Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "DES-exposed persons"

When this article is submitted for reprint, at least 252,400,057 people or 76% of the population in the U.S. have received at least one dose of mRNA vaccines. I started predicting the dangers of mRNA vaccines before March 2021 and update my article periodically. My prior model study enabled me to identify many flaws in the foundation of medicine, and I also considered consistent failure in predicting drug side effects in the past and systematic failure of FDA in keeping out dangerous drugs such as Diethylstilbestrol (DES) and swine flu vaccine from the market. By studying mRNA expression dynamics and kinetics, I predicted that mRNA vaccines may adversely affect brain, all vital organs, cancer growth, human genome integrity, viral evolution, pre-existing chronic diseases, fetus development, etc. I found the number of deaths caused by mRNA vaccines was grossly underestimated, and that 95% effectiveness rate and 90% death rate reduction are meaningless and misleading. Now, case reports on liver damages start appearing. I urge societies to question disease risk theory. If a drug can harm one or more persons in a specific way by nonaccident, this same harm must happen to all others who have exposed to the drug. The concealment of drug injuries can be attributed to human massive organ reserves, the interference effects of thousands of life factors, expected lags in damages realization, the use of symptom-based method, etc. After those flaws are corrected, anyone should see the brutal reality that the same harm must happen to all exposed persons. In this reprinted article, I urge governments and societies to sponsor studies to understand how mRNA vaccines damage liver and brain, what could be done to mitigate future adverse impacts and how to prevent humanity disasters like this from happening again.

Background:Rheumatoid arthritis (RA) is a systemic autoimmune disease of multifactorial aetiology, which preferentially affects women. To date, active smoking has been the most reproducibly reported risk factor for anti-citrullinated protein antibodies (ACPA) positive RA, particularly persons who carry the HLA-DRB1-shared epitope (SE) alleles.Objectives:We aimed to investigate the relationships between passive smoking in childhood (PSc) or in adulthood (PSa), and the risk of incident RA in a large prospective cohort of healthy French women.Methods:The E3N-EPIC (Etude Epidémiologique auprès des femmes de la Mutuelle générale de l’Education Nationale) is a French prospective cohort study that investigates environmental factors associated with chronic diseases. It follows 98,995 healthy French women since 1990 covered by a national health insurance primarily involving teachers. RA cases have been previously identified with specific questionnaires and medication reimbursement database. Women were considered exposed to PSc if they self-declared staying in a smoky room several hours a day during childhood, and to PSa if they self-declared being exposed at least one hour a day to passive smoking while adults. We used Cox multivariable regression models with age as the timescale (model 1), adjusted on smoking status (never, current, or former smoker) and on the two types of passive smoking (model 2), and on educational level, and BMI (model 3). Stratified analyses were conducted depending on the active smoking status (never or ever-smoker).Results:79,806 women were included in the study. Mean (± SD) age at cohort entry was 49.0 (± 6.4) years. Among them, 698 incident RA cases were identified, diagnosed after a mean of 11.7 (± 5.8) years after baseline. In the whole cohort, 10,810 (13.5%) women were exposed to PSc, 42,807 (53.6%) to PSa, 6,581 (8.25%) were exposed to both, and 47,036 (58.9%) were exposed to either.In the whole population, PSc was positively associated with the risk of RA in all three models (HR 1.24; 95% CI [1.01 to 1.51] in Model 3). In stratified analyses on smoking status, PSc was associated with RA among never-smoking women (HR 1.42; 95% CI [1.07 to 1.88]), but not among ever-smoking women (HR 1.10; 95% CI [0.83;1.46]).In the whole population, PSa was also positively associated with the risk of RA in all three models (HR 1.19; 95% CI [1.02 to 1.40] in Model 3). In stratified analyses on the smoking status, PSa was associated with an increased RA risk only among never-smoking women (HR 1.27; 95% CI [1.02 to 1.57]) and not among ever-smoking women (HR 1.16; 95% CI [0.93;1.44]).Conclusion:In this large population-based prospective cohort study of French women, we reported that passive exposure to smoking during childhood or adulthood increased the risk of RA. The association was principally observed among never smoking women. These results suggest that smoking by-products, whether actively or passively inhaled absorbed, could generate autoimmunity, at least towards antigens involved in RA pathogenesis.References:[1]Karlson EW, Chang S-C, Cui J, et al. Gene-environment interaction between HLA-DRB1 shared epitope and heavy cigarette smoking in predicting incident rheumatoid arthritis. Ann Rheum Dis 2010;69:54–60.[2]Seror R, Henry J, Gusto G, et al. PSc increases the risk of developing rheumatoid arthritis. Rheumatology 2019;58:1154–62.[3]Nguyen Y, Salliot C, Gusto G, et al. Improving accuracy of self-reported diagnoses of rheumatoid arthritis in the French prospective E3N-EPIC cohort: a validation study. BMJ Open 2019;9:e033536.Disclosure of Interests:None declared

La investigación biográfica es una herramienta descriptiva que ofrece diversas valoraciones sobre la existencia de una persona. Este método ostenta demostrar de una forma exhaustiva y objetiva el ciclo vital de un individuo, en este sentido el niño Winston Rojas como sujeto biográfico es expuesto al relato de su vida a través de los acontecimientos y narraciones de sus familiares e información y documentación personal que permitió una reconstrucción escrita de su desarrollo vital. De acuerdo al propósito, el abordaje metodológico de esta investigación está enmarcada en la exploración fenomenológica en el paradigma cualitativo, el análisis de fuentes primarias y testimonios objetivos cercanos. Los resultados ofrecen una visión de los aportes de la investigación biográfica como método constructivo de los ciclos vitales de las personas, en este caso del niño Winston. Asimismo, propone representar las dimensiones concretas de su evolución y las coyunturas resaltantes en el desarrollo de su ciclo vital. ABSTRACT Biographical research is a descriptive tool that offers various assessments about the existence of a person. This method flaunts by showing in an exhaustive and objective way the life cycle of an individual, In this sense, the child Winston Rojas as a biographical subject is exposed to the story of his life through the events and narratives of his family and personal information and documentation that allowed a written reconstruction of his vital development. According to the purpose, the methodological approach of this research is framed in the phenomenological exploration in the qualitative paradigm, the analysis of main sources and close objective testimonies. The results provide an insight into the contributions of this biographical research as a constructive method of people's life cycles, in this case, Winston’s. Likewise, it proposes to represent the concrete dimensions of its evolution and the outstanding conjunctures in the development of its life cycle. Key words: Biography, subject, life story. RÉSUMÉ La recherche biographique est un outil descriptif qui propose diverses évaluations de l'existence d'une personne. Cette méthode montre de manière exhaustive et objective le cycle de vie d'un individu, dans ce sens l'enfant Winston Rojas en tant que sujet biographique est exposé à l'histoire de sa vie à travers les événements et les narrations de ses proches et des informations et documents personnels qu’il a permis une reconstruction écrite de son développement vital. Selon la finalité, l'approche méthodologique de cette recherche est encadrée par l'exploration phénoménologique dans le paradigme qualitatif, l'analyse des sources primaires et des témoignages objectifs proches. Les résultats donnent un aperçu des contributions de la recherche biographique en tant que méthode constructive des cycles de vie des gens, dans ce cas, l'enfant Winston. De même, il propose de représenter les dimensions concrètes de son évolution et les conjonctures remarquables dans le développement de son cycle de vie. Mots-clés: Biographie, sujet, histoire de vie.

Analysis of the COVID-19 risk by occupational groups and industry in Germany Background: Cases of COVID-19 in healthcare professionals and employees in the nursing service who, as a result of their professional activities, are exposed to a significantly increased risk of infection compared to the general population can be recognised as an occupational disease (BK 3101). However, the question arises whether there is an increased risk of infection in occupational groups other than those mentioned in BK 3101. Methods: Based on the routine data of the BARMER health insurance fund for all employed regular insured persons in the age range from 15 to under 65 years, age- and gender-specific incidence rates for COVID-19 were calculated. On this basis, standardised incidence ratios (SIR) were analysed according to industry and occupational groups as well as according to the risk groups proposed by the Collegium Ramazzini. Results: A total of 15,167 cases of COVID-19 were identified for the more than 4.1 million regular insured persons, of which 2,890 were admitted to hospital (19.1%). For employees in the health and nursing care sector, a significantly increased risk was confirmed with SIR = 1.80 (95%CI: 1.62–1.99). But even for risk group 2 (very high risk) a significantly increased risk was detected: SIR = 1.34 (95%CI: 1.15–1.55). The highest risk was observed among contract workers in the industrial sector and in the postal and logistics sector. Conclusion: The analysis suggests that the risk of COVID-19 is highest among healthcare professionals, employees in the nursing service and in workplaces where inadequate occupational health and safety measures may have been implemented. In order to reduce the risk of COVID-19 in the future, the new SARS-CoV-2 occupational safety regulations must be implemented and strict monitoring of compliance with the internal policies based on these regulations must be ensured. Keywords: COVID-19 risk – occupational disease (BK 3101) – risk groups – occupational health and safety measures

Abstract Purpose: Dry eye syndrome (DES) is one of the most common diseases of the ocular surface. Affected persons suffer from different subjective complaints, with sometimes severe impairment in the quality of life. The etiology and pathogenesis is multifactorial, multifaceted and not yet fully understood. The present work should provide deeper insights into possible triggering factors and correlating comorbidities. Materials and methods: In German ophthalmological practices 306 persons (174 women, 132 men, age: 18-87 years) were interviewed by questionnaire regarding concomitant diseases and possible further triggering factors. DES was diagnosed by an ophthalmologist in 170 cases. The statistical comparative analysis between persons with and without DES was carried out using the Chi-square test (SPSS statistical software). Results: DES occurred with a significantly (p <0.05) increased frequency in women over 40 years of age, as well as in persons exposed to screen work, air conditioning, persons with chronic ocular inflammation, myomas (hysterectomy), dry skin, arterial hypertonicity in need of medication, cardiac arrhythmias, fatty liver, gastric ulcer, appendicitis, cholecystectomy, depression, hyperlipidemia, hyperuricemia, osteoporosis and nephrolithiasis. Conclusion: Some of the known comorbidities and DES-risk factors, e.g. computer work or depression were confirmed. In contrast, the higher prevalence of hyperlipidemia, hyperuricemia, osteoporosis, nephrolithiasis, and fibroids among DES-patients was described for the first time in this work. Causal connections between DES and certain comorbidities should constitute the subject of further investigation in the future. Zusammenfassung Zielsetzung: Das Trockene Auge (TA) ist eine der häufigsten Erkrankungen der Augenoberfläche. Betroffene leiden unter verschiedenen subjektiven Beschwerden, die die Lebensqualität mitunter stark beeinträchtigen. Die Ätiologie und Pathogenese sind multifaktoriell, vielschichtig und noch nicht vollständig geklärt. Die vorliegende Arbeit soll tiefere Einblicke in mögliche auslösende Faktoren und korrelierende Komorbiditäten geben. Material und Methoden: In deutschen Augenarztpraxen wurden 306 Personen (174 Frauen, 132 Männer, Alter: 18-87 Jahre) per Fragebogen zu Begleiterkrankungen und möglichen weiteren auslösenden Faktoren befragt. In 170 Fällen wurde ein TA durch einen Augenarzt diagnostiziert. Die statistische Vergleichsanalyse zwischen Personen mit und ohne TA wurde mit dem Chi-Quadrat-Test (Statistiksoftware SPSS) durchgeführt. Ergebnisse: TA traten signifikant (p <0,05) häufiger bei Frauen über 40 Jahren auf sowie bei Personen, die Bildschirmarbeit und Klimaanlagen ausgesetzt waren, bei Personen mit chronischen Augenentzündungen, Myomen (Hysterektomie), trockener Haut, arterieller Hypertonie, die medikamentös behandelt werden musste, Herzrhythmusstörungen, Fettleber, Magengeschwür, Blinddarmentzündung, Cholezystektomie, Depression, Hyperlipidämie, Hyperurikämie, Osteoporose und Nephrolithiasis. Schlussfolgerung: Einige der bekannten Komorbiditäten und TA-Risikofaktoren, z. B. Bildschirmarbeit oder Depression, wurden bestätigt. Die höhere Prävalenz von Hyperlipidämie, Hyperurikämie, Osteoporose, Nephrolithiasis und Myomen bei TA-Patientinnen wurde dagegen in dieser Arbeit erstmals beschrieben. Kausale Zusammenhänge zwischen TA und bestimmten Komorbiditäten sollten in Zukunft Gegenstand weiterer Untersuchungen sein.

The depiction of alcohol is the focus of a growing number of content analyses in the field of social media research. Typically, the occurrence and nature of alcohol representations are coded to measure the prevalence, normalization, or even glorification of alcohol and its consumption on different social media platforms (Moreno et al., 2016; Westgate & Holliday, 2016) and smartphone apps (Ghassemlou et al., 2020). But social media platforms and smartphone apps also play a role in the prevention of alcohol abuse when they disseminate messages about alcohol risks and foster harm reduction, abstinence, and sobriety (Davey, 2021; Döring & Holz, 2021; Tamersoy et al., 2015; Westgate & Holliday, 2016). Field of application/theoretical foundation: Social Cognitive Theory (SCT; Bandura 1986, 2009) as the dominant media effects theory in communication science, is applicable and widely applied to social media representations of alcohol: According to SCT, positive media portayals of alcohol and attractive role models consuming alcohol can influence the audience’s relation to alcohol. That’s why positive alcohol portayals in the media are considered a public health threat as they can foster increased and risky alcohol consumption among media users in general and young people in particular. The negative health impact predicted by SCT depends on different aspects of alcohol portrayals on social media that have been traditionally coded in manual content analyses (Beullens & Schepers, 2013; Mayrhofer & Naderer, 2019; Moreno et al., 2010) and most recently by studies relying on computational methods for content analysis (e.g. Ricard & Hassanpour, 2021). Core aspects of alcohol representations on social media are: a) the type of communicator / creator of alcohol-related social media content, b) the overall valence of the alcohol portrayal, c) the people consuming alcohol, d) the alcohol consumption behaviors, e) the social contexts of alcohol consumption, f) the types and brands of consumed alcohol, g) the consequences of alcohol consumption, and h) alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing (Moreno et al., 2016; Westgate & Holliday, 2016). For example, a normalizing portrayal shows alcohol consumption as a regular and normal behavior of diverse people in different contexts, while a glorifying portrayal shows alcohol consumption as a behavior that is strongly related to positive effects such as having fun, enjoying social community, feeling sexy, happy, and carefree (Griffiths & Casswell, 2011). While criticism of glorifying alcohol portrayals in entertainment media (e.g., music videos; Cranwell et al., 2015), television (e.g., Barker et al., 2021), and advertising (e.g., Curtis et al., 2018; Stautz et al., 2016) has a long tradition, the concern about alcohol representations on social media is relatively new and entails the phenomenon of alcohol brands and social media influencers marketing alcohol (Critchlow & Moodie, 2022; Turnwald et al., 2022) as well as ordinary social media users providing alcohol-related self-presentations (e.g., showing themselves partying and drinking; Boyle et al., 2016). Such alcohol-related self-presentations might elicit even stronger identification and imitation effects among social media audiences compared to regular advertising (Griffiths & Casswell, 2011). Because of its psychological and health impact, alcohol-related social media content – and alcohol marketing in particular – is also an issue of legal regulation. The World Health Organization states that “Europe is the heaviest-drinking region in the world” and strongly advocates for bans or at least stricter regulations of alcohol marketing both offline and online (WHO, 2020, p. 1). At the same time, the WHO points to the problem of clearly differentiating between alcohol marketing and other types of alcohol representations on social media. Apart from normalizing and glorifying alcohol portayals, there are also anti-alcohol posts and comments on social media. They usually point to the health risks of alcohol consumption and the dangers of alcohol addiction and, hence, try to foster harm reduction, abstincence and sobriety. While such negative alcohol portayals populate different social media platforms, an in-depth investigation of the spread, scope and content of anti-alcohol messages on social media is largely missing (Davey, 2021; Döring & Holz, 2021; Tamersoy et al., 2015). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Manual and computational content analyses of alcohol representations on social media platforms can be complemented by qualitative interview and quantitative survey data addressing alcohol-related beliefs and behaviors collected from social media users who a) create and publish alcohol-related social media content and/or b) are exposed to or actively search for and follow alcohol-related social media content (e.g., Ricard & Hassanpour, 2021; Strowger & Braitman, 2022). Furthermore, experimental studies are helpful to directly measure how different alcohol-related social media posts and comments are perceived and evaluated by recipients and if and how they can affect their alcohol-related thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (Noel, 2021). Such social media experiments can build on respective mass media experiments (e.g., Mayrhofer & Naderer, 2019). Insights from content analyses help to select or create appropriate stimuli for such experiments. Last but not least, to evaluate the effectiveness of alcohol marketing regulations, social media content analyses conducted within a longitudinal or trend study design (including measurements before and after new regulations came into effect) should be preferred over cross-sectional studies (e.g., Chapoton et al., 2020). Example Studies for Manual Content Analyses: Coding Material Measure Operationalization (excerpt) Reliability Source a) Creators of alcohol-related social media content Extensive explorations on Facebook, Instagram and TikTok Creators of alcohol-related social media content on Facebook, Instagram and TikTok Polytomous variable “Type of content creator” (1: alcohol industry; 2: media organization/media professional; 3: health organization/health professional; 4: social media influencer; 5: ordinary social media user; 6: other) Not available Döring & Tröger (2018) Döring & Holz (2021) b) Valence of alcohol-related social media content N = 3 015 Facebook comments N = 100 TikTok videos Valence of alcohol-related social media content (posts or comments) Binary variable “Valence of alcohol-related social media content” (1: positive/pro-alcohol sentiment; 2: negative/anti-alcohol sentiment) Cohen’s Kappa average of .72 for all alcohol-related variables in codebook* Döring & Holz (2021) *Russell et al. (2021) c) People consuming alcohol N = 160 Facebook profiles (profile pictures, personal photos, and text) Portrayal of people consuming alcohol on Facebook profiles Binary variable “Number of persons on picture” (1: alone; 2: with others) Cohen’s Kappa > .90 Beullens & Schepers (2013) d) Alcohol consumption behaviors N = 160 Facebook profiles (profile pictures, personal photos, and text) Type of depicted alcohol use/consumption Polytomous variable “Type of depicted alcohol use/consumption” (1: explicit use such as depiction of person drinking alcohol; 2: implicit use such as depiction of alcohol bottle on table; 3: alcohol logo only) Cohen’s Kappa = .89 Beullens & Schepers (2013) N = 100 TikTok videos Multiple alcoholic drinks consumed per person Binary variable “Multiple alcoholic drinks consumed per person” as opposed to having only one drink or no drink per person (1: present; 2: not present) Cohen’s Kappa average of .72 for all alcohol-related variables in codebook Russell et al. (2021) N = 100 TikTok videos Alcohol intoxication Binary variable “Alcohol intoxication” (1: present; 2: not present) Cohen’s Kappa average of .72 for all alcohol-related variables in codebook Russell et al. (2021) N = 4 800 alcohol-related Tweets Alcohol mentioned in combination with other substance use Binary variable “Alcohol mentioned in combination with tobacco, marijuana, or other drugs” (1: yes; 2: no) Cohen’s Kappa median of .73 for all pro-drinking variables in codebook Cavazos-Rehg et al. (2015) e) Social contexts of alcohol consumption N = 192 Facebook and Instagram profiles (profile pictures, personal photos, and text) Portrayal of social evaluative contexts of alcohol consumption on Facebook and Instagram profiles Polytomous variable “Social evaluative context” (1: negative context such as someone looking disapprovingly at a drunk person; 2: neutral context such as no explicit judgment or emotion is shown; 3: positive context such as people laughing and toasting with alcoholic drinks) Cohen’s Kappa ranging from .68 to .91 for all variables in codebook Hendriks et al. (2018), based on previous work by Beullens & Schepers (2013) N = 51 episodes with a total of N = 1 895 scenes of the American adolescent drama series “The OC” Portrayal of situational contexts of alcohol consumption in scenes of a TV series Polytomous variable “Setting of alcohol consumption” (1: at home; 2: at adult / youth party; 3: in a bar; 4: at work; 5: at other public place) Polytomous variable “Reason of alcohol consumption” (1: celebrating/partying; 2: habit; 3: stress relief; 4: social facilitation) Cohen’s Kappa for setting of alcohol consumption .90 Cohen’s Kappa for reason of alcohol consumption .71 Van den Bulck et al. (2008) f) Types and brands of consumed alcohol N = 17 800 posts of Instagram influencers and related comments Portrayal of different alcohol types and alcohol brands in Instagram posts Polytomous variable “Alcohol type” (1: wine; 2: beer; 3: cocktails; 4: spirits; 5: non-alcoholic drinks/0% alcohol) Binary variable “Alcohol brand visibility” (1: present if full brand name, recognizable logo, or brand name in header or tag are visible; 2: non-present) String variable “Alcohol brand name” (open text coding) Krippendorff’s Alpha ranging from .69 to 1.00 for all variables in codebook Hendriks et al. (2019) g) Consequences of alcohol consumption N = 400 randomly selected public MySpace profiles Portayal of consequences of alcohol consumption on MySpace profiles Five individually coded binary variables for different consequences associated with alcohol use (1: present; 2: not present): a) “Positive emotional consequence highlighting positive mood, feeling or emotion associated with alcohol use” b) “Negative emotional consequence highlighting negative mood, feeling or emotion associated with alcohol use” c) “Positive social consequences highlighting perceived social gain associated with alcohol use” d) “Negative social consequences highlighting perceived poor social outcomes associated with alcohol use” e) “Negative physical consequences describing adverse physical consequences or outcomes associated with alcohol use” Cohen’s Kappa ranging from 0.76 to 0.82 for alcohol references and alcohol use Moreno et al. (2010) h) Alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing N = 554 Tweets collected from 13 Twitter accounts of alcohol companies in Ireland Alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing (covers both mandatory and voluntary messages depending on national legislation) Four individually coded binary variables for different alcohol-related consumer protection messages in alcohol marketing (1: present; 2: not present): a) “Warning about the risks/danger of alcohol consumption” b) “Warning about the risks/danger of alcohol consumption when pregnant” c) “Warning about the link between alcohol consumption and fatal cancers” d) “Link/reference to website with public health information about alcohol” Not available Critchlow & Moodie (2022) The presented measures were developed for specific social media platforms, but are so generic that they can be used across different social media platforms and even across mass media channels such as TV, cinema, and advertisement. The presented measures cover different aspects of media portrayals of alcohol and can be used individually or in combination. Depending on the research aim, more detailed measures can be developed and added: for example, regarding the media portrayal of people consuming alcohol, additional measures can code people’s age, gender, ethnicity and further characteristics relevant to the respective research question. In the course of a growing body of content analyses addressing alcohol-related prevention messages on social media, respective measures can be added as well. References Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Prentice-Hall. Bandura, A. (2009). Social cognitive theory of mass communication. In J. Bryant & M. B. Oliver (Eds.), Communication series. Media effects: Advances in theory and research (3rd ed., pp. 94–124). Routledge. Barker, A. B., Britton, J., Thomson, E., & Murray, R. L. (2021). 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Over the last two decades the female forensic pathologist investigator has become a prominent figure in crime fiction. Her presence causes suspicion on a number of levels in the narrative and this article will examine the reasons for that suspicion and the manner in which it is presented in two texts: Patricia Cornwell’s Postmortem and Tess Gerritsen’s The Sinner. Cornwell and Gerritsen are North American crime writers whose series of novels both feature female forensic pathologists who are deeply involved in homicide investigation. Cornwell’s protagonist is Dr Kay Scarpetta, then-Chief Medical Examiner in Richmond, Virginia. Gerritsen’s is Dr Maura Isles, a forensic pathologist in the Boston Medical Examiner’s office. Their jobs entail attending crime scenes to assess bodies in situ, performing examinations and autopsies, and working with police to solve the cases.In this article I will first examine Western cultural attitudes towards dissection and autopsy since the twelfth century before discussing how the most recent of these provoke suspicion in the selected novels. I will further analyse this by drawing on Julia Kristeva’s concept of the abject. I will then consider how female pathologist protagonists try to deflect their colleagues’ suspicion of their professional choices, drawing in part on Judith Butler’s ideas of gender as a performative category. I define ‘gender’ as the socially constructed roles, activities, attributes, and behaviours that Western culture considers appropriate for women and men, and ‘sex’ as the physical biological characteristics that differentiate women and men. I argue that the female forensic pathologist investigator is portrayed as suspicious in the chosen novels for her occupation of the abject space caused by her sex in her roles as investigator and pathologist, her identification with the dead, and her performance of elements of both masculine and feminine conventional gender roles. Scholars such as Barthes, Rolls, and Grauby have approached detective fiction by focusing on intertextuality, the openness of the text, and the possibility of different meanings, with Vargas being one example of how this can operate; however, this article focuses on examining how the female forensic pathologist investigator is represented as suspicious in mainstream crime novels that attract a readership seeking resolution and closure.A significant part of each of these novels focuses on the corpse and its injuries as the site at which the search for truth commences, and I argue that the corpse itself, those who work most closely with it and the procedures they employ in this search are all treated with suspicion in the crime fiction in this study. The central procedures of autopsy and dissection have historically been seen as abominations, in some part due to religious views such as the belief of Christians prior to the thirteenth century that the resurrection of the soul required an intact body (Klaver 10) and the Jewish and Muslim edicts against disfigurement of the dead (Davis and Peterson 1042). In later centuries dissection was made part of the death sentence and was perceived “as an abhorrent additional post-mortem punishment” that “promised the exposure of nakedness, dismemberment, and the deliberate destruction of the corpse,” which was considered “a gross assault on the integrity and the identity of the body, and upon the repose of the soul” (Richardson 154). While now a mainstay of many popular crime narratives, the autopsy as a procedure in real life continues to appall much of the public (Klaver 18). This is because “the human body—especially the dead human body—is an object still surrounded by taboos and prohibitions” (Sawday 269). The living are also reluctant to “yield the subjecthood of the other-dead to object status” (Klaver 18), which often produces a horrified response from some families to doctors seeking permission to dissect for autopsy. According to Gawande, when doctors suggest an autopsy the victim’s family commonly asks “Hasn’t she been through enough?” (187). The forensic pathologists who perform the autopsy are themselves linked with the repugnance of the act (Klaver 9), and in these novels that fact combined with the characters’ willingness to be in close proximity with the corpse and their comfort with dissecting it produces considerable suspicion on the part of their police colleagues.The female sex of the pathologists in these novels causes additional suspicion. This is primarily because women are “culturally associated [...] with life and life giving” (Vanacker 66). While historically women were also involved in the care of the sick and the dead (Nunn and Biressi 200), the growth of medical knowledge and the subsequent medicalisation of death in Western culture over the past two centuries has seen women relegated to a stylised kind of “angelic ministry” (Nunn and Biressi 201). This is an image inconsistent with these female characters’ performance of what is perceived as a “violent ‘reduction’ into parts: a brutal dismemberment” (Sawday 1). Drawing on Butler’s ideas about gender as a culturally constructed performance, we can see that while these characters are biologically female, in carrying out tasks that are perceived as masculine they are not performing their traditional gender roles and are thus regarded with suspicion by their police colleagues. Both Scarpetta and Isles are aware of this, as illustrated by the interior monologue with which Gerritsen opens her novel:They called her the Queen of the Dead. Though no one ever said it to her face, Dr. Maura Isles sometimes heard the nickname murmured in her wake as she travelled the grim triangle of her job between courtroom and death scene and morgue. [...] Sometimes the whispers held a tremolo of disquiet, like the murmurs of the pious as an unholy stranger passes among them. It was the disquiet of those who could not understand why she chose to walk in Death’s footsteps. Does she enjoy it, they wonder? Does the touch of cold flesh, the stench of decay, hold such allure for her that she has turned her back on the living? (Gerritsen 6)The police officers’ inability to understand why Isles chooses to work with the dead leads them to wonder whether she takes pleasure in it, and because they cannot comprehend how a “normal” person could act that way she is immediately marked as a suspicious Other. Gerritsen’s language builds images of transgression: words such as murmured, wake, whispers, disquiet, unholy, death’s footsteps, cold, stench, and decay suggest a fearful attitude towards the dead and the abjection of the corpse itself, a topic I will explore shortly. Isles later describes seeing police officers cast uneasy glances her way, noting details that only reinforce their beliefs that she is an odd duck: The ivory skin, the black hair with its Cleopatra cut. The red slash of lipstick. Who else wears lipstick to a death scene? Most of all, it’s her calmness that disturbs them, her coolly regal gaze as she surveys the horrors that they themselves can barely stomach. Unlike them, she does not avert her gaze. Instead she bends close and stares, touches. She sniffs. And later, under bright lights in her autopsy lab, she cuts. (Gerritsen 7) While the term “odd duck” suggests a somewhat quaintly affectionate tolerance, it is contrasted by the rest of the description: the red slash brings to mind blood and a gaping wound perhaps also suggestive of female genitalia; the calmness, the coolly regal gaze, and the verb “surveys” imply detachment; the willingness to move close to the corpse, to touch and even smell it, and later cut it open, emphasise the difference between the police officers, who can “barely stomach” the sight, and Isles who readily goes much further.Kristeva describes the abject as that which is not one thing or another (4). The corpse is recognisable as once-human, but is no-longer; the body was once Subject, but we cannot make ourselves perceive it yet as fully Object, and thus it is incomprehensible and abject. I suggest that the abject is suspicious because of this “neither-nor” nature: its liminal identity cannot be pinned down, its meaning cannot be determined, and therefore it cannot be trusted. In the abject corpse, “that compelling, raw, insolent thing in the morgue’s full sunlight [...] that thing that no longer matches and therefore no longer signifies anything” (Kristeva 4), we see the loss of borders between ourselves and the Other, and we are simultaneously “drawn to and repelled” by it; “nausea is a biological recognition of it, and fear and adrenalin also acknowledge its presence” (Pentony). In these novels the police officers’ recognition of these feelings in themselves emphasises their assumptions about the apparent lack of the same responses in the female pathologist investigators. In the quote from The Sinner above, for example, the officers are unnerved by Isles’ calmness around the thing they can barely face. In Postmortem, the security guard who works for the morgue hides behind his desk when a body is delivered (17) and refuses to enter the body storage area when requested to do so (26) in contrast with Scarpetta’s ease with the corpses.Abjection results from “that which disturbs identity, system, order. What does not respect borders, positions, rules” (Kristeva 4), and by having what appears to be an unnatural reaction to the corpse, these women are perceived as failing to respect systems and boundaries and therefore are viewed as abject themselves. At the same time, however, the female characters strive against the abject in their efforts to repair the disturbance caused by the corpse and the crime of murder that produced it by locating evidence leading to the apprehension of the culprit. Ever-present and undermining these attempts to restore order is the evidence of the crime itself, the corpse, which is abject not only for its “neither-nor” status but also because it exposes “the fragility of the law” (Kristeva 4). In addition, these female pathologist characters’ sex causes abjection in another form through their “liminal status” as outsiders in the male hierarchy of law enforcement (Nunn and Biressi 203); while they are employed by it and work to maintain its dominance over law-breakers and society in general, as biological females they can never truly belong.Abjection also results from the blurring of boundaries between investigator and victim. Such blurring is common in crime fiction, and while it is most likely to develop between criminal and investigator when the investigator is male, when that investigator is female it tends instead to involve the victim (Mizejewski 8). In these novels this is illustrated by the ways in which the female investigators see themselves as similar to the victims by reason of gender plus sensibility and/or work. The first victim in Cornwell’s Postmortem is a young female doctor, and reminders of her similarities to Scarpetta appear throughout the novel, such as when Scarpetta notices the pile of medical journals near the victim's bed (Cornwell 12), and when she considers the importance of the woman's fingers in her work as a surgeon (26). When another character suggests to Scarpetta that, “in a sense, you were her once,” Scarpetta agrees (218). This loss of boundaries between self and not-self can be considered another form of abjection because the status and roles of investigator and victim become unclear, and it also results in an emotional bond, with both Scarpetta and Isles becoming sensitive to what lies in wait for the bodies. This awareness, and the frisson it creates, is in stark contrast to their previous equanimity. For example, when preparing for an autopsy on the body of a nun, Isles finds herself fighting extreme reluctance, knowing that “this was a woman who had chosen to live hidden from the eyes of men; now she would be cruelly revealed, her body probed, her orifices swabbed. The prospect of such an invasion brought a bitter taste to [Isles’s] throat and she paused to regain her composure” (Gerritsen 57). The language highlights the penetrative nature of Isles’s contact with the corpse through words such as revealed, orifices, probed, and invasion, which all suggest unwanted interference, the violence inherent in the dissecting procedures of autopsy, and the masculine nature of the task even when performed by a female pathologist. This in turn adds to the problematic issue here of gender as performance, a subject I will discuss shortly.In a further blurring of those boundaries, the female characters are often perceived as potential victims by both themselves and others. Critic Lee Horsley describes Scarpetta as “increasingly giv[ing] way to a tendency to see herself in the place of the victim, her interior self exposed and open to inspection by hostile eyes” (154). This is demonstrated in the novel when plot developments see Scarpetta’s work scrutinised (Cornwell 105), when she feels she does not belong to the same world as the living people around her (133), and when she almost becomes a victim in a literal sense at the climax of the novel, when the perpetrator breaks into her home to torture and kill her but is stopped by the timely arrival of a police officer (281).Similarly, Gerritsen’s character Isles comes to see herself as a possible victim in The Sinner. When it is feared that the criminal is watching the Boston police and Isles realises he may be watching her too, she thinks about how “she was accustomed to being in the eye of the media, but now she considered the other eyes that might be watching her. Tracking her. And she remembered what she had felt in the darkness at [a previous crime scene]: the prey’s cold sense of dread when it suddenly realises it is being stalked” (Gerritsen 222). She too almost becomes a literal victim when the criminal enters her home with intent to kill (323).As investigators, these characters’ sex causes suspicion because they are “transgressive female bod[ies] occupying the spaces traditionally held by a man” (Mizejewski 6). The investigator in crime fiction has “traditionally been represented as a marginalized outsider” (Mizejewski 11), a person who not only needs to think like the criminal in order to apprehend them but be willing to use violence or to step outside the law in their pursuit of this goal, and is regarded as suspicious as a result. To place a woman in this position then makes that investigator’s role doubly suspicious (Mizejewski 11). Judith Butler’s work on gender as performance provides a useful tool for examining this. Because “the various acts of gender create the gender itself” (Butler 522), these female characters are judged as woman or not-woman according to what they do. By working as investigators in the male-dominated field of law-enforcement and particularly by choosing to spend their days handling the dead in ways that involve the masculine actions of penetrating and dismembering, each has “radically crossed the limits of her gender role, with her choice of the most unsavoury and ‘unfeminine’ of professions” (Vanacker 65). The suspicion this attracts is demonstrated by Scarpetta being compared to her male predecessor who got on so well with the police, judges, and lawyers with whom she struggles (Cornwell 91). This sense of marginalisation and unfavourable comparison is reinforced through her recollections of her time in medical school when she was one of only four women in her class and can remember vividly the isolating tactics the male students employed against the female members (60). One critic has estimated the dates of Scarpetta’s schooling as putting her “on the leading edge of women moving into professionals schools in the early 1970s” (Robinson 97), in the time of second wave feminism, when such changes were not welcomed by all men in the institutions. In The Sinner, Isles wants her male colleagues to see her as “a brain and a white coat” (Gerritsen 175) rather than a woman, and chooses strategies such as maintaining an “icy professionalism” (109) and always wearing that white coat to ensure she is seen as an intimidating authority figure, as she believes that once they see her as a woman, sex will get in the way (175). She wants to be perceived as a professional with a job to do rather than a prospective sexual partner. The white coat also helps conceal the physical indicators of her sex, such as breasts and hips (mirroring the decision of the murdered nun to hide herself from the eyes of men and revealing their shared sensibility). Butler’s argument that “the distinction between appearance and reality [...] structures a good deal of populist thinking about gender identity” (527) is appropriate here, for Isles’s actions in trying to mask her sex and thus her gender declare to her colleagues that her sex is irrelevant to her role and therefore she can and should be treated as just another colleague performing a task.Scarpetta makes similar choices. Critic Bobbie Robinson says “Scarpetta triggers the typical distrust of powerful women in a male-oriented world, and in that world she seems determined to swaddle her lurking femininity to construct a persona that keeps her Other” (106), and that “because she perceives her femininity as problematic for others, she intentionally misaligns or masks the expectations of gender so that the masculine and feminine in her cancel each other out, constructing her as an androgyne” (98). Examples of this include Scarpetta’s acknowledgement of her own attractiveness (Cornwell 62) and her nurturing of herself and her niece Lucy through cooking, an activity she describes as “what I do best” (109) while at the same time she hides her emotions from her colleagues (204) and maintains that her work is her priority despite her mother’s accusations that “it’s not natural for a woman” (34). Butler states that “certain kinds of acts are usually interpreted as expressive of a gender core or identity, and that these acts either conform to an expected gender identity or contest that expectation in some way” (527). Scarpetta’s attention to her looks and her enjoyment of cooking conform to a societal assumption of female gender identity, while her construction of an emotionless facade and focus on her work falls more in the area of expected male gender identity.These characters deliberately choose to perform in a specific manner as a way of coping and succeeding in their workplace: by masking the most overt signs of their sex and gender they are attempting to lessen the suspicion cast upon them by others for not being “woman.” There exists, however, a contradiction between that decision and the clear markers of femininity demonstrated on occasion by both characters, for example, the use by Isles of bright red lipstick and a smart Cleopatra haircut, and the performance by both of the “feminised role as caretaker of, or alignment with, the victim’s body” (Summers-Bremner 133). While the characters do also perform the more masculine role of “rendering [the body’s] secrets in scientific form” (Summers-Bremner 133), a strong focus of the novels is their emotional connection to the bodies and so this feminised role is foregrounded. The attention to lipstick and hairstyle and their overtly caring natures fulfill Butler’s ideas of the conventional performance of gender and may be a reassurance to readers about the characters’ core femininity and their resultant availability for romance sub-plots, however they also have the effect of emphasising the contrasting performative gender elements within these characters and marking them once again in the eyes of other characters as neither one thing nor another, and therefore deserving of suspicion.In conclusion, the female forensic pathologist investigator is portrayed in the chosen novels as suspicious for her involvement in the abject space that results from her comfort around and identification with the corpse in contrast to the revulsion experienced by her police colleagues; her sex in her roles as investigator and pathologist where these roles are conventionally seen as masculine; and her performance of elements of both masculine and feminine conventional gender roles as she carries out her work. This, however, sets up a further line of inquiry about the central position of the abject in novels featuring female forensic pathologist investigators, as these texts depict this character’s occupation of the abject space as crucial to the solving of the case: it is through her ability to perform the procedures of her job while identifying with the corpse that clues are located, the narrative of events reconstructed, and the criminal identified and apprehended.ReferencesBarthes, Roland. S/Z. Trans. Richard Miller. London: Jonathan Cape. 1975. Butler, Judith. “Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory.” Theatre Journal. 40.4 (1988): 519–31. 5 October 2011 ‹http://www.jstor.org/stable/3207893›Cornwell, Patricia. Postmortem. London: Warner Books, 1994. Davis, Gregory J. and Bradley R. Peterson. “Dilemmas and Solutions for the Pathologist and Clinician Encountering Religious Views of the Autopsy.” Southern Medical Journal. 89.11 (1996): 1041–44. Gawande, Atul. Complications: A Surgeon’s Notes on an Imperfect Science. London: Profile Books, 2003.Gerritsen, Tess. The Sinner. Sydney: Random House, 2003. Grauby, Francois. “‘In the Noir’: The Blind Detective in Bridgette Aubert’s La mort des bois.” Mostly French: French (in) detective fiction. Modern French Identities, v.88. Ed. Alistair Rolls. Oxford: Peter Lang. 2009.Horsley, Lee. Twentieth Century Crime Fiction. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005.Klaver, Elizabeth. Sites of Autopsy in Contemporary Culture. Albany: State U of NYP, 2005.Kristeva, Julia. Powers of Horror: Essays on Abjection. New York: Columbia UP, 1982.Mizejewski, Linda. “Illusive Evidence: Patricia Cornwell and the Body Double.” South Central Review. 18.3/4 (2001): 6–20. 19 March 2010. ‹http://www.jstor.org/stable/3190350›Nunn, Heather and Anita Biressi. “Silent Witness: Detection, Femininity, and the Post Mortem Body.” Feminist Media Studies. 3.2 (2003): 193–206. 18 January 2011. ‹http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1468077032000119317›Pentony, Samantha. “How Kristeva’s Theory of Abjection Works in Relation to the Fairy Tale and Post Colonial Novel: Angela Carter’s The Blood Chamber and Keri Hulme’s The Bone People.” Deep South. 2.3 (1996): n.p. 13 November 2011. ‹http://www.otago.ac.nz/DeepSouth/vol2no3/pentony.html›Richardson, Ruth. “Human Dissection and Organ Donation: A Historical Background.” Mortality. 11.2 (2006): 151–65. 13 May 2011. ‹http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576270600615351›Robinson, Bobbie. “Playing Like the Boys: Patricia Cornwell Writes Men.” The Journal of Popular Culture. 39.1 (2006): 95–108. 2 August 2010. ‹http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1540-5931.2006.00205.x/full›Rolls, Alistair. “An Uncertain Place: (Dis-)Locating the Frenchness of French and Australian Detective Fiction.” in Mostly French: French (in) Detective Fiction. Modern French Identities, v.88. Ed. Alistair Rolls. Oxford: Peter Lang. 2009.---. “What Does It Mean? Contemplating Rita and Desiring Dead Bodies in Two Short Stories by Raymond Carver.” Literature and Aesthetics: The Journal of the Sydney Society of Literature and Aesthetics. 18.2 (2008): 88-116. Sawday, Jonathon. The Body Emblazoned: Dissection and the Human Body in Renaissance Culture. London: Routledge, 1996.Summers-Bremner, Eluned. “Post-Traumatic Woundings: Sexual Anxiety in Patricia Cornwell’s Fiction.” New Formations: A Journal of Culture/Theory/Politics. 43 (2001): 131–47. Vanacker, Sabine. “V.I Warshawski, Kinsey Millhone and Kay Scarpetta: Creating a Feminist Detective Hero.” Criminal Proceedings: The Contemporary American Crime Novel. Ed. Peter Messent. London: Pluto P, 1997. 62–87. Vargas, Fred. This Night’s Foul Work. Trans. Sian Reynolds. London: Harvill Secker, 2008.

La mise en œuvre de mesures restrictives de gel ainsi que de mesures judiciaires de saisie et de confiscation des avoirs de dirigeants d'État étrangers constitue un phénomène contemporain du droit international. Ces mesures représentent également le versant coercitif des efforts internationaux de développement de l'État de droit, en s'attaquant à la cause endogène la plus symptomatique de ses dysfonctionnements, à savoir la dénaturation des fonctions exercées par la classe des dirigeants, que ce soit à son profit, ou bien pour mettre en œuvre une politique d'État contraire aux règles les plus essentielles du droit international. Les mesures forment ensemble un réseau complexe de procédures dont la validité peut être justifiée, mais également contestée, par référence au droit international. À ce titre, l'encadrement du phénomène repose sur les règles qui régissent non seulement le titre de compétence de l'État au sein duquel les avoirs sont entreposés et les règles d'immunité qui conditionnent son exercice, mais encore les limites au déploiement des mesures sous l'angle du respect des garanties du droit international des droits de l'homme. Les limites juridiques posées par le droit international à l'exercice des pouvoirs de l'État entreposant les avoirs connaissent des mutations vertigineuses. Les zones d'ombres qui jalonnent les conditions de validité du phénomène au droit international autorisent, de ce point de vue, à rechercher et analyser les règles de droit qui sont à même d'en garantir le bien-fondé et l'effectivité
The implementation of asset freezing and asset confiscation of politically exposed persons is a contemporary phenomenon of international law. These measures represent the coercive side of the promotion of the rule of law, tackling the most symptomatic cause of its breakdowns - the distortion of the functions of State leaders' to their own profit or to conduct a state policy that violates the most elementary rules of international law. Together, these measures amount to a complex network of procedures whose validity may be justified but also contested, referring to international law. This phenomenon is framed by the rules which govern the jurisdiction of the States in which assets are stored and by the rules of immunity affecting its exercise. It also falls within the scope of international human rights law. The way by which international law may allow or restrict the power to implement these measures has significantly changed in recent years. The validity of this phenomenon with regards to international law remains unclear. These grey areas call for an analysis of the legal rules which could guarantee their legitimacy and effectiveness

La préservation de la bonne santé du secteur bancaire a toujours été au cœur des préoccupations de la profession bancaire mondiale. La lutte contre le blanchiment des capitaux constitue un moyen pour les banquiers de préserver cette santé. En effet, les banques camerounaises et françaises bien qu’assujetties à la lutte contre le blanchiment des capitaux, ont plus d’un intérêt à mettre en œuvre le dispositif préventif anti-blanchiment. D’une part, au niveau organisationnel, les banques camerounaises et françaises se sont dotées d’un service anti-blanchiment et de dispositifs informatiques qui veillent à stopper leur utilisation à des fins de blanchiment de capitaux. Au plan fonctionnel, les obligations de vigilance imposées aux banques au titre de la lutte contre le blanchiment des capitaux rejoignent et renforcent les règles bancaires déjà instaurées en vue d’une saine pratique des activités bancaires. Cependant, le dispositif préventif anti-blanchiment n’a pas été bien accueilli au sein de la profession bancaire. Pour cause, celui-ci s’attaquait à des principes chers à la profession bancaire notamment, le secret bancaire et le devoir de non-ingérence. De même, la mise en œuvre du dispositif a fait naître de nouvelles obligations dont la violation fait l’objet de sanctions
The preservation of the good health of the banking sector has always been at the heart of the concerns of the world banking community. The fight against money-laundering is a way for bankers to preserve this health. Indeed, French and Cameroonian banks though assujetties subject to the fight against money-laundering have more than one interest to implement operative preventive anti-money laundering. Firstly, at the organizational level, Cameroon and French banks have an anti-money laundering service and computer devices that shall stop their use for the purpose of money-laundering. Functionally, the vigilance obligations imposed on banks in respect of the fight against money-laundering join and strengthen banking rules already implemented in practical with a healthy level of banking activities. However, operative preventive anti-money laundering is not well-received within the banking profession. For cause, it was attacking principles dear to the banking profession in particular, secrecy and the duty of non-intervention. Similarly, the implementation of operative has brought new obligations whose violation is the subject of sanctions