Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Description, etc., 1683"

The problem of characterization of polyharmonic functions by mean value expressions is analyzed. A sufficient condition for the biharmonic function is formulated and proved in the paper. Mean value theorems and their operators have various applications in function theory (approximation of functions, description of functional spaces) and in the qualitative theory of linear differential equations with partial derivatives (boundary properties, elimination of features, differential properties of solutions, etc.). The main properties of polyharmonic functions, in particular, properties with mean value are investigated in the work. The results of L. Salcman and V. Volchkov, which generalize the classical mean value theorems, are analyzed. These results also reveal deep connections between complex analysis, the theory of linear differential equations with partial derivatives, harmonic analysis, integral geometry and the theory of special functions. The new directions of research in the theory of polyharmonic functions, differential equations, as well as in computational mathematics are established with the mean value theorems (algorithms "walk on spheres"\ , application of the Monte Carlo method). Particular attention is paid to the case of biharmonic functions. It is found that when performing the equality with the mean value on the circle from the set on the complex plane, the function of class $C^2$ on the specified set satisfies the Laplace equation of the second order, i.e. the function is polyharmonic of the second order. By using a smooth function with a compact support, the required function is obtained as a weak solution of the corresponding Laplace equation. In the future, this result can be used to establish a sufficient condition of biharmonicity of a twice continuously differentiated function on a plane that satisfies the above-mentioned relation only for a pair of positive values of $r_1$, $r_2$. Thus, it is possible to formulate a new theorem on two radii.

The study of intercultural interaction has recently become one of the topical problems of social psychology. Considered often in the context of developing intercultural competence, they nevertheless ignore the mechanisms that underlie the causes of effective or ineffective communication. The mechanism by which intercultural competence contributes to intercultural efficiency is described in an integrative model of intercultural interaction, which unites a group of theories of communicativistic and socio-psychological approaches. This model substantiates the contribution of uncertainty and anxiety to the effectiveness of intercultural communication, which has been widely studied in quantitative studies. The aim of the study is to test the idea of the role of the situation of uncertainty and anxiety in the situation of intercultural interaction using qualitative analysis. The research was carried out based on a theoretical socio-psychological model of intercultural interaction. Using the in-depth interview method and subsequent phenomenological data analysis, a dense description of effective and ineffective intercultural communication was obtained from the point of view of each of the four aspects of the model: anxiety, uncertainty, social identity and intergroup anxiety. As a result of the analysis, data were obtained that reveal the content of some of the blocks of the model (intercultural abilities, communication efficiency, management of uncertainty), as well as a new block (emotion management) was identified and the properties of connections (between anxiety management and communication efficiency, between emotion management and anxiety management) were highlighted. Since the qualitative analysis made it possible to adjust the theoretical integrative model of intercultural interaction, and also revealed additional components of the model that develop theoretical ideas about the mechanisms underlying effective and ineffective communication, the results of this study can serve as a basis for the practice of the training of specialists working in the field of international relations: teachers of multicultural education, HRs in the field of international business, specialists in intercultural consulting, etc.

Historians interested in Habsburg policy in Hungary at the end of the seventeenth century have long focused their attention on theEinrichtungswerk des Königreichs Ungarn, a reform program drawn up under the direction of Cardinal Leopold Kollonich in 1688–89. Like a small number of similar “essential” documents—here the 1627 Verneuerte Landesordnung for Bohemia and the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723 spring to mind—the oft-asserted signifi cance of theEinrichtungswerkhas long overshadowed the document itself: although most historians studying the Habsburg Empire know of Kollonich's plan, few actually know very much about it. Instead of a realistic appraisal of its actual provenance and place in the historical development of Habsburg policy, the document—or rather its impression—has been applied as an open-ended description of the ambitions of the imperial court. In the words of Austrian historian Oswald Redlich, Kollonich's plan for Hungary was fully “characteristic of the outlook and spirit of the Vienna ruling circles” at the end of the seventeenth century, and as such provides a reliable guide to imperial policy. Hungarian historians have turned to theEinrichtungswerkas a source from which to divine the Habsburgs' intentions toward Hungary—debating whether its proposed measures refl ect a genuine “anti-Magyar” spirit or only an antipathy toward the Hungarian nobles. It is carefully regarded as reflecting a genuine and largely missed opportunity for change, full of meaning for the future development of the kingdom.

For storage of big data, as a rule, relational databases are used. For multilateral research and analysis of the processes occurring in large economic systems, financiers, economists and other technical specialists use graphs with actual names of enterprises, cities, regions, etc. to move from the physical names of the studied regions to the corresponding parameters of relational databases.

This article will set the penguin classics in Chinese literature translation in the English world the transmission range of readership and accept the situation, from the spread of translation materials, translation mode, sponsors and publishing model, the target language country’s ideology, etc., to interpret cultural classic in the world of circulation process, description influence the spread of Chinese literature external factors, in order to study the real power of global circulation of Chinese literature, translation and publishing and communication model in order to promote Chinese literature more effectively into the English world, expand overseas readers group put forward the theoretical thinking and practical guidance.

The objects of world view study include mythology, religion, art, literature and social life, etc., among which mythology and religion are of the greatest significance. As a perfect fusion of the two, Genesis stories are the first attempt primitive people made to explain the origins of the world and all creatures. Therefore, they are great canons of primitive world views. When we decipher genesis stories, we discover primitive world views. The discoveries can help us explain similarities and differences in people’s values and behaviors. In this paper, textual analysis is conducted to compare Pangu and Genesis, two representative genesis stories of China and the Western world. Research findings are: First, the two stories are quite similar in the depiction of the beginning, the order of creation and the image of the creator. Second, they present remarkably different world views, religious theories and supernatural powers. The differences found can be used to explore and explain differences between China and the Western world in thinking patterns, social values and behaviors. This comparative study of genesis stories will shed light on the similarities and differences between different cultures, help with the description, explanation and prediction of communicative behaviors, and promote cultural exchange.

The annular pancreas (CPJ) is mainly considered in pediatric surgical practice as a pathology of the newborn period, manifested by a picture of duodenal obstruction and having the potential for complete cure. Nevertheless, during the course of life, patients with this defect may develop complications such as chronic pancreatitis, peptic ulcer, pancreatic tumors, changes in the biliary tract, etc., which develop in adulthood and often cause complications and deaths. There are very few descriptions of such complications in children in the available literature, and therefore, we want to provide a clinical case of an 8-year-old boy with a complicated course of CPJ.

Based on the initiative of Duke Nicolaus Christophorus Radziwill the Orphan (1549–1616), Great Marshal of Lithuania (1579–1586) and Voivode of Vilnius (1604–1616), a map of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, titled Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae caeterumque regionum illi adiaciencium exacta descriptio…, was printed in 1613 in the printing house of Willem Janszoon (Blaeu), which was famous at that time for the manufacture of globes and wall maps. It was drawn by Hessel Gerritsz (Lat. Gerardus) and prepared by a team of professionals gathered by N. Ch. Radziwill. The written part of the map (which addresses the reader), separately published also in 1613, glued together from three pages, and designated to the buyers of the wall map of the GDL, was prepared by the famous GDL painter Tomasz Makowski (1575–1630). From 1613 to 1631, this map of the GDL functioned only as a wall map. When W. Blaeu began to publish atlases as well, he included the 1613 wall map of the GDL, which was pressed from four copper plates and included a narrow ornamental edging, in his atlas Appendix Theatri A.Ortelii et Atlantis G. Mercatoris. The readers of the atlas could not observe the territory of the GDL in its entirety, as it was depicted in four pages. Thus, already in another edition of the atlas that was published during the same year of 1631, the map of the GDL was changed and its copper plates were reordered: the segment depicting the lower part of the Dnieper was cut away, and the whole ornamental edging of the map was discarded. Two maps then took shape: one of the GDL’s territory, glued together from four disproportionate plates, and one depicting the lower part of the Dnieper, glued together from two plates. Such a large map of the GDL’s territory (73 × 75 cm) was collapsible and would be included in Blaeu’s atlases near a written piece on Lithuania in the editions of 1631, 1634–1649, and even in one that was published in c. 1670. This map, unconventional for usage in atlases (as it was not bound), was replaced in 1649 by another map made on the basis of the original 1613 variant by W. Blaeu’s son, Joan. This particular specimen was a smaller-scale version of the GDL’s map and was oriented toward the west, not the north. However, as Blaeu’s printing house began to include the 1613 map of the GDL in its atlases, this does not mean that it had also stopped publishing it as a wall map – the buyer could have it made in the same printing shop and purchase, for example, a wide ornamental edging as a supplement to their order (e.g., the specimen belonging to the Uppsala University Library). Only two copies of this 1613 wall map of the GDL are extant, and these can be found in the Uppsala University Library and the Herzogin Anna Amalia Library in Weimar. These specimens are unique in that they allow us to see how an authentic 1613 wall map of the GDL looks like, together with T. Makowski’s text about Lithuania, also marked by a 1613 date. Knowing the history of how the copper plates of this map were used, we may state that the Weimar copy is of earlier origin than the one housed in Uppsala (at least by one year within the 1631 period). This article examines the 1613 map of the GDL from the perspective of book science – we provide an analysis of the publications devoted to the 1613 map of the GDL based on the aspect of how it was published. An all-encompassing historiographical study of the 1613 GDL map is not the goal of the present paper. By chronologically analyzing the works of Lithuanian and foreign authors in an historiographical retrospective, it is emphasized how the various authors writing about this map chose to consider its bibliographical information, how did the perspective regarding the structure of this map shift, etc. An historiographical analysis of the publications on the 1613 map of the GDL has demonstrated that the formal aspects of the map’s origins (what kind of copper plates were prepared for the wall map, of what structure was the map used by William Janszoon Blaeu in the atlases of his printing house and how exactly was it used, etc.) are important in attempting to discern how its functioning had developed over the years.

The article is an attempt to present The exploits of Polish elears, who were formerly called Lisovchiks (Przewagi elearów polskich, co ich niegdy lisowczykami zwano) by Wojciech Dembołęcki. The book’s form varies between that of a chronicle, a memoir, and a detailed diary. Nevertheless, the report contains an abundance of valuable and interesting data on the Battle of Humenné and its immediate consequences, particularly the pacification actions led by Polish mercenary troops. Dembołęcki’s Exploits can be thought of as, for many reasons, a unique source of knowledge on several historical episodes of the initial stage of the Thirty Years’ War. Its convention, however, is to show the Lisovchiks as an army of God, and therefore the publication (printed in Poznań in 1623) is also evidence of propaganda-motivated glorification of the notorious elears who supported Ferdinand II’s forces twice (in 1619-21 and in 1622). Despite the exaggerated written praise, these soldiers were soon outlawed (in 1623) because of their conduct, especially during peaceful periods. The diary gives the reader a chance to get acquainted with authentic documents, such as correspondence addressed to Poles and signed by imperial authorities. The article mainly recalls selected facts (war tactics specificity, battles, marches, negotiations, etc.) in the chronological order on the basis of the account, but some examples of Dembołęcki’s comments are also cited, paraphrased, or discussed to give a better idea of the nature of the original memoir. In the concluding part of the study there are some remarks on Dembołęcki’s other work, enriched with a short description of a Latin manuscript (preserved in Prague) and a pair of booklets, the first of which was issued in Vienna and the second somewhat later in Poland (the precise place of publication is unknown).

It is shown that active processes of digitalization and development of creative industries form new trends of the world economy development. Possession of the right to use IP, in particular the results of the latest scientific research and technological developments (especially in the field of artificial intelligence, the Internet of things, blockchain, processing large databases, quantum computing systems, cloud technologies, etc.) significantly expands the capabilities of the owner of IP rights in world economy, its participation in global value chains. Intellectual property is becoming not only the main instrument of socio-economic development, but also the center of global technological confrontation and a fierce struggle for the right to own it, a significant factor of success in geoeconomic competition. The main long-term trend in the development of world IP markets is the dynamic growth of the volume of commercial transactions with goods and services containing IP objects with a significant expansion of the range of the latter. The IP market is growing at a rate exceeding the rate of growth of “material” markets. The countryleader in the number of valid patents for a long period is the United States. The main competitor for the United States is China. Among the main technological trends, the development of the IP market in terms of assistive technologies should be highlighted, which allow producing products according to digital description anywhere in the world. A large share of the IP markets is occupied by trade in licenses. It is shown that for the further successful and effective development of IP markets, it is necessary to take into account the prospects for the functioning of IP markets and the movement of goods containing IP objects in a new technological order.

Background. There are many variations of the developmental pathology of the anterior communicating artery with such forms as aplasia, hypoplasia, duplication, triplication and etc. The presence of the median artery of the corpus callosum is a rare pathology of the anterior part of the circle of Willis and, according to the literature the frequency is 4,5-14,2 %. About 81 % of cases, the occurrence of the median artery of the corpus callosum is combined with the presence of anterior communicating artery trifurcation. The incidence of distal anterior cerebral artery aneurysms has been estimated to be from 1.5 to 9.0 % of all intracranial aneurysms, while the median artery of the corpus callosum is rarely mentioned in the literature, the author of the article did not find cases of descriptions of distal anterior cerebral artery aneurysms in the PubMed. It should be borne in mind that when conducting radiation diagnostics, up to one third of all cases of the median artery of the corpus callosum remain undetected.Aim. To present a clinical case of successful surgical treatment of a distal aneurysm of the median artery of the corpus callosum in a patient K., 39 years old, performed using surgical neuronavigation.Materials and methods. A case report of the successful surgical management of 39-year-old patient with distal aneurysm of the median artery of the corpus callosum at the Sity Clinical Hospital No. 1 named after N.I. Pirogov of Moscow Healthcare Department. The patient had a saccular aneurysm of A2-3 segments of the median artery of the corpus callosum.Results. A microsurgical clipping of the distal aneurysm of the median artery of the corpus callosum using the right interhemispheric approach through the bifrontal craniotomy with a neuronavigational assistance was performed. The selective angiography of the intracranial arteries (10 mo after the clipping) no detected the signs of recanalization of the aneurysm.Conclusion. The deeper placement of the median artery of the corpus callosum (as compared with the anterior cerebral arteries) and the missing of anatomical landmarks complicates the surgical approach to the distal aneurysms of the median artery of the corpus callosum. The instrumentation of neuronavigation made it possible to perform minimal craniotomy and safe encephalotomy of the medial aspects of the frontal lobes (at site of the genu the corpus callosum) and reduce the operating time.

Semantic investigations of adverbs of place in Lithuanian started in 1653, when in the first grammar of the Lithuanian language Danielius Kleinas offered a classification of adverbs of place that consisted of four semantic groups: 1) In Loco; 2) De Loco; 3) Per Locum; 4) Ad Locum. This semantic division remained unchanged for over two centuries, i.e. 17th – 18th century.The comparative-historical method that was introduced in the 19th century influenced Lithuanian linguistics and, as a result, such figures as A. Šleicheris, the author of the first theoretical Lithuanian language grammar and F. Kuršaitis, another author of an important grammar volume focused more on the origin of adverbs (of place) rather than their semantics.The 20th century in Lithuanian linguistics had still retained some reverberations of the 19th century, the author of the first standard Lithuanian grammar J. Jablonskis still pays more attention to the origin of adverbs of place and not its meanings.The most significant semantic research of adverbs of place in this century is considered to be K. Ulvydas’ analysis in the academic “grammar of the Lithuanian language” as it was the first one to provide a comprehensive description of what an adverb is in general as well as a definition of an adverb of place. In comparison to other grammars written earlier, this work provides the most extensive semantic classification of adverbs of place; in addition, it provides a detailed account of the meanings of adverbs of place, the overlaps of those meanings, etc. Along with grammars of Lithuanian, adverbs of place were extensively investigated in other scholarly works. The most important of them is B. Forsman’s monograph “Das baltische Adverb” which, in comparison to other works devoted to Lithuanian adverbs of place, provides a detailed analysis and description of the semantics of adverbs of place in Lithuanian: 1. B. Forssman was the first one to apply the notion of space in the investigation of Lithuanian adverbs of place; he was the first one to research Lithuanian adverbs of place by naming an object in relation to which the place/location is described; he was the first one to include the notion of deixis into the history of semantic research of Lithuanian adverbs of place; he was the first one to distinguish the meanings of Lithuanian adverbs of place according to the manner of localisation and division of space.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The importance of cities becomes ever greater not only for the modification of the landscape, but also for the distribution of social classes. Poets, philosophers and artists have imagined ideal cities that could satisfy the need for a good quality of life for citizens.</p><p> Since the most ancient civilizations poets and philosophers have imagined ideal cities, with road plots corresponding to the various social classes. In the final text I will describe some examples of ideal cities presented by Homer, especially in the description of the shield of Achilles, from Plato in the description of his Atlantis, etc.</p><p> Atlantis (Ἀτλαντὶς νῆσος, "island of Atlas") is a fictional island mentioned in Plato's works <i>Timaeus</i> and <i>Critias</i>, where Plato represents the ideal state imagined in <i>The Republic</i>.</p><p> The city depicted in the Homeric shield of Achilles, as an ideal form, centred and circular, competes with the other city scheme based on an orthogonal plan and linear structures. The form of the Homeric city has exerted a paradigmatic function for other cities in Greece and Rome.</p><p> Among the best known images of ideal cities I will consider the <i>Città del Sole</i> (<i>City of the Sun</i>) by Tommaso Campanella and Utopia by Thomas More.</p><p> There are many books of collection of paintings of cities (G Braun and F Hogenberg, 1966).The most complete and interesting is that of Caspar van Wittel or Gaspar van Wittel (1652 or 1653, Amersfoort &amp;ndash; September 13, 1736, Rome). He was a Dutch painter who played a remarkable role in the development of the <i>veduta</i>. He is credited with turning city topography into a painterly specialism in Italian art (G Briganti, 1996).</p><p> A rich collection of maps of Rome in the books by Amato Pietro Frutaz.</p><p> The city "liquid dimension" represents the complexities and contradictions of civic communities increasingly characterized by fragmentation and social unease.</p>

BackgroundGuselkumab is the first human monoclonal antibody that binds selectively to the p19 subunit of IL23. It’s approved for the treatment of moderate to severe psoriasis and psoriatic arthritis.ObjectivesWe present a case series of patients with psoriasis and / or psoriatic arthritis who had a good response to Guselkumab and theirs cardiovascular risk factors.MethodsAn observational and retrospective study of patients with psoriasis and / or psoriatic arthritis under treatment with Guselkumab in the Dermatology and Rheumatology consultation at our hospital. A total of 11 patients were included. Baseline characteristics, comorbidities, and cardiovascular risk were collected. The SCORE (European High Risk Chart) and cardiovascular risk categories (European Society of Cardiology, European Atherosclerosis Society 2019) were used. Disease severity and treatment response were assessed by PASI, DLQI, DAPSA and ASDAS at baseline and after 12, 24 and 36 weeks.ResultsOur cases had a mean age of 52.45 years, 63.6% of them were women. A total of 45.5% had polyarticular psoriatic arthritis. 90.9% were obese, 45.45% were type 2 obesity, with a mean BMI of 34.88. Dyslipidemia and hypertension were observed in 54.5% and 72.7% of the patients, respectively. They all had varying degrees of Non-alcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD). A total of 45.5% had SCORE >1% and 90.9% were in moderate category of cardiovascular risk. At baseline their disease parameters were: PASI=11.09 (± 7.01), DLQI=15.09 (± 7.33), DAPSA=19.11 (± 9.95) and ASDAS=2.12 (± 0.43). After 12 weeks of treatment, the mean reduction of PASI and DLQI was 7.09 and 6.45, which continued improving at week 36. None of them were naive. There were no adverse effects, with a treatment survival of 76.73 weeks (± 42.93).ConclusionGuselkumab showed excellent results in our clinical practice in the control of psoriasis and / or psoriatic arthritis in non-naive patients with cardiovascular risk factors, with a good safety profile.References[1]Hawkes JE, Yan BY, Chan TC, Krueger JG. Discovery of the IL-23/IL-17 Signaling Pathway and the Treatment of Psoriasis. J Immunol. 2018;201(6):1605-1613. doi:10.4049/jimmunol.1800013[2]Nawas Z, Hatch M, Ramos E, et al. A Review of Guselkumab, an IL-23 Inhibitor, for Moderate-to-Severe Plaque Psoriasis. Skin Therapy Lett. 2017;22(2):8-10[3]Mease PJ, McInnes IB, Tam LS, et al. Comparative effectiveness of guselkumab in psoriatic arthritis: results from systematic literature review and network meta-analysis. Rheumatology (Oxford). 2021;60(5):2109-2121. doi:10.1093/rheumatology/keab119.[4]Sans S, Fitzgerald AP, Royo D, Conroy R, Graham I. Calibración de la tabla SCORE de riesgo cardiovascular para España [Calibrating the SCORE cardiovascular risk chart for use in Spain]. Rev Esp Cardiol. 2007;60(5):476-485.[5]Mach F, Baigent C, Catapano AL, et al. 2019 ESC/EAS Guidelines for the management of dyslipidaemias: lipid modification to reduce cardiovascular risk [published correction appears in Eur Heart J. 2020 Nov 21;41(44):4255]. Eur Heart J. 2020;41(1):111-188. doi:10.1093/eurheartj/ehz455Disclosure of InterestsNone declared

The article presents a critical review of laboratory control methods for determining the fractional composition of coal tar, which is important for planning the material balance of resin processing plants, adjusting the parameters of the technological regime for obtaining thermal fractionation products, etc. It is shown that to date, there is no standardised laboratory methodology in Ukraine for the direct determination of the yield of coal tar fractions. Alternative methods based on chromatographic analysis of the part of coal tar that is able to dissolve in the relevant substances allow determining the content of almost all substances that can boil out under conditions of industrial rectification rather quickly and with high accuracy. However, chromatographic methods of research do not allow obtaining a sample of non-boiling coal tar residue, which is currently the only alternative raw material for the production of a number of high-tech materials, sufficient in volume for analysis and study. The article shows the need to develop standard conditions for laboratory fractionation of coal tar, which can be solved in two ways: creation of special pilot plants for the closest modelling of the production process (a basic description of such a plant developed at SE "UKHIN" is given), and improvement of a simpler method of laboratory thermal fractionation. The results of the research carried out at SE "UKHIN" in the second direction are presented. In particular, attention is paid to the influence on the result of determining the method of heating the sample, the flask material and the final temperature of the distillation. The possibility of detecting impurities of foreign resinous products of coke production in coal tar by the properties of the non-boiling residue of laboratory distillation is demonstrated. It is shown that the installations developed in both of the above directions do not allow achieving absolute compliance of the model with industrial conditions and are suitable only for comparing coal tar from different suppliers with each other or with a reference (standard) sample. Keywords: measurement method, rectification, coal tar, development, analysis, flask heater, flask, chemical products, residue analysis. Corresponding author: Cheshko Fedir Fedorovych, e-mail: cheshko@ukhin.org.ua

SUMMARY The received wisdom among historians of English is that the modern quality/length distinction in the pairs /I, i:/, /u, u:/ is of ancient date, going back at least to Middle English, if not Old English or earlier (WGmc * /i, e:/, * /u, o:/ are the main sources). In a recent paper (Lass 1989), I claimed that these pairs were distinct only in length (/i, i:/, etc.) until well into the 17th century. This was contested by Minkova & Stockwell (1990) on the grounds that, inter alia, no such systems exist in modern West Germanic, and therefore cannot be reconstructed for earlier periods. In the present paper it is shown that in fact such systems are attested in geographically peripheral West Germanic dialects (Dutch, South German), and argued that this supports the conservative interpretation of the orthoepic descriptions of these pairs, which consistently show qualitative identity until the 1680s. RÉSUMÉ Selon l'opinion reçue dans l'érudition parmi les historiens de la langue anglaise la distinction qualité/longueur dans les paires A, i:/, /u, u:/ a des origines lointaines, remontant au moins à l'anglais moyen, peut-être même au viel anglais ou plus loin encore (germain occ. * /i, e:/, * /u, o:/ comme sources principales). Dans un article récent (Lass 1989), j'avais émis l'hypothèse que ces paires ne restaient distinctes qu'au niveau de la longueur (/i, i:/, etc.) et cela jusqu'à la fin du XVIIe siècle. Une telle opinion fut contestée par Minkova & Stockwell (1990) qui, en autres chose, se basèrent sur l'argument de tels systèmes n'existent pas dans les langues ouest-germaniques modernes et que, par conséquent, on ne pouvait pas reconstruire un tel système pour des périodes plus anciennes. Dans le présent article il est démontré qu'en effet de tels systèmes sont attestés dans des dialectes ouest-germains qui se trouvent géogra-phiquement à la périphérie (le hollandais, l'allemand méridional). Selon l'argument présenté ici, cette évidence mène à une interpretation conservatrice des descriptions orthoépiques de ces paires qui démontrent, d'une façon consistante, une telle identité qualitative jusqu'aux années 1680. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der traditionellen, von Historikern der englischen Sprache rezipierten Auf-fassung zufolge ist die Unterscheidung Qualität/Länge der Paare /I, i:/, /u, u:/ von hohem Alter, wenigstens bis zum Mittelenglischen zurückgehend, wenn nicht gar zum Altenglischen oder soger früher (WGerm. * /i, e:/, * /u, o:/ als deren Hauptquellen). In einem jüngeren Aufsatz (Lass 1989) vertrat ich die Auffassung, daß diese Paare (/i, i:/, usw.) bis weit ins 17. Jahrhundert hinein bestanden hätten. Diese Auffassung ist von Minkova & Stockwell (1990) zu-riickgewiesen worden, und zwar u.a. mit dem Hinweis darauf, daB solche Systeme in modernen westgermanischen Sprachen nicht bestünden und daher auch nicht fur frühere Zeiträume rekonstruiert werden könnten. Im vorlie-genden Artikel wird nachgewiesen, daB in der Tat solche Systeme in geogra-phisch am Rande befindlichen westgermanischen Dialekten (Niederländisch, Siiddeutsch) vorhanden sind. Dies sollte die vom Autor vertretene konservative Interpretation der orthoepischen Beschreibungen dieser Phonem-Paare unter-stiitzen, die bis in die 80er Jahre des 17. Jahrhunderts hinein in konsistenter Weise qualitative Identitaten aufgewiesen haben.

e18054 Background: Our study aims to describe role of CRS & HIPEC in stage IIIC epithelial ovarian malignancy & compare the oncological outcome (DFS & OS) of extensive CRS+ HIPEC in comparison with CRS & IV chemotherapy & CRS + IP chemotherapy. Methods: Patients diagnosed of stage IIIc EOC underwent extensive CRS + HIPEC. All data prospectively entered in the HIPEC registry was analysed. Outcome of CRS & IV group (n = 50), CRS + IP group (n = 60) operated around same period was compared with the CRS & HIPEC group. Results: Out of 135 patients, upfront, interval and secondary cytoreduction plus HIPEC was done in 29.6%, 44.4% & 25.9% & mean PCI was 14.1, 9.6 & 13.0 respectively. Multi-visceral resection, diaphragmatic resection & bowel resection was required in 12.7%, 50% & 41.8% respectively. Overall G3- G5 morbidity was seen in 25.4% with major being electrolyte imbalance 16.3%, hematological 12.7% & surgical 11.8%. Mean ICU & hospital stay 1.5 & 11 days respectively. Overall 30 day mortality was 4.5%. With a median follow up of 42 months DFS was 30, 33 & 16 months and OS was 70%, 67% & 51% at 4 year for upfront, interval and the recurrent settings respectively. Detailed description presented in Table. Most of the recurrences in CRS & IV group were in peritoneum whereas the other two groups had lesser peritoneal & systemic recurrence. Conclusions: Optimal cytoreduction & some form of IP therapy is needed to improve outcomes. CRS+ HIPEC is feasible in all groups of ovarian cancer with acceptable morbidity & mortality. However the role of single HIPEC in comparison to 6 cycles of IP chemotherapy needs to be evaluated with a well-designed multi-institutional randomised study. [Table: see text]

Medieval Church Barns in DenmarkThe subject of this article is medieval church barns within the area of present-day Denmark. A church barn (or tithe barn) is a building erected near a parish church and used for storing the crops that local peasants paid as tithes or taxes to the church. Constructed as functional buildings for the church, these barns have both a clerical and a secular context. In 1912 M. Mackeprang gave an account of relevant written sources and made a provisional list of barns preserved at that time. In this work the list has been revised to describe the present day situation and it is established that there are 31 church barns preserved today. There are a few additional buildings of which the original function is uncertain that could be added to this list (fig. 1). Since Mackeprang’s article no total account of Danish church barns has been compiled, and relevant information therefore had to be sought from various sources. The most important written sources for medieval and post-medieval times are the letters from the Chancellery (Kancelliets brevbøger) and church laws from the early Protestant period. Although these documents are not medieval, in this article they are used to give a probable picture of the condition of the medieval church barns. Another important source is the notebook that the Funen bishop Jacob Madsen made during his visitation of every parish in his diocese in the late 16th century. The bishop often mentions the condition of church barns and sometime adds some more information. His work is very reliable and gives an idea of the status of the Funen church barns approximately 50 years after the Reformation.All of the preserved barns are situated in the churchyard of the church to which they belong. Some are built at the periphery of the churchyard so that one of the walls forms part of the churchyard wall. Some church barns are free-standing within the churchyard (fig. 2), while a few are built as an extension of the actual church. This is the case of the preserved church barn in Voldum (fig. 3) and also of the now lost barn in Brønshøj. Jacob Madsen’s notes tell us that if the church was situated far from the village the church barn could be placed centrally in the village instead. All of the preserved church barns are made of stone. On Zealand they are mainly built of bricks but on the southern part of the island local limestone is also used to a great extent. (fig. 11). On Funen barns are built with both bricks and granite boulders (fig. 4). The few preserved barns in Jutland have plinths of granite boulders while the walls are built of brick. The fact that church barns are brick-built is surprising because secular barns in medieval Denmark were always wooden constructions. Perhaps many of the lost church barns were timbered or half-timbered buildings. This was certainly the case of some of the Funen barns which Jacob Madsen described. This can also be deduced from a document from the year 1573 in which a special licence was given to tear down all church barns in the Århus diocese that were not brick-built. This suggests that the remaining brick-built church barns may not be representative of the majority of the medieval barns.Judging from the remaining barns and reliable measurements from ruined barns the dimensions of these buildings are typically 14-16 m x 7-9 m. The biggest barn is that in Tranebjerg on the island of Samsø (21.5 m x 9 m) while the barn in Mogenstrup, no longer in existence, was only 8.5 m by 4.23 m. Thus the dimensions of the medieval barns seem to have varied greatly. Some of the existing barns have been reduced (Melby, fig. 10) or expanded (Mesinge, fig. 5) in size. It is difficult to determine what was used for roofing the medieval barns. It is unlikely, however, that a barn with a stepped gable would also have a thatched roof, since such a roof would not fit tight against the gable but would have to overlap the top of it. The decorated gables of some of the barns are described in detail because these decorations can be used to date the barns (figs. 10-12). Caution has to be exercised, however, since these gables have often been restored freely, as for example in Strø (figs. 6 & 7). The church barn in Skårup has also been restored, but the reconstructed form of the gables is based on traces in the brickwork (figs. 8 & 9). In general the decorated gables of church barns seem to adopt local types of decoration that are also used in the churches. An example is the lost church barn in Ejby (fig. 20). It is not known whether church barns have existed in Denmark since the tithe regulations were introduced in the 12th century or if they are solely a late medieval phenomenon. Palle Lauring argues that Finderup Barn, in which King Erik Klipping was killed in 1289, was the village church barn. If this is true this would be the earliest mention of a Danish church barn. In Hjallese, Funen, remains of foundations have been interpreted as a church barn. This building is dated by two coins from the reign of Christoffer II (1320-1326). If this is correct it would be the oldest archaeologically dated church barn in Denmark. All of the preserved church barns are much later. These buildings date from 1450-1550, to judge from the decorated gables. The barn in Øster Egesborg is the only one to have been dendrochronologically dated. The trees used for its rafters were felled in approximately 1485-90. Even though church barns generally seem to be a medieval phenomenon it is apparent from written sources that church barns were also built in the second half of the 16th century and even as late as the beginning of the 17th century. However, in the attempt to make an account of the distribution of church barns in medieval Denmark it is often impossible to differentiate between barns built before 1536 and those built after. All references to church barns that could be found were therefore included for the purposes of the map (fig. 13). The main source of information about lost church barns on Zealand is Danmarks kirker, a series of descriptions of the Danish churches which now covers all of Zealand. Jacob Madsen is the main source for Funen , while information about church barns in Jutland is much more scarce and diffusely spread. The map of Jutland may not at the moment, therefore, give as true a picture of the medieval situation as the maps of Zealand and Funen. It is often claimed that church barns were a phenomenon concentrated in the eastern parts of Denmark (Zealand, Funen and Eastern Jutland) and generally this work supports this assumption. However, there have been church barns even in the northwest part of Jutland. On the other hand only one church barn is mentioned in the sources for the southern part of Jutland. In a church law from 1537 it is said that in every parish peasants should bring their crops to the church barns, but as the above shows there might not have been a church barn in every parish throughout the country. Possible explanations for the relatively few church barns in Jutland will be given later.Church barns also existed in the boroughs (fig. 15). The function of these buildings was to house the crops that came from the town’s fields, which were cultivated by the citizens. Furthermore the churches in the boroughs could function as parish churches for peasants in nearby villages.In theory tithe should be paid on all agricultural products, but in Denmark the crop tithe was by far the most important. In other European countries the tithe was divided into four portions: the vicar’s tithe, the bishop’s tithe, the tithe to keep the church well-maintained and equipped (the so-called fabrica), and finally one fourth of the tithe was given to the poor. In Denmark the tithe was only divided into three portions – leaving nothing to the poor. Even inside the Danish kingdom the practice of tithe varied greatly. A bishop’s tithe was introduced on Zealand, in Scania and in Slesvig in the late 12th century, but in the rest of Jutland and on Funen the bishop was paid a fixed amount of money (the “bishop’s gift”) that would often be much less than a third of the tithe. The dislike of the bishop’s tithe could among other things stem from the fact that this tithe should in theory be transported to the bishop’s town, which could be very far from the village. When the bishop’s tithe was introduced by law on Zealand is it said in the letter of the law that the tithe should only be brought to a place within the parish – probably to ease the acceptance of this new tax. Only in 1443 was the bishop’s tithe introduced in Jutland and on Funen, and it was much disliked. Which of the three parts of the tithe was stored in the church barns? In King Christian III’s church law from 1536 it is mentioned that the tithe should be brought to the church barn and then divided in three. On the other hand it is reasonable to assume that the vicar’s third of the tithe was brought directly to the vicarage, which was situated within the parish. One source indirectly points at this fact. In 1536 it is said that the peasants should be given two barrels of beer on the day they bring the tithe – and it is then added that this beer should not be consumed at the vicarage, as had often happened before. Maybe this is the reason a late 16th century barn beside the vicarage of Nimtofte in Eastern Jutland is called the church barn. So, did the church barns house the bishop’s tithe, the fabrica or both? As a result of the Reformation in 1536 the church’s property was confiscated by the king. The king now became head of the church and the bishop’s tithe was now called the king’s tithe. Apparently in the first years after the Reformation this change was only in name and therefore the practices concerning the king’s tithe in the early Protestant period probably reflect how the bishop’s tithe was handled in the late medieval period. In 1546 it is said in a letter from the Chancellery that the vicar and the churchwarden were responsible for hiring two men to thresh the tithe and then divide it into two parts: the fabrica and the king’s tithe (fig. 17). In a letter from 1542 it is said that the Scanian peasants were to bring one third of the tithe (the king’s tithe) to the church barn. In the Middle Ages the churchwardens were responsible for the fabrica and probably also for the church barns. The church barn in Vedtofte, Funen, was built by the churchwardens in 1554 using the fabrica. Jacob Madsen suggested in 1589 that the church barn in Turup, Funen, could be used as a house for the vicar, but the churchwarden had the final word, which was no. It is thus plausible that the fabrica was stored in the church barns, but of course this crop might also have been brought to the farm of one of the churchwardens who lived in the parish. It is most likely that the bishop’s tithe was stored in the church barn until it could be picked up by the bishop’s men. Some twenty years after the Reformation new rules were introduced that the peasants were to bring the king’s tithe (formerly the bishop’s tithe) to the respective castles and not just to the churchyard as previously. In 1577 a general law for Zealand was made that the peasants should bring the tithe in sheaves to whoever owned it. It was no longer enough to bring it to the churchyard.The conclusion is that the vicar’s tithe was probably brought to the vicarage, the fabrica could be stored in the church barn or at the churchwarden’s house and the bishop’s tithe was most likely always stored in the church barn.A few of the largest church barns may have been drive-through buildings, meaning that wagons entered through a gate in one end of the building, the sheaves were unloaded inside the building, and the wagon left via a gate at the opposite end of the building. The church barn in Kalundborg (fig. 18) and possibly also that in Tranebjerg had this function. In the smaller barns the sheaves were simply carried into the barn (fig. 16) or passed in through a hole in the wall. The interiors of the barns have been radically changed everywhere but some have been archaeologically examined. The church barn in Flemløse had been divided into three rooms, one of which seems to have had a cellar. The finding of charcoal in Skårup church barn suggests that the building was also used for purposes other than storage. In Skårup there were also remains of a hard clay floor that would have been ideal for threshing. Since we know nothing about church barns until the last century of the Middle Ages it has been claimed that originally the church lofts were used to store the crops. When vaults were introduced in many parish churches in late medieval times, leaving no storage room in the lofts, it became necessary to build church barns. This could explain the few church barns in Jutland since many churches in that part of the country never had vaults built on. From post-medieval times we know that in several churches in Southern and Northern Jutland the lofts were used for storing crops. In Egen church a winch used for this purpose still exists and one can suppose that this also reflects the medieval practice (fig. 19). However, this poses the question of where the threshing would then have taken place, because it seems that the tithe was normally handed over in sheaves and not in the form of grain. Furthermore there does not seem to be a clear connection between vaults and church barns. All of the vault-less churches mentioned by Jacob Madsen also had church barns. Probably the church barns must be considered as part of the massive construction works that were undertaken in connection with the Danish churches in the last 150 years of the Middle Ages. Vaults, towers, porches, etc. were built. This building activity was most intensive in the eastern part of the country, while the western part of Jutland tended to follow at a much slower pace, and in the year 1536 the Reformation put an abrupt end to it all. Another reason for the lack of church barns in many parts of Jutland could be that they were wooden constructions. Most of the church barns we know about are mentioned in the sources when they are torn down and the bricks or boulders sold. Wooden constructions are less valuable in this sense and might be underrepresented in the written sources for this reason.Immediately after the Reformation the use of the church barns probably did not change dramatically. But in the late 16th century more church barns fell out of use. This was encouraged by law in 1643. As more and more churches became private property the landlord owned both church buildings and tithe. For the church owner it was more convenient to have the tithe brought directly to his own barn and as the church barns lost their original function the materials of which they were built could be used for restoring the churches – another matter for which the church owner was responsible. Many church barns were lost on this account in the 1660s. The few church barns that remain today survived because they were used for a new purpose soon after the Reformation. In the boroughs they were often used as schools (fig. 14) and in the country parishes they could be converted into workhouses for poor people (fig. 21). The church barns have not drawn as much attention to themselves as an object of research as have the medieval churches, but they are a unique group of medieval buildings and together with the churches they form a unity that dates back almost 500 years. Mikael Manøe BjerregaardAfdeling for MiddelalderarkæologiAarhus UniversitetMoesgård

Relevance. Riga-Fede disease (RFD) is a rare pathology that develops as a result of trauma to the mucous membrane of the tongue ventral surface with sharp edges of natal, neonatal or primary teeth erupting in time and manifests in the form of erosion or sublingual fibrous lesion with an ulcerated surface.Purpose. To analyze the literature and present our own RFD clinical cases.Material and methods. A search was performed of articles published in 2001-2023 on the research topic in the main scientific literature databases (PubMed, E-library, Google Scholar, etc.). We analyzed the data from 68 publications and presented three of our own clinical cases of RFD in children aged 5, 6 and 9 months.Results. Analysis of literature data revealed different approaches to the diagnosis and treatment of RFD in children. The diagnosis of RFD should rely on the clinical picture and exclude additional trauma to children by histological examination and lesion excision. Pronounced tooth mobility, ineffective infant feeding and the presence of neurological diseases in patients were the main indications for the extraction of teeth, which caused RFD development. In the absence of tooth mobility, non-surgical treatment methods should be preferable. In the presented clinical cases, erupted primary teeth caused BRF. In two cases, the treatment consisted of smoothing the sharp edges of the teeth and restoration with glass ionomer cement; in one case, a child with a neurological disease experienced extraction of lower central incisors. In all cases, recovery was within 3-4 weeks.Conclusion. Once clinically diagnosed with RFD, treatment method choice should consider tooth mobility and the child's overall health.

Abstract Issue As healthcare systems faced the challenge of the COVID-19, the need for fast and automated quality of care control has grown tremendously. Automatization is widely implemented in the form of Clinical Decision Support Systems (CDS), however, developing such software can take several years of trained IT specialists' work. Description of the problem We opted for an analytics and clinical decision support (ACDS) system based on Business Intelligence (BI) software, since it would allow to monitor the necessary clinical data, it was easy to adapt to current tasks and didn't require any special IT-educated specialists to develop and implement. From an individual patient's electronic health record (EHR) was extracted specific clinical data, such as vital signs, laboratory tests and CT scans, respiratory support data; medication prescribed and taken; chronic diseases, etc. Microsoft Power BI software was used to build the ACDS. The ACDS system consisted of three main elements: Flat tables (the data from EHR); Data model, connecting tables; Visualizations (tables and charts) depicting patients' condition, which provided the integration of information, the ability to sort data in necessary order, and intuitive marks, such as color indicators for specific parameter values. Results Named visualizations were integrated in daily work of the heads of units. Out of 1683 patients admitted with COVID-19, 1415 were undergoing treatment after implementation of ACDS system. It was used to correct the treatment course of 568 patients. The following corrections were made: Accuracy of diagnosis (138 cases) and assigned severity (115) Prescribed and delivered medicines (32) Dosage adjustment (25) Transfer to ICU (2) Discharge (412) Lessons Thus, engineering analytical and clinical decision support system based on BI appears to be an advantageous way to automate the control of care quality in challenging and time-pressing circumstances. Key messages In a situation of unprecedented time pressure and resource shortage, the best option for quality of care control might be a simple BI system, rather than a designated CDS software. The practice of COVID-19 analytics system implementation can become a foundation for designing a bigger transparent analytics system that can be adapted to any patient model or clinical entity.

Introduction: Amidst the chaos of COVID-19, health care practitioners are persistently providing services and experiencing many challenges. This study aimed to determine the perception of health care practitioners of government designated COVID-19 hospitals of Nepal towards the management of COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: A descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted among the frontline health care practitioners working in the government designated COVID-19 hospitals in Nepal from 21st June, 2020 to 15th August, 2020. Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethical Review Board of the Nepal Health Research Council (Reference number: 347/2020 P). A total of 252 health care practitioners (doctors, nurses, and paramedics) working at the forefront in the emergency ward, general wards, intensive care units, isolation centers, fever clinics, laboratory, quarantine centers, help desks, etc. in the designated hospitals who consented to participate were included in the study. Convenience sampling was used. The data was analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences version 16.0. Point estimate at 95% confidence interval was calculated along with frequency and proportion for binary data. Results: Only 41 (16.3%) (11.73-20.86 at 95% Confidence Interval) of the health care practitioners were found to have satisfactory perception towards the management of COVID-19 pandemic in Nepal. Conclusions: The satisfactory perception of the health care practitioners in our study towards the management of COVID-19 pandemic in Nepal is lower as compared to the other studies in Nepal and abroad.

NB: Artiklen er på dansk, resuméet på engelsk. Erik Petersen: Wulfstan’s Codex and Schumacher’s List. On the Oldest Record of Manuscripts in the Royal Library. It has hitherto been assumed that the earliest list of manuscripts in the Royal Library is the section of manuscripts in the catalogue preserved in the library’s archive as E 8: Catalogus librorum typis exaratorum, pariter ac Manuscriptorum, quibus, curante Petro Schu­machero, aucta est Regia Bibliotheca. A total of 82 manuscripts are recorded at the end (f. 17v-20r) of the Catalogus E 8, which was made by Willum Worm who signed and dated it on the 4th of January 1671at his accession as librarian to the Danish king, Christian V. Worm succeeded Peter Schumacher, perhaps better known as Griffenfeld, who act­ed as librarian to king Frederik III from 1663 to 1670 and to Christian V until Worm took over. The Catalogus E 8 has been known for long as ‘Schumacher’s catalogue’. Thus Ellen Jørgensen, the author of the Catalogus codicum Latinorum medii ævi Bib­liothecæ Regiæ Hafniensis (1926), referred to it as cat. Schumacheri, and stated, on its authority, that a given manuscript found in the Catalogus E 8 had been acquired by the library between 1663 and 1670. Others followed her example. The manuscript section of Catalogus E 8 was published by Harald Ilsøe in 1999 in his book on the history of the Royal Library’s holdings until ca. 1780 (Det kongelige Bibliotek i støbeskeen. Studier og samlinger til bestandens historie indtil ca. 1780, 1999, p. 574-581). However, the Catalogus E 8 is not the catalogue of Schumacher. It is the catalogue of Willum Worm. And the catalogue of Worm does not cover the entire period 1663 to the end of 1670, but only the latter part of it, i.e. the period from the beginning of 1666 to the end of 1670. In fact, Peter Schumacher made his own list, which has never received the atten­tion it deserves – if at all noticed, its contents have been misinterpreted. It is pre­served in the RL Archive as E 8 a. Schumacher’s list is neither dated nor signed. It contains records for more than a hundred printed books. It also contains a list of 45 manuscripts, several of which have dedications to king Frederik III. An analysis of the years of publication of the printed books and of the dedications in the manuscripts makes it possible to date Schumacher’s list in E 8 a to the end of 1665. The 45 manu­scripts thus represent the nucleus of the manuscript collection of the king’s growing library. Apparently it is exactly the aim and ambition of creating such a collection that Schumacher’s list reflects. It is important also because Worm’s list of 1671does not repeat entries of manuscripts on Schumacher’s list; in other words, the two lists of manuscripts supplement each other. Most of the manuscripts recorded on the list were contemporary, and many of them directly related to the king either by contents or by dedications by authors or donators. Whereas the printed books reflect an able awareness of what was going on in the intellectual centres of Europe, the manuscripts reveal a more limited horizon. Not a single manuscript on Schumacher’s list seems to have been acquired by pur­chase, neither on the European market nor in Denmark. There are, however, manuscripts of great importance on Schumacher’s list, amongst them the following medieval manuscripts (with my identifications of their present call numbers in the Old Royal Collection, Gammel Kongelig Samling or GKS): 4 Den Islandske Lovbog udgiffvet aff Kong Magnus Haagensøn. fol. = GKS 1154 2° 26 Descriptio Eccles. Romanæ cum omnibus suis ceremoniis, ritibus etc. Sic inci­pit: Apollogus de ordine Romano. MS. Pergam. = GKS 1595 4° 29 Liber Daticus Ecclesiæ et Capituli Lundensis. fol. in membran. = GKS 845 2° 36 Thaumbachius de Consolatione Theologiæ chartâ pergamenâ. = GKS 1370 4° 39 Biblia Lat. MSS. in 8°. anno 1237. = GKS 3375 8° Items 4 and 29 were produced in medieval Denmark. Items 36 and 39 were both very common in the late Middle Ages; none of them are ‘royal’ in any sense of the word, and may well have been found among the remnants of the old church somewhere in Denmark. The same is true of the most remarkable item on the list, the Descriptio Ecclesesiæ Romanæ cum omnibus suis ceremoniis, ritibus etc. with the incipit: Apollogus de ordine Romano, the famous codex of Wulfstan, produced just after the turn of the first millennium under the supervision of Wulfstan, bishop of Worcester and arch­bishop of York, and containing his autograph notes in Anglo-Saxon and Latin. Next to nothing has been known about its history in Denmark until now. It has, in fact, only been possible to state that it was in The Royal Library in 1786, when the Old Royal Collection was established. Due to Schumacher’s list we now know that it was in the king’s library already in 1665, and that it is likely to have been in Denmark long before then. As to the protestant king’s interest in a medieval book of the old church such as Wulfstan’s, a glimpse on the medieval manuscripts recorded in Worms’ Catalogus E 8 may be enlightening. The focus of collecting did not change or changed very little. Nos. 37, 47, 73, 78, 79, 80 are described as lawbooks, written in Danish or Old Norse. A few may be medieval, but they are not described in sufficient detail to be identified. The provenance of a single manuscript in Greek is unknown. The follow­ing are all in Latin: 2 Fundation paae biskop Byrges Capel i Lund 1518. = GKS 846 2° 11Evangelistæ in Membranâ. Probably = GKS 1347 4° (Ilsøe: GKS 12 2°, lost) 40 Justinus in Membranâ. = GKS 451 2° or GKS 452 2° (Ilsøe’s suggestions) 57 Bibliorum tomus II incipit a Iobo. = GKS 1310 4° 77 Notkirkes alterbog i gammel dage. = GKS 3453 8° Item 2 was produced in Lund, that is in medieval Denmark. Item 57 was produced in Italy, but belonged to the chapter of the cathedral of Lund in the later Middle Ages. If my identification is correct, item 11was produced in England, but it had migrated to Bergen in Norway in the Middle Ages. I am in doubt about the identity of item 40, but Iustinus was widely copied and read in the Middle Ages, even in Denmark. Item 77 is of particular interest in our context. It is a Latin manuale ecclesiasticum, and was found in the local church of Notmark on the island of Als in 1669 by king Frederik III himself. He visited the provincial church and required to take ‘the old monastic book in Latin’ as well as a copy in German of king Valdemar’s law book along to Copenhagen. His request was granted and the visit of the king recorded by the vicar in a Danish printed bible that remained in the church. The medieval books in the collection were not bought abroad because of their splen­dour or prestige, but inherited, received as gifts or gathered from places inside the king’s own realms. Thus the catalogues E 8 a and E 8 not only offer evidence of the presence of a given manuscript in the kings Library ante the end of 1665 or ante 1671. They also indicate that the manuscripts may well have had a much longer history in Denmark than hitherto known. Thus the list of Schumacher is not just a detail in the history of a library. It is also the mirror through which Wulfstan and his codex may become visible in the distant landscape of medieval Denmark.