geopolitics and discuss how the international environment poses challenges, and States confront them by reorganizing their space and institutions in order to increase their national capabilities. In this way, we study several decisive moments in US history to see how they shaped its domestic realm and contributed to make this country a global power.
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Jeffreys‐Jones, Rhodri. "Manual Indices and digital pathways: Developments in United States intelligence bibliography". Intelligence and National Security 9, n.º 3 (julho de 1994): 555–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529408432268.
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Lindeque, Johan Paul, e Steven Michael McGuire. "Non-market Capabilities and the Prosecution of Trade Remedy Cases in the United States". Journal of World Trade 44, Issue 4 (1 de agosto de 2010): 903–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2010035.
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The study investigates the prosecution of US trade remedy cases as examples of administrative government agency investigations and seeks to identify key capabilities for effective corporate political strategy targeting these institutions. Trade remedy cases are important policy tools, designed to protect domestic firms from ‘unfair’ import competition. The research contributes to the growing literature on corporate political activity and its links with superior outcomes in the marketplace. Three capabilities are identified: the capability to collect market/non-market intelligence, the capability to build and shape the administrative record, and the capability to align business practice with the US trade remedy institutions.
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Лоншаков, Л. М. "DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EXPERIENCE OF INTELLIGENT TECHNOLOGIES APPLICATION IN CUSTOMS AUTHORITIES". Human Progress 9, n.º 4 (25 de setembro de 2023): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.34709/im.194.8.
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В данной статье проанализирован опыт применения технологий с искусственным интеллектом в таможенных органах Российской Федерации, а также таможенных органах зарубежных стран, таких как Китайская Народная Республика, Соединенные Штаты Америки, Латвия, Финляндия, Эстония, Турция, Австралия и Япония. Проведен сравнительный анализ использования интеллектуальных технологий таможенными органами указанных стран. Выделены основные направления использования искусственного интеллекта в России и других странах, определены основные технические средства с элементами искусственного интеллекта, применяемые в настоящее время в таможенных органах. Автором рассчитана степень интеллектуализации таможенных процессов России и зарубежных стран. Оценен потенциал для создания «умного» выхода на посадку, аналогичного США или Австралии, в Российской Федерации. Сделаны выводы о возможности принятия зарубежного опыта в области применения интеллектуальных технологий в деятельности таможенных органов России, в том числе, в форме разработки прототипов отечественных информационных систем с элементами искусственного интеллекта на основе зарубежных решений и(или) внедрения таких элементов в существующие информационные системы с целью повышения эффективности таможенного контроля и ускорения совершения таможенных операций. This article analyzes the experience of using artificial intelligence technologies in the Russian Federation customs authorities and in the foreign countries’ customs authorities such as China, the United States of America, Latvia, Finland, Estonia, Turkey, Australia and Japan. A comparative analysis of the intellectual technologies used by the customs authorities has been carried out. The main areas of artificial intelligence usage in Russia and other countries are highlighted, and the main currently used technical means with artificial intelligence elements in customs authorities are identified. The author calculated the intellectualization degree of customs processes in Russia and foreign countries. The potential for creating a “smart” gate in the Russian Federation similar to the United States or Australia has been assessed. This article draws conclusions about the possibility of adopting foreign experience of intellectual technologies using in the field of customs authorities’ activities in order to increase the efficiency of customs control and speed up customs operations.
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Pleck, E. "The Making of the Domestic Occasion: The History of Thanksgiving in the United States". Journal of Social History 32, n.º 4 (1 de junho de 1999): 773–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/32.4.773.
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