Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Denmark. 1541"

Objective To describe the occurrence of cleft lip with or without cleft palate (CL/P) and isolated cleft palate (CP) in the Faroe Islands and Greenland over a 50-year time period that has included substantial changes in lifestyle. Design A prevalence study based on patient records obtained from the Institute of Speech and Hearing Disorders in Copenhagen, Denmark, at which the treatment of patients with CP and CL/P from Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Denmark is coordinated. Participants All live-born children in the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Denmark with CL/P or CP born in the period 1950 to 1999 (Faroe Islands and Greenland) and 1950 to 1987 (Denmark). Results and Conclusion The mean prevalence of CL/P in the Faroe Islands and Greenland during the period 1950 to 1999 was 1.0 and 0.6 per 1000 live births, respectively. This is significantly lower than the mean prevalence of 1.4 (p < .05 and p < .001) per 1000 live births found in Denmark. The mean prevalence of CP in the Faroe Islands and Greenland was 1.5 and 1.1 per 1000 live births, respectively, which is significantly higher than the Danish prevalence of 0.5 per 1000 live births (p < .001 in both tests). There was no clear time trend in the prevalence, indicating that genetic factors or timetable environmental factors play a dominating role in the etiology of CL/P and CP in the Faroe Islands and Greenland.

The Church of England and the Church of Sweden have been in communion with one another since the early 1920s and have much in common. Both maintain the historic episcopate, both place great emphasis on liturgy, and since the Reformation both have long been ‘by law established’—a process which began in Sweden when Gustavus Vasa took the throne in 1523 after the successful war of liberation against Denmark, was confirmed by the Riksdag of Västerås in 1544 and, after some vicissitudes, was finally settled by the Pact of Succession of 1604.

This article examines the use of the Nicene Creed in the Church of Denmark from 1514 to 1992 when a new Service Book, Den Danske Alterbog, was authorized for use in the Evangelical LutheranChurch of Denmark. The Reformation replaced the Nicene Creed with a Danish hymn, but until 1640 the Latin Nicene Creed was sung in some cases. The Latin text was the same as in the medievalmissals and was printed 1573 in the Gradval edited by Niels Jesperssøn. From 1640 to the 19th century the creed was sung only in the hymnal form. In the 19th century the creed as a hymn graduallydisappeared. In 1949 the Danish bishops edited a new Service Book with an order for High Mass, where the creed was the Apostles’ Creed, and where the Nicene Creed in Danish translation was placedin a footnote. In the Service Book from 1992 the two creeds are in principle placed at the same level. The article ends with the proposal of a new Danish translation of the Nicene Creed based on theGreek version known from the Council of Chalcedon 451.

Food waste generated at the household level represents about half of the total food waste in high-income countries, making consumers a target for food waste reduction strategies. To successfully reduce consumer food waste, it is necessary to have an understanding of factors influencing food waste behaviors (FWB). The objective of this study was to investigate socio-demographic predictors of FWB among consumers in two European countries: Denmark and Spain. Based on a survey involving 1518 Danish and 1511 Spanish consumers, we examined the associations of age, sex, education, marital status, employment status, and household size with FWB. By using structural equation modeling based on confirmatory factor analysis, we created the variable FWB from self-reported food waste and two activities that have been correlated with the amount of food wasted in previous studies: namely, shopping routines and food preparation. Results show that being older, unemployed, and working part-time were associated with less food waste behavior in both countries. In Denmark, being male was associated with more food waste behavior, and living in a household with four or more people was associated with less food waste behavior. These results underscore the modest role of socio-demographic characteristics in predicting food waste behavior in Europe.

Abstract Aim: Our aim was to study prevalence, incidence, age at diagnosis, and mortality in Turner syndrome (TS) in Denmark. Methods: Using the Danish Cytogenetic Register, we identified all cases (n = 781) of TS alive in Denmark during 1970–2001. Sixty-nine deceased women with TS were identified in the Causes of Death Register. We divided the cohort into women having the karyotype 45,X, karyotypes including an isochromosome Xq, and all other karyotypes associated with TS. We describe the number of patients diagnosed in Denmark yearly, incidence rates, and the age at diagnosis. Standardized mortality ratios (SMR) were calculated. Results: A total of 349 women had a 45,X karyotype, 86 had a karyotype including an isochromosome Xq (isoXq), and 346 had another TS karyotype. Mortality was increased in TS with an SMR of 2.86 (95% confidence interval, 2.18–3.55). SMR was increased for coronary diseases, congenital malformations, endocrine diseases, and other causes. The mortality was increased for all types of karyotypes in comparison with the general population but was highest among females with 45,X and isoXq. There was a steady increase in prevalence, but incidence was unchanged. Age at diagnosis was mainly distributed in three periods: less than 1 yr of age (14.9%), during adolescence (10–17 yr) (33.2%), and during adulthood (38.5%), with a median age at diagnosis of 15.1 yr, decreasing during the study period (P &lt; 0.01). Conclusions: Patients with TS and especially the karyotypes 45,X and isoXq have a higher mortality compared with the background population. TS was diagnosed with a considerable diagnostic delay. Prevalence is increasing, but incidence of TS was stable.

IntroductionSince disseminated intravascular coagulation (DIC) was first described, it has been considered a serious disease of the coagulation system and a major challenge to clinicians. Currently, several important knowledge gaps remain. The DANish Disseminated Intravascular Coagulation (DANDIC) Cohort Study will aim to answer questions regarding the incidence and mortality of patients with DIC including time trends. The study will also identify prognostic factors that may guide personalised prevention and treatment. Furthermore, the study will describe treatment patterns and the safety and effectiveness of various treatment modalities.Methods and analysisWe will establish the DANDIC Cohort using data collected in daily clinical practice from the Central Denmark Region, which covers approximately 1.3 million residents. The study period will encompass 1 January 2011 through 1 July 2021. Potential DIC cases will be identified from the hospital laboratory database, based on coagulation biomarkers, and diagnoses will be adjudicated by medical experts. The dataset will be enriched with detailed clinical data from electronic medical charts on aetiologies, bleeding, microthrombus formation, organ failure, thrombosis, treatments and comorbidities. The dataset will also take advantage of in-hospital data with longitudinal information on laboratory records, transfusions, microbiology and treatments. It will be possible to merge this dataset with other unique Danish health registries with more than 10 years of virtually complete follow-up. The project will use state-of-the-art epidemiological and biostatistical methods.Ethics and disseminationThe project has been approved by the Danish Patient Safety Authority (31-1521-452), the Central Denmark Region (1-45-70-83-21), the Danish Data Protection Agency (1-16-02-258-21) and all the hospital chairs. Register-based studies require no ethical approval in Denmark. The results will be disseminated in international peer-reviewed journals.

The article considers the activities of the prominent Lutheran reformer Johannes Bugenhagen (1485–1556) in the period from the 1530s to 1550s. The principal approaches to the reformer’s legacy in the historiography of the 19th to early 21st centuries are summarized. The main directions of Bugenhagen’s pursuits in the ecclesiastical, theological, political, and organizational spheres are analyzed. The article shows that Bugenhagen played a key role in the drafting and promulgation of a number of evangelical church statutes. It is noted that the church statute model developed by Bugenhagen for Brunswick, Hamburg, and Lübeck was widely adopted across many evangelical territories in Germany and abroad; in particular, attention is given to Bugenhagen’s reform work in Denmark. It is argued that Bugenhagen’s revision of church law along Reformation principles was associated with changes in other branches of law. It is emphasized that after the Schmalkaldic War of 1546– 1547 Bugenhagen remained one of the leaders of the evangelical forces and continued his reform work in the church and the University of Wittenberg. In the 1550s, he actively collaborated with such representatives of the ‘second generation’ of Lutheran supporters as Paul Eber, Martin Chemnitz, Andreas Wolf, and David Hitrois, as shown in his correspondence. The article analyzes Bugenhagen’s approach to theological problems, which was determined by the desire to affirm the ideas of Lutheranism in all aspects of church life; in particular, the reformer’s work in the last years of his life is considered. The author concludes that Johannes Bugenhagen achieved marked success in a number of spheres, combining theory and practice in dealing with the most important theological, political, and organizational issues of the day. The reformer’s principal achievements in the period from the 1530s to 1550s were the creation of a number of evangelical statutes, further development of the Lutheran dogma, and participation in the overhaul of university education. His active and varied pursuits strengthened Wittenberg’s connections with other centers of the evangelical movement, thus facilitating the spread of Lutheran confessionalization in Germany and other countries.

Objective This study assesses whether patients with facial cleft have an increased risk of psychiatric diseases. Design Through the Danish Facial Cleft Database, patients with facial cleft born between 1936 and 1987 in Denmark were identified, and the admission pattern for these patients with facial cleft was available for the period 1969 through 1993 through the Danish Psychiatric Central Registry. Participants A total of 6,462 patients with facial cleft followed up for a total of 127,068 person-years. Main outcome Measure Hospitalization for psychiatric diseases. The expected number of admissions for the cleft population was calculated by multiplication of the observed person-years with admission rates for Denmark stratified for sex, 1-year age group, and 1-year calendar period. Results A total of 284 patients with facial cleft (4.4%) were hospitalized for psychiatric diseases. The relative risk of hospitalization was 1.65 (95% confidence interval 1.3 to 2.0) for patients with isolated cleft palate (CP) and 1.15 (95% confidence interval 0.99 to 1.29) for patients with cleft lip ± cleft palate (CL[P]). The overall risk estimates were above unity for both CP and CL(P) in all major diagnosis groups, neurosis and autism (for CL[P]) being the only exceptions. The excess risk was not accounted for by patients with known associated anomalies/syndromes. Conclusion The risk of hospitalized mental disorders in general is increased in patients with CP but not to any substantial degree in patients with CL(P). Both groups had an increased risk of mental retardation and substance abuse, but the risk for schizophrenia or bipolar illness was not statistically significantly increased, compared with the background population. Further, our data provide no evidence that the psychosocial stressors associated with CL(P) and its treatment have any substantial impact on the risk for hospitalized mental illness.

AbstractAntwerp altarpieces produced between c. 1500–1540 could be remarkably similar and have often been regarded as epitomising the shift from bespoke commissions to standardized objects made to be sold on an open market. The only (preserved) Antwerp altarpiece imported to Norway was commissioned by the priest Ansten Jonsson Skonk and put on display in the parish church of Ringsaker shortly before the Reformation was introduced in Denmark-Norway in 1537. Unique in Norway, the altarpiece is of uncommon character even within the larger body of preserved Antwerp pieces. When analysing the many idiosyncrasies of the Ringsaker altarpiece, it comes across as a deliberately versatile product: on the one hand it carefully reflects altarpieces and devotional practices known to Skonk; on the other, it also reflects contemporary religious disputes of northern Europe more broadly, substantiating the claim that (some) Antwerp workshops intentionally created “multi-confessional” artworks – seemingly to suit the patron(s) in question once installed.

Hazel dormice (Muscardinus avellanarius) construct summer nests for resting and breeding. The nests are built directly in the vegetation, in tree hollows, or in nest boxes. The availability of nest materials and vegetation coverage may affect the likelihood of finding hazel dormice at a location. The aim of the study is: (1) To investigate the preferences of hazel dormice for nesting materials today compared to four decades ago. (2) To investigate hazel dormice preferences for vegetation coverage at nest sites. In total, 148 hazel dormouse summer nests from the Bidstrup forests in Zealand (Denmark), were analysed. Of these, 82 were collected in the period A: 1980–1985 and 66 were collected in B: 2019–2020. In total 26 different nest materials were found. Beech was the major nest material in both periods, and Jacob’s selectivity index indicates that beech is selected for as nesting material and that hazel dormice may travel to collect beech leaves. Nests from period A contained more beech (W = 1521, p < 0.05) and less oak (W = 1304, p < 0.01) compared to nests from period B. Vegetation analysis showed that coverage of shrubs higher than 2 m above ground (W = 1.5, p = 0.07) may be of great importance for hazel dormice.

IntroductionThe benefits of physical activity for children’s health, both mental and physical, and its positive effects on academic achievement are well established. Research also emphasises that schools could provide a natural setting for regular physical activity. There is, however, a limited amount of knowledge about teachers’ views when it comes to integrating physical activity as part of teaching. The aim of this study is to understand teachers’ motivation for integrating physical activity as part of teaching and to assess their need for guidance and support.Methods and analysisThe study uses an explanatory sequential mixed-methods design. Schools from across Denmark are included in the sample. The design comprises two separated phases—a quantitative and qualitative phase. The quantitative phase is guided by the self-determination theory where teachers’ motivation will be measured using the Work Task Motivation Scale for Teachers. The theory of scaffolding guides the qualitative phase, which consists of in-depth interviews with participants selected from the quantitative phase based on levels of motivation and on demographic information. In accordance with the study aims, the analysis of data will identify teachers’ internal and external levels of motivation. The purpose of the qualitative phase is to enhance understanding of teachers’ motivation and of their need for support in the use of physical activity in teaching.Ethics and disseminationAll relevant ethics approvals have been acquired. All participants in this study will provide written informed consent prior to data collection. All data emerging from the quantitative and qualitative phase will be anonymised for analysis. Ethics approval was requested from the Regional Committee on Health Research Ethics for Southern Denmark approval ID S-20162000–40 and the Danish Data Protection Agency approval ID 16/15491). The study was deemed not notifiable by both authorities.Trial registration numberNCT02894346; Pre-results.

BackgroundStudies have indicated that the association of urbanicity at birth and during upbringing with schizophrenia may be driven by familial factors such as genetic liability. We used a population-based nested case–control study to assess whether polygenic risk score (PRS) for schizophrenia was associated with urbanicity at birth and at age 15, and to assess whether PRS and parental history of mental disorder together explained the association between urbanicity and schizophrenia.MethodsData were drawn from Danish population registries. Cases born since 1981 and diagnosed with schizophrenia between 1994 and 2009 were matched to controls with the same sex and birthdate (1549 pairs). Genome-wide data were obtained from the Danish Neonatal Screening Biobank and PRSs were calculated based on results of a separate, large meta-analysis.ResultsThose with higher PRS were more likely reside in the capital compared with rural areas at age 15 [odds ratio (OR) 1.19, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.01–1.40], but not at birth (OR 1.09, 95% CI 0.95–1.26). Adjustment for PRS produced almost no change in relative risks of schizophrenia associated with urbanicity at birth, but slightly attenuated those for urban residence at age 15. Additional adjustment for parental history led to slight attenuation of relative risks for urbanicity at birth [incidence rate ratio (IRR) for birth in capital = 1.54, 95% CI 1.18–2.02; overallp= 0.016] and further attenuation of relative risks for urbanicity at age 15 (IRR for residence in capital = 1.32, 95% CI 0.97–1.78; overallp= 0.148).ConclusionsWhile results regarding urbanicity during upbringing were somewhat equivocal, genetic liability as measured here does not appear to explain the association between urbanicity at birth and schizophrenia.

Abstract: BackgroundThe OPUS trial is the largest randomized controlled trial (RCT) testing early intervention services with 20-years of follow-up among individuals with a first episode of psychosis in the schizophrenia spectrum.MethodsA total of 547 individuals with first episode psychosis in the schizophrenia spectrum were included into the OPUS I trial between January 1998 - December 2000 and allocated to either two years of early intervention services or treatment as usual. Clinical and trained staff, blinded to the original treatment allocation, performed the five, ten and 20-year follow-up assessments.The early intervention service consisted of two years of assertive community treatment including social skill training, psychoeducation and family involvement delivered by a multi-disciplinary team (staff patient ratio 1:10). The standard treatment was based on the available community mental health treatment (1:20 –1:30).ResultsA total of 164 participants (30%) of 547 were interviewed at the 20-year follow-up. No significant differences were found between the early intervention group (OPUS-group) compared to the Treatment As Usual group (TAU-group) on global functional levels, psychotic and negative symptom scores after 20 years. Likewise, no differences was found ten to 20-years after randomization between the OPUS-group and TAU-group on days of psychiatric hospitalizations (Incidence Rate Ratio (IRR), 1.202, 95% CI 0.733 - 1.997, P=0.46), or number of outpatient contacts (IRR: 1.197, 95% CI 0.889 - 1.612, P=0.24). Of the entire cohort, 40% were in symptom remission and 18% were in clinical recovery at the 20-year follow-up. The mortality rate 20 years after randomization was 13.1% in the OPUS-group and 15.1% in the TAU group, P=.47.Conclusions and RelevanceNew initiatives are needed to maintain the positive outcomes achieved after two years of early intervention servicesDisclosure of InterestNone Declared

Background The pathophysiology of xerosis depends on extrinsic and intrinsic exposures. Residential hard water may constitute such an exposure. Objectives To estimate the prevalence of xerosis and to compare water hardness exposure in blood donors with and without xerosis. Methods In this retrospective cohort study in 2018–2019, blood donors with self-reported moderately or severely dry skin were compared to blood donors without dry skin. Blood donors with ichthyosis, lichen planus and psoriasis were excluded. Water hardness data was collected from the Geology Survey of Denmark and Greenland. Results Overall, 4,748 of 30,721 (15.5%; 95% confidence interval 15.1–15.9%) blood donors had xerosis. After excluding blood donors with ichthyosis, lichen planus and psoriasis, 4,416 blood donors (2,559 females; median age 38.4 years [interquartile range 28.0–49.8]; 700 smokers) remained in this study. Water softer than 12–24 degrees Deutsche härte was associated with decreased probability of xerosis (odds ratio 0.83; 95% confidence interval 0.74–0.94) and water harder than 12–24 degrees Deutsche härte was associated with increased probability of xerosis (odds ratio 1.22; 95% confidence interval 1.03–1.45). The association between water hardness and xerosis remained significant after excluding blood donors with dermatitis. Conclusions Water hardness is associated with xerosis independent of other dermatoses.

Anders Toftgaard: Mapping a collection. What the catalogue records can tell us about Otto Thott’s manuscript collection and about manuscript cataloguing. This article deals with the manuscript collection of Count Otto Thott (1703-1785) and with manuscript cataloguing. Otto Thott was the single greatest private book collector in the history of Denmark and of inestimable importance for the Royal Danish Library, since he bequeathed his collection of manuscripts (4154 catalogue numbers) and books printed before 1531 (6059 catalogue numbers) to the Royal Library. In the manuscript collection, the inclusion of his collection marks the division between the Old Royal Collection (GKS) and the New Royal Collection (NKS). Many of the treasures in the rare books collection come from his library, and his definition of paleotypes (books printed before 1531) has (in the 20th c.) determined the definition of the collection of post-incunabula. Otto Thott did not write owners’ marks or notes in his books and he left very little archival material concerning the ways in which he created his library. Regrettably, the literary correspondence mentioned in his will has not survived. The article analyses a data set consisting of all catalogue records (in MARC format) concerning manuscripts from Otto Thott’s manuscript collection. These catalogue records in the library system derive from the catalogue made by Rasmus Nyerup (excluding oriental manuscripts) and published in 1795. When, towards the end of the 19th centrury, the alphabetical and the systematical catalogues of the collection of western manuscripts were produced, the entries in Nyerup’s catalogue were copied by hand without being revised. After the IT revolution, when the catalogue records of the systematical catalogue were transferred to a digital database of records, these records were copied once again without revision. It is shown what kind of errors from the catalogue of 1795 were still present in the on line catalogue in 2019. The quantitative analysis shows that the bulk of the manuscripts in Thott’s manuscript collection are manuscripts in Danish and German from Thott’s own century. The subject headings with most entries are Theology, History, History of Denmark, Danish Biography and Literature. As to provenances there is information concerning the manuscript’s provenance before the inclusion in Otto Thoot’s library in 17 % of the catalogue records. The analysis shows that Otto Thott’s manuscript collection was a universal collection with no specific preferences. The conclusion argues that it is necessary to get information from the various printed catalogs of the manuscript collection into the digital library system and that parts of Thott’s manuscript collection deserve revisiting and recataloguing. The Royal Danish Library’s manuscript collection might explore alternatives to the MARC-format for manuscript cataloguing. In a wider context, it is argued that Otto Thott’s library should be considered a knot in a network, and that data from the many book auction catalogues should be extracted and used for mapping the destinies of specific books and manuscripts.

ImportanceThe risk of epilepsy after neonatal invasive Group B Streptococcus (iGBS) disease, particularly iGBS sepsis, is poorly understood.ObjectiveTo examine the association between neonatal iGBS (sepsis or meningitis) and long-term risk of epilepsy, stratified by sex, prematurity, and maternal socioeconomic position (SEP).Design, Setting, and ParticipantsThis population-based cohort study was conducted in Denmark with an inclusion period from 1997 through 2017 and follow-up until the end of 2018. A general population comparison cohort was randomly sampled and matched up to 10:1 to the exposed cohort. Linkage between Danish national registers were applied for data collection. Participants were infants aged 0 to 89 days. The general population comparison cohort was matched by sex, the child’s year and month of birth, and gestational age. SEP was defined by maternal income and education.ExposureHospital-diagnosed iGBS (sepsis or meningitis) during the first 89 days after birth.Outcomes and measuresEpilepsy was defined by International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, Tenth Revision codes and/or prescription codes for antiepileptic drugs using Danish medical registry data. Cumulative risk (CR) of epilepsy was calculated by treating death as a competing event. Cox proportional hazards regression was used to estimate hazard ratios with 95% CIs. Effect modification by sex, prematurity, and maternal SEP was assessed on an additive scale.ResultsA total of 1432 children (792 [55.3%] boys; 1126 [78.6%] with gestational age ≥37 weeks) were identified with iGBS disease: 1264 with sepsis and 168 with meningitis. In the comparison cohort, there were 14 211 children (7869 [55.4%] boys; 11 260 [79.2%] with gestational age ≥37 weeks). The overall (0 to 22 years) CR of epilepsy was 3.6% (95% CI, 2.6%-5.0%) in children with iGBS disease and 2.3% (95% CI, 1.9%-2.7%) in the comparison cohort. The overall CR of epilepsy for iGBS meningitis was 15.1% (95% CI, 8.9%-22.8%) and 2.2% (95% CI, 1.4%-3.4%) for iGBS sepsis. The adjusted hazard ratio for epilepsy in children with iGBS disease was 2.04 (95% CI, 1.46-2.85). Being a boy, born premature, or born to a mother belonging to a low SEP group was associated with an increased risk of epilepsy in later childhood.ConclusionIn this population-based cohort study of 1432 neonates, iGBS disease was associated with a higher incidence of epilepsy in later childhood, notably after meningitis. Premature birth, sex, and low maternal SEP modified the association.

ImportanceSudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) remains a leading cause of death during the first year of life. The etiology of SIDS is complex and remains largely unknown.ObjectiveTo evaluate whether siblings of children who died of SIDS have a higher risk of SIDS compared with the general pediatric population.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsThis register-based cohort study used Danish nationwide registers. Participants were all infants (&amp;lt;1 year) in Denmark between January 1, 1978, and December 31, 2016, including siblings of children who died of SIDS. Siblings were followed up from the index cases’ date of SIDS, date of birth, or immigration, whichever came first, and until age 1 year, emigration, developing SIDS, death, or study end. The median (IQR) follow-up was 1 (1-1) year. Data analysis was conducted from January 2017 to October 2022.Main Outcomes and MeasuresStandardized incidence ratios (SIRs) of SIDS were calculated with Poisson regression models relative to the general population.ResultsIn a population of 2 666 834 consecutive births (1 395 199 [52%] male), 1540 infants died of SIDS (median [IQR] age at SIDS, 3 [2-4] months) during a 39-year study period. A total of 2384 younger siblings (cases) to index cases (first sibling with SIDS) were identified. A higher rate of SIDS was observed among siblings compared with the general population, with SIRs of 4.27 (95% CI, 2.13-8.53) after adjustment for sex, age, and calendar year and of 3.50 (95% CI, 1.75-7.01) after further adjustment for mother’s age (&amp;lt;29 years vs ≥29 years) and education (high school vs after high school).Conclusions and RelevanceIn this nationwide study, having a sibling who died of SIDS was associated with a 4-fold higher risk of SIDS compared with the general population. Shared genetic and/or environmental factors may contribute to the observed clustering of SIDS. The family history of SIDS should be considered when assessing SIDS risk in clinical settings. A multidisciplinary genetic evaluation of families with SIDS could provide additional evidence.

Objective: To estimate the mortality in Denmark in patients suffering from GH deficiency (GHD). Design: Mortality was analyzed in 1794 GHD patients and 8014 controls matched on age and gender. All records in GHD patients were studied and additional morbidity noted. Patients were divided into childhood onset (CO) and adult onset (AO), discriminated by an age cutoff below or above 18 years at onset of GHD. Method: Data on death were identified in national registries. Sex- and cause-specific mortalities were identified in CO and AO GHD when compared with controls. Results: Mortality was increased in CO and AO GHD in both genders, when compared with controls. The hazard ratio (HR) for CO males was 8.3 (95% confidence interval (CI) 4.5–15.1) and for females 9.4 (CI 4.6–19.4). For AO males, HR was 1.9 (CI 1.7–2.2) and for females 3.4 (CI 2.9–4.0). We found a significantly higher HR in AO females versus AO males, both compared with controls (P < 0.001). In AO, mortality was increased due to cancer in all subgroups, due to circulatory diseases in all age groups for females and for males in the oldest age group. For CO, the increased mortality was due to cancer. Conclusions: We found a significantly increased mortality in GHD patients when compared with controls, possibly due to their hypopituitary status. Mortality was increased in AO female patients when compared with males. For CO and AO GHD, different causes of significantly increased mortality were identified.

Background In Denmark, 16,500 cases of melanoma and keratinocyte cancers were registered in 2015, of which 90% could have been avoided by behavioral changes. We aimed to test novel interventions in a randomized design. The interventions targeted Danes going on vacation to high UVI destinations aiming to decrease sunburn by increasing use of sun protection to prevent skin cancer in the Danish population. Methods We report a randomized behavioral intervention during May-Dec 2018 with 1548 Danish adults on vacation in 2018 for a period of 1–3 weeks. The study population was population-based and aged 18–65 years. We tested two protection routines against minimal intervention control group (2-by2-factorial design): 1) Avoidance of the sun during peak hours and shade, use of the UV-index and planning of indoor/outdoor activity respectively and, 2) Coverage by increasing use of the hat advice and increasing sunscreen amount by application routine. Outcome was use of protection and sunburn. Results There were no differences in sunburn prevalence between intervention and control groups. Protection routine 1 and 2 both increased the overall protection score compared to non-users. Protection routine 1 increased the reported use of shade and decreased time exposed in the sun. Protection routine 2 increased the use of hat and sunscreen amount. Conclusion Simple measures can help avoid the majority of one of the most widespread cancers worldwide. Vacations to high UVI destinations is a major influence on the annual Danish UV-exposure. We influenced travelers to protect themselves better and to increase sun protection behavior.

Abstract Context Antithyroid drug (ATD) therapy in early pregnancy is associated with birth defects, but more data are needed to substantiate the risk associated with different types of ATD. Furthermore, the role of abnormal maternal thyroid function per se remains unclarified. Objective To evaluate the risk of birth defects associated with the use of ATD in an extended nationwide cohort and the role of abnormal maternal thyroid function in birth cohorts including stored maternal blood samples from early pregnancy. Participants Danish pregnant women and their live-born children, including 1,243,353 children from a Nationwide Register-Based Cohort (NRBC), 1997 to 2016; 8830 children from the Danish National Birth Cohort (DNBC), 1997 to 2003; and 14,483 children from the North Denmark Region Pregnancy Cohort (NDRPC), 2011 to 2015. Main Outcome Measures Birth defects diagnosed before 2 years of age. Results In the NRBC, altogether 2718 (0.2%) children had been exposed to ATD in early pregnancy. The overall frequency of birth defects was 6.7% (95% CI, 6.7% to 6.8%) in nonexposed children and higher after exposure to methimazole/carbimazole (9.6%; 95% CI, 8.2% to 11.2%) and propylthiouracil (8.3%; 95% CI, 6.7% to 10.3%). On the other hand, the frequency of maternal thyroid dysfunction in early pregnancy was similar in the random cohort and in cases of birth defect in the DNBC (12.4 vs 12.6%, P = 0.8) and the NDRPC (15.1 vs 15.4%, P = 0.8). Conclusions Results corroborate an increased risk of birth defects associated with the use of ATD in early pregnancy and suggest that abnormal maternal thyroid function is not a major risk factor for birth defects.

A novel bacterial strain, S40T, with strong antifungal activity was isolated from the rhizosphere of green potato collected from Zealand, Denmark. Polyphasic analysis with a combined phenotypic, phylogenetic and genomic approach was used to characterize S40T. Phylogenetic analysis based on the 16S rRNA gene and MLSA (concatenated gyrB, rpoD, infB and atpD sequences) showed that strain S40T was affiliated with the genus Serratia and with Serratia plymuthica PRI-2C as the closest related strain [average nucleotide identity (ANI), 99.26 %; DNA–DNA hybridization (dDDH), 99.20%]. However, whole genome sequence analyses revealed that S40T and S. plymuthica PRI-2C genomes displayed lower similarities when compared to all other S. plymuthica strains (ANI ≤94.34 %; dDDH ≤57.6 % relatedness). The DNA G+C content of strain S40T was determined to be 55.9 mol%. Cells of the strain were Gram-negative, rod-shaped, facultative anaerobic and displayed growth at 10–37 °C (optimum, 25–30 °C) and at pH 6–9 (optimum, pH 6–7). Major fatty acids were C16 : 0 (27.9 %), summed feature (C16 : 1 ω6c/C16 : 1 ω7c; 18.0 %) and C17 : 0 cyclo (15.1 %). The respiratory quinone was determined to be Q8 (94 %) and MK8 (95 %) and the major polar lipids were phosphatidylethanolamine and phosphatidylglycerol. The results of phenotypic, phylogenetic and genomic analyses support the hypothesis that strain S40T represents a novel species of the genus Serratia , for which the name Serratia inhibens sp. nov. is proposed. The type strain is S40T (=LMG 31467T=NCIMB 15235T). In addition, we propose that S. plymuthica PRI-2C is reclassified and transferred to the species S. inhibens as S. inhibens PRI-2C.

Objectives The strong association between atypical endometrial hyperplasia and endometrial carcinoma is well established, but data on the risk of atypical hyperplasia and carcinoma in Danish women with non-atypical endometrial hyperplasia are almost non-existent. This study aimed to investigate the prevalence of atypical hyperplasia and endometrial carcinoma diagnosed within 3 months of initial diagnosis (defined as concurrent disease) and the risk of atypical hyperplasia and carcinoma more than 3 months after initial diagnosis (classified as progressive disease) in Danish women initially diagnosed with non-atypical endometrial hyperplasia. Design This cohort study recruited 102 women diagnosed with non-atypical endometrial hyperplasia at Randers Regional Hospital in Randers, Denmark, between 2000 and 2015. Methods The endometrium was evaluated by transvaginal ultrasound examination and office mini-hysteroscopy with biopsies in all non-hysterectomized women. Data regarding subsequent hysterectomy or endometrial sampling were obtained from medical records and the Danish Pathology Registry (Patobank). Results A total of 15 women were diagnosed with atypical hyperplasia or carcinoma during follow-up. Concurrent atypical hyperplasia or carcinoma was seen in 2.9% (3/102), and among women who remained at risk for more than 3 months after initial diagnosis of non-atypical endometrial hyperplasia (n = 94), progression to atypical hyperplasia or carcinoma was seen in 13% (median follow-up 5.2 years, range 3.6 months to 15.1 years). Sixty-six percent of the women with progressive disease were diagnosed with atypical hyperplasia or carcinoma more than 1 year after initial diagnosis, but only two were diagnosed later than 5 years (5.2 and 9 years). Conclusions The risk of being diagnosed with atypical endometrial hyperplasia or endometrial carcinoma more than 5 years after an initial diagnosis of non-atypical endometrial hyperplasia seems to be low in Danish women. Specialized follow-up more than 5 years after diagnosis of non-atypical endometrial hyperplasia may not be warranted.

It has been claimed that organic agriculture is the fastest growing agriculture based industry in the world. The land devoted to organic agriculture worldwide has increased over the past decade from 15.8 million hectares to 37.2 million hectares exhibiting a compounding rate of growth of 8.9% per annum. This paper disaggregates the global growth in organic agriculture land over the past decade using country as the unit of analysis. For each country, two indices of organics sector growth are derived, firstly, the actual hectares increase, and secondly, the hectares-multiplier, that is the factor by which the organic hectares have changed over the decade. Growth over the past decade is presented for 71 countries which taken together account for 35.3 million organic agricultural hectares, that is 94.8% of the total global organic agriculture area and 58.2% of the total global agriculture area. The analysis reveals that, underlying what appears at the global level to be steady incremental growth over the decade, the growth appears very uneven when disaggregated by country. The decadal increase in organic hectares ranges from Australia’s gain of 4.3 million organic hectares and China’s gain of 1.9 million organic hectares through to Costa Rica’s decrease of 1549 organic hectares. Globally, the organic hectares total has multiplied by 2.3 in the decade from 2001 to 2011, but this has varied greatly by country. Uruguay increased its organic hectares dramatically with a hectares-multiplier of 716.1, and India with a multiplier of 689.7. In contrast, Denmark has barely increased with a hectares-multiplier of 1.07, while Suriname exhibited the greatest shrinkage with a multiplier of 0.03. China and India are the only countries that rank in the top ten countries for both of the indices of organics growth, namely, the decadal organic hectares increase and the decadal organic hectares-multiplier.

Salisbury House is but one example from a significant corpus of architectural patronage carried out by a single family. In two generations, the Cecils created three great ‘prodigy houses’ among a range of notable country houses including Cranborne Manor in Dorset, Pymmes in Hertfordshire, Wothorpe Lodge near Burghley House in Northamptonshire, and Snape Castle in Yorkshire. It was William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley (1520/21-98), who from the early 1560s initiated this prolific campaign of building with Burghley House in Northamptonshire, Theobalds in Hertfordshire, and Burghley House in London. Both Thomas Cecil (1542-1623) and Robert Cecil (1563-1612) inherited their father’s passion for architecture. Even when Burghley House in the Strand was nearing completion, Thomas continued work on his remarkable Italianate villa in Wimbledon (begun 1588, demolished c. 1720), one of the most innovative houses of the period, with a three-sided plan, built on a steeply sloping hillside that prompted the composition of elaborate terraces. Like the family’s other properties, Wimbledon House was able to offer hospitality to Elizabeth I, while Hatfield House, built by Robert Cecil between 1607 and 1612, was specifically designed to entertain James I and his Queen, Anne of Denmark. In London, Robert Cecil’s architectural patronage started in about 1596 with the improvement and remodelling of Beaufort House in Chelsea, apparently in order to extend his influence into that area, although the scheme was quickly abandoned. Three years later, Robert began Salisbury House in the Strand, while in 1609 he built the first commercial centre in the West End, known as the ‘New Exchange’. From 1612, he also developed a strip of land along the west side of St Martin’s Lane as a new residential area, but did not live to see it completed.

Background To assign a course of secondary progressive multiple sclerosis (MS) (SPMS) may be difficult and the proportion of persons with SPMS varies between reports. An objective method for disease course classification may give a better estimation of the relative proportions of relapsing–remitting MS (RRMS) and SPMS and may identify situations where SPMS is under reported. Materials and methods Data were obtained for 61,900 MS patients from MS registries in the Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom (UK), including date of birth, sex, SP conversion year, visits with an Expanded Disability Status Scale (EDSS) score, MS onset and diagnosis date, relapses, and disease-modifying treatment (DMT) use. We included RRMS or SPMS patients with at least one visit between January 2017 and December 2019 if ≥ 18 years of age. We applied three objective methods: A set of SPMS clinical trial inclusion criteria (“EXPAND criteria”) modified for a real-world evidence setting, a modified version of the MSBase algorithm, and a decision tree-based algorithm recently published. Results The clinically assigned proportion of SPMS varied from 8.7% (Czechia) to 34.3% (UK). Objective classifiers estimated the proportion of SPMS from 15.1% (Germany by the EXPAND criteria) to 58.0% (UK by the decision tree method). Due to different requirements of number of EDSS scores, classifiers varied in the proportion they were able to classify; from 18% (UK by the MSBase algorithm) to 100% (the decision tree algorithm for all registries). Objectively classified SPMS patients were older, converted to SPMS later, had higher EDSS at index date and higher EDSS at conversion. More objectively classified SPMS were on DMTs compared to the clinically assigned. Conclusion SPMS appears to be systematically underdiagnosed in MS registries. Reclassified patients were more commonly on DMTs.

Background:Limited data exist of work productivity loss in patients with Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA), Psoreatic Arthritis (PsA) and Spondyloarthritis (axSpA).Objectives:The objective of this research was to assess productivity loss and absenteeism in patients with RA, PsA and axSpA.Methods:The study was designed as a cross-sectional study aimed to collect patient-reported outcomes from patients with RA, PsA and axSpA in Denmark via a nurse administered questionnaires and patient journals. Patients ≥18 years with RA, PsA or axSpA were consecutively recruited for the study over a 6-month period via routine visits to outpatient rheumatology clinics. Descriptive statistics were analyzed using SAS.Results:Of 488 respondents, 62% were women and mean age was 53.5 years (RA:57.4; PsA:52.6; axSpA:43.6). Average time since diagnosis was 11-15 years, however, for PsA and axSpA most patients answered 6-10 and 0-5 years, respectively. 280 (57%) answered that they had a job and completed the WPAI questionnaire (RA: 149 (51%); PsA: 48 (56%); axSpA: 83 (75%)). Average work hours was 31.9 in the last week (RA:31.2; PsA:33; axSpA:32.4). Average missed work hours were 4.3 in the last 7 days ((RA:4.0; PsA:4.2; axSpA:4.8), of which 32% was missed due to their inflammatory arthritis (RA:30%; PsA:38%; axSpA:32%). Mean absenteeism was highest for patients with PsA (mean=6.8; SD=17.7) followed by patients with axSpA (mean=5.4; SD=15.1) and with RA (mean=3.4; SD=12.2). Mean productivity loss was 20.5 (SD=23.8) for patients with RA, 27.6 (SD=25.8) for PsA and 26.3 (SD=25.8) for axSpAConclusion:We found that patients with PsA or axSpA miss more hours of work compared with patients with RA and when they are at work they have a higher absenteeism/lower productivity. This even though that both the group of patients with PsA and the axSpA were younger and had lived less time with their diagnosed disease compared with the group with RA.Disclosure of Interests:Trine Pilgaard Shareholder of: Pfizer, Employee of: Pfizer, Bente Appel Esbensen: None declared, Sandra Elkjær Stallknecht Consultant of: Pfizer

Archaea are an essential class of gut microorganisms in humans and animals. Despite the substantial progress in gut microbiome research in the last decade, most studies have focused on bacteria, and little is known about archaea in mammals. In this study, we investigated the composition, diversity, and functional potential of gut archaeal communities in pigs by re-analyzing a published metagenomic dataset including a total of 276 fecal samples from three countries: China (n = 76), Denmark (n = 100), and France (n = 100). For alpha diversity (Shannon Index) of the archaeal communities, Chinese pigs were less diverse than Danish and French pigs (p < 0.001). Consistently, Chinese pigs also possessed different archaeal community structures from the other two groups based on the Bray–Curtis distance matrix. Methanobrevibacter was the most dominant archaeal genus in Chinese pigs (44.94%) and French pigs (15.41%), while Candidatus methanomethylophilus was the most predominant in Danish pigs (15.71%). At the species level, the relative abundance of Candidatus methanomethylophilus alvus, Natrialbaceae archaeon XQ INN 246, and Methanobrevibacter gottschalkii were greatest in Danish, French, and Chinese pigs with a relative abundance of 14.32, 11.67, and 16.28%, respectively. In terms of metabolic potential, the top three pathways in the archaeal communities included the MetaCyc pathway related to the biosynthesis of L-valine, L-isoleucine, and isobutanol. Interestingly, the pathway related to hydrogen consumption (METHANOGENESIS-PWY) was only observed in archaeal reads, while the pathways participating in hydrogen production (FERMENTATION-PWY and PWY4LZ-257) were only detected in bacterial reads. Archaeal communities also possessed CAZyme gene families, with the top five being AA3, GH43, GT2, AA6, and CE9. In terms of antibiotic resistance genes (ARGs), the class of multidrug resistance was the most abundant ARG, accounting for 87.41% of archaeal ARG hits. Our study reveals the diverse composition and metabolic functions of archaea in pigs, suggesting that archaea might play important roles in swine nutrition and metabolism.

Background One third of ambulance patients receive non-specific diagnoses in hospital. Mortality is 3–4%, however due to the high patient volume this group accounts for 20% of all deaths at day 30. Non-specific diagnoses do not provide much information on causes for death. Vital signs at first contact with ambulance personnel can act as a proxy for the patient’s condition. Thus, we aimed to describe the prevalence of abnormal vital signs, as determined by a modified NEWS2, in ambulance patients who received a non-specific hospital diagnosis. Secondly, we examined the association between vital signs, NEWS2 scores, type of non-specific diagnosis, and mortality among these patients. Methods Register-based historic cohort study of ambulance patients aged 16+ in the North Denmark Region during 2012–2016, who received a non-specific diagnosis (ICD-10 chapters R or Z) at hospital. We used NEWS2 scores to determine if first vital signs were normal or deviating (including critical). Mortality was estimated with the Kaplan-Meier estimator. Association between vital signs and mortality was evaluated by logistic regression. Results We included 41,539 patients, 20.9% (N = 8,691) had normal vital signs, 16.3% (N = 6,766) had incomplete vital sign registration, 62.8% (N = 26,082) had deviating vital signs, and of these 6.8% (N = 1,779) were critical. If vital signs were incompletely registered or deviating, mortality was higher compared to normal vital signs. Patients with critical vital signs displayed the highest crude 48-hour and 30-day mortality (7.0% (5.9–8.3) and 13.4% (11.9–15.1)). Adjusting for age, sex, and comorbidity did not change that pattern. Across all vital sign groups, despite severity, the most frequent diagnosis assigned was Z039 observation for suspected disease or condition unspecified. Conclusions Most ambulance patients with non-specific diagnoses had normal or non-critical deviating vital signs and low mortality. Around 4% had critical vital signs and high mortality, not explained by age or comorbidity.

Abstract Direct-fed microbials (DFM) support the health and performance of the herd through different modes of action, including improvements on nutrient digestibility. In fact, Bacillus spp. has been identified as an important enzyme-producing bacteria that could benefit overall nutrient utilization by the beef and dairy cattle herd. Based on this rationale, we hypothesized that incubation of a Bacillus-based DFM would improve nutrient digestibility of feedstuffs often fed to ruminants. Therefore, our objective was to evaluate the effects of a Bacillus-based DFM on in vitro nutrient digestibility of different single feedstuffs. Six individual feedstuffs were sampled from China and South Africa and used herein. Feedstuffs were incubated or not (CON) with a Bacillus-based DFM (DFM; BOVACILLUS; B. licheniformis and B. subtilis; 3.2 × 109 CFU/gram; Chr. Hansen A/S., Hørsholm, Denmark) over a 48-h in vitro period. The dose of DFM was adjusted to the volume of the flasks being used and to represent the commercial dose of 3 grams/head per day (9.6 × 109 CFU/head). In vitro gas production, dry matter (DM), and neutral detergent fiber (NDF) digestibility were evaluated at 24 and 48 h. Data were analyzed using PROC MIXED of SAS (version 9.4). Mean total in vitro gas production increased by 5.1 and 6.5% when DFM was incubated at 24 and 48 h, respectively (P &lt; 0.01). At 24 h, NDF digestibility was 12.6% greater for DFM-treated feedstuffs vs. CON (P = 0.02; 27.7 vs. 24.6% for DFM and CON, respectively), but no effects were observed on DM digestibility (P = 0.26). Conversely, 48-h DM and NDF digestibility were greater for DFM vs. CON (P ≤ 0.05), with improvements that were in the order of 3.7 and 15.1%, respectively. In conclusion, we observed greater in vitro fiber degradability and gas production of feedstuffs collected from China and South Africa over a 48-h period when the DFM BOVACILLUS was added at a dose representative of 9.6 × 109 CFU per head. Greater improvements in fiber degradability are likely due to the enzymes produced by the DFM BOVACILLUS.

Introduction Ibrutinib is an oral irreversible inhibitor of Bruton's tyrosine kinase for treatment of chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL). Ibrutinib has demonstrated superior efficacy for patients with TP53 aberration or relapsed/refractory (R/R) CLL; and more recently superior progression free survival (PFS) has been demonstrated compared to chemoimmunotherapy as first line therapy. However, knowledge about the outcomes and adverse events (AE) upon ibrutinib among patients at a population-based level are still limited. The aim of the here presented study is to explore outcomes of ibrutinib treatment in a population-based cohort of patients with CLL treated with ibrutinib in Denmark. Methods In this retrospective study, patients from 8 hospitals in Denmark, who were diagnosed with CLL and treated with ibrutinib from April 2014 until February 2019 were included. Medical records were retrospectively reviewed to obtain information. Patients receiving ibrutinib within clinical trials were excluded. Overall survival (OS) was defined as time from ibrutinib start to death from any cause while PFS was defined as time from ibrutinib start to progression or death from any cause. PFS and OS were analyzed with the Kaplan-Meier method while cumulative incidence was calculated with the Aalen-Johansen estimator. Results In total, 205 patients with CLL receiving ibrutinib treatment were identified from hospital records and registries. The median follow-up was 21.4 months (IQR, 11.9-32.8) and the median time on ibrutinib was 16.8 months (IQR, 6.0-28.1). The median age at treatment initiation was 72.8 years (IQR, 65.7-77.8), 128 (62.4%) were male, and 111 (63.4%) were Binet stage B/C at treatment initiation out of 175 with available information regarding clinical stage. Thirty-nine (19.0%) received ibrutinib as first-line, and 166 for R/R CLL with a median of 2 (range, 1-8) prior treatment regimens. Information on TP53 aberration was available for 149 and regarding IGHV mutation for 147 patients, 111 (74.5%) had TP53 aberration and 107 (72.8%) were IGHV unmutated. Eighty-six patients (42.0%) discontinued ibrutinib during follow-up with a median time until discontinuation of 9.3 months (IQR, 3.0-23.2). Forty-seven (54.7%) discontinued due to AEs, 19 (22.1%) due to progression (12 had progression of CLL and 7 had Richter's transformation) while the remaining 20 (23.2%) discontinued due to other reasons. The estimated cumulative incidence of discontinuation at 12 months was 24.8% (95% CI: 18.6-30.9). The estimated OS after 12 and 24 months was 88.8% (95%CI: 84.3-93.3) and 76.8% (95%CI: 70.4-83.2) and the estimated PFS after 12 and 24 months was 87.3% (95%CI: 82.5-92.1) and 72.4% (95%CI: 65.5-79.2). One hundred and eighty-eight (91.7%) experienced at least one AE, among these 45 (23.9%) experienced a grade 3+. The most common AEs were hemorrhage (tendency to bruise, epistaxis etc.) which occurred in 86 (42.0%) of all and musculoskeletal and connective tissue disorders (arthralgia, myalgia etc.) which occurred in 82 (40.0%). Thirty-one (15.1%) patients experienced atrial fibrillation while on ibrutinib and 14 (6.8%) developed hypertension. One hundred and thirty-seven patients (66.8%) had at least one infection and among these 80 (58.4%) were hospitalized with an infection. The most common infections were lower respiratory tract infections and urinary tract infections that occurred for 88 (42.9%) and 41 (20.0%). The estimated cumulative incidence for any infection was 58.9% (95%CI: 52.0-65.9) at 12 months. Conclusion This is the first study describing outcomes for a population-based cohort of CLL patients treated with ibrutinib in Denmark. Real-world studies are warranted, to confirm the results from clinical trials. In this study, patients appear to have comparable OS and types of AE compared with the RESONATE trial. Differences in frequency of AEs compared to the clinical trial may reflect the focus of clinicians in routine practice. Discontinuation in this cohort was higher compared to clinical trials but comparable to previously reported real-world studies. While ibrutinib can be safely managed in routine clinical practice, this study demonstrates that a quarter of patients discontinue treatment due to mainly AEs. Further patient training and information, and in some instances personalized treatment with other targeted agents based on adverse event profile, may improve treatment adherence. Disclosures Aarup: Research Committee, Rigshospitalet: Research Funding. Enggaard:Abbie: Other: Advisory board; Gilead: Other: Advisory board; Janssen: Other: Advisory board. Frederiksen:Gilead: Research Funding; Abbvie: Research Funding; Janssen Pharmaceuticals: Research Funding; Novartis: Research Funding; Alexion: Research Funding. Niemann:Novo Nordisk Foundation: Research Funding; AstraZeneca: Consultancy, Other: Travel Grant, Research Funding; Sunesis: Consultancy; Acerta: Consultancy; CSL Behring: Consultancy; Roche: Other: Travel Grant; Janssen: Consultancy, Other: Travel Grant, Research Funding; Gilead: Other: Travel Grant; Abbvie: Consultancy, Other: Travel Grant, Research Funding.

Angelika Abegg-Wigg und Andreas Rau (red.): Aktuelle Forschungen zu Kriegsbeuteopfern und Fürstengräbern im Barbaricum.(Lotte Hedeager)Christian Adamsen, Ulla Lund Hansen, Finn Ole Nielsen och Margarethe Watt (red.): Sorte Muld.(Birgitta Hårdh)Michael Andersen og Poul Otto Nielsen (red.): Danefæ. Skatte fra den danske muld.(Lars Krants Larsen)Liv Appel & Kjartan Langsted (red.): Ressourcer og kulturkontakter. Arkæologi rundt om Skagerrak og Kattegat.(Jette Linaa)Ute Arents & Silke Eisenschmidt: Die Gräber von Haithabu.(Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson)Jan Albert Bakker: Megalithic Research in the Netherlands, 1547-1911. From “Giant’s Beds” and “Pillars of Hercules” to accurate investigations.(Palle Eriksen)Anne S. Beck, Trine Borake, Lise ­Harvig og Ole Thirup Kastholm (red.): Hvil i fred? Om kirkenedlæggelser og gravfred med afsæt i Skt. Mikkel kirkeruin i Roskilde.(Allan Berg Nielsen)Søren Bitsch Christensen (red.): Ribe Bys Historie.(Hans Skov)Ole Crumlin-Pedersen: Archaeology and the Sea in Scandinavia and Britain.(Christer Westerdahl)Göran Gruber: Medeltider. Samtida mobiliseringsprocesser kring det förflutnas värden.(Jes Wienberg)Mogens Bo Henriksen: Brudager Mark – en romertidsgravplads nær Gudme på Sydøstfyn.(Birger Storgaard)Helle Horsnæs: Crossing Boundaries – An analysis of Roman coin in Danish contexts, vol. 1: Finds from Sealand, Funen and Jutland.(Line Bjerg)Rasmus Birch Iversen: Kragehul Mose – Ein Kriegsbeuteopfer auf Südwestfünen.(Mads Ravn)Sven Kalmring: Der Hafen von Haithabu.(Jens Ulriksen)Sabine Karg (red.): Medieval Food Traditions in Northern Europe.(Hans Arne Jensen)Jan Henning Larsen: Jernvinneundersøkelser. Faglig Program.(Jørgen Lund)Lars Krants Larsen, Jette Linaa, ­Johannes Hertz, Inger Lauridsen og Lennart S. Madsen (red.): Tønderhus – en købstadsborg i hertugdømmet Slesvig.(Vivian Etting)Anna Lihammer & Jonas M. Nordin (red.): Modernitetens Materialitet: Arkeologiska perspektiv på det moderna samhällets framväkst.(Jette Linaa)Mats Mogren, Mats Roslund, Barbro Sundnér & Jes Wienberg (red.): Triangulering. Historisk arkeologi vidgar fälten.(Nils Engberg)Anne Nørgård Jørgensen: Porskjær Mosefund.(Margrethe Watt)Birgit M. Rasmussen (red.): Slusegårdgravpladsen, bind V.(Ulla Lund Hansen)Andreas Rau: Nydam Mose. Die personengebundenen Gegenstäde. Grabungen 1989–1999.(Ulf Näsman)Mads Runge: Kildehuse II - Gravpladser fra yngre bronzealder og vikingetid i Odense Sydøst.(Lise Frost & Jens Jeppesen)Per Ole Schovsbo: Dejbjergvognene. ­Keltiske impulser i førromersk jernalder.(Xenia Pauli Jensen)Niels T. Sterum: Løgum – kloster, slot og by. ‘Pionerer i ødemarken’.(Hans Krongaard Kristensen).Wolf-Dieter Tempel: Am Rande der Archäologie: Begegnungen und Erlebnisse.(Lars Schreiber Pedersen)Leo Webley: Iron Age Households: Structure and Practice in Western Denmark, 500BC-AD200.(Mette Løvschal)Gunilla Åkerström-Hougen: Genesis och metamorfosis. En studie i de nordiska guldbrakteaternas ikonografi.(Kent O. Laursen)

On February 25, 2019, the International Court of Justice issued its advisory opinion on Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965. The judges held by a majority of 13:1 that the process of decolonisation of Mauritius is incomplete, owing to the separation of the Chagos Archipelago shortly before Mauritian independence, that the United Kingdom should end its administration of the Chagos Archipelago as rapidly as possible, and that all Member States of the United Nations should cooperate to complete the decolonisation of Mauritius. The (partial) decolonisation of Mauritius in 1968 and the treatment of the Chagos islanders (Chagossians) have important parallels with the purported decolonisation of Greenland in 1952–54. In both cases, the consultative body of the colonised people was neither fully independent nor representative of all the people concerned. No real choice was given to either body; rather the colonial power offered only the continuation of the status quo or professed self-determination on terms defined by the colonial power itself. Furthermore, the process of decolonisation was inherently linked to the forcible transfer of people in order to make way for a United States military facility. Nevertheless, there are some relevant differences. First of all, Greenland was purportedly decolonised in 1953, some seven years before the UN General Assembly Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (UNGA Res. 1514(XV) 1960). Second, the UN General Assembly accepted the Danish government’s representations regarding the full decolonisation of Greenland (UNGA Res. 849 (1954), in contrast to their position regarding Mauritius that decolonisation was and remains incomplete, owing to the separation of the Chagos Archipelago (UNGA Res(XX) 1965). Third, though the Chagossians have been recognised as indigenous at the UN, the British government has continually denied this status and (mis)characterises them as a transient people, while Denmark has accepted the status of the Greenlanders as both an indigenous people and a colonial people, entitled to self-determination. This article examines the implications for the judgment for the Greenland case as well as broader questions of self-determination of peoples. It concludes that the colonial boundaries continue to govern in decolonisation cases, with the consequence that the Greenlanders are likely to be held to be a single people; that the erga omnes character of the right to self-determination means that all States must cooperate to facilitate Greenlanders’ choices for their future; and that there remain significant procedural hurdles that prevent colonial and indigenous peoples having their voices heard, even in the matters that concern them most of all.

The purpose of the research was to characterize the pedigree herds of the breeding type of Yorkshire pigs being created based on new lines. An analysis of the results of assessing the adaptive capacity of pigs and the productive traits of animals of various lines bred in breeding enterprises of the Republic of Belarus has been presented in the article. The research used breeding and animal science methods. At the fi rst stage, the “adaptation level” index of sows was determined based on the life expectancy of the sow and its breeding use. At the second stage of the research, young animals of various lines were assessed for their own productivity according to the following indicators such as age of reaching live weight of 100 kg, average daily gain from birth to reaching live weight of 100 kg, lifetime meat traits: thickness of back fat, height of the longissimus dorsi muscle, meat content in the body, using the Piglog-105 device (SFK Technology A/S, Denmark). When analyzing the reproductive traits of sows, we took into account such indicators as prolifi cacy (number of piglets at birth), milk production (litter weight at 21 days), litter weight at weaning at 28 days, and livability of the piglets. As a result of the research, the adaptive ability of sows was determined. An assessment of breeding young pigs in terms of lines showed that young animals of the lines Dixon 4988 and Dania 7723 were distinguished by the best age of reaching 100 kg of live weight and the average daily gain from birth to reaching the weight of 100 kg at the level of 150,8–159,6 days and 685–710 g. In animals of other lines, early maturity was lower by 8,7–30,9 days or 5,17–17,0 % (p ≤ 0,001). A similar trend remained in the average daily gain in live weight. It has been established that the largest value for prolifi cacy was 13,9–15,1 heads per farrowing was observed in sows belonging to the lines Dania 7723 and Dixon 4988. In sows of other lines, the rate was lower by 1,4–3,1 heads or 11,2–25,8 % (p ≤ 0,05). High milk production was detected in sows of the lines Dixon 4988 and Reichil 5507 (64,8–65,6 kg), which was 0,4–7,4 kg or 0,62–12,7 % (p ≤ 0,01) higher than in animals of other lines. The best livability rate was found in sows of the lines Dobry 2313 and Reichil 5507, which was 1,0–4,1 abs.% higher than in sows of other lines.

BackgroundTNF-inhibitors (TNFI) have improved the treatment of rheumatoid arthritis (RA) over the last two decades, but it is uncertain how much gender affects treatment response and drug adherence.ObjectivesThe aim of this population-based study is to investigate effect of gender overall and across different age groups on treatment response and drug adherence in patients with RA treated with their first TNFI.MethodsThe study is an observational, nationwide cohort study using the DANBIO register linked by patients’ unique civil registration number to The Danish Civil Registration System and The Danish National Prescription Registry. RA patients starting their first TNFI between 1stof January 2006 and 31stof December 2020 were included. Modified Poisson regression with robust variance estimator was used to calculate the relative risk (RR) with 95% confidence interval (95% CI) of having a good EULAR response at 4 and 12 months, respectively, comparing men to women. Linear regression was used to estimate mean difference in DAS28-CRP. The data was also analyzed in age groups to display a possible age-dependent gender effect.To quantify drug adherence for men compared to women, a crude and adjusted cause-specific Cox regression for treatment termination was performed. Hazard ratios (HR) are presented with 95% CI for 0-1, >1-3 and >3-5 years after TNFi treatment start. The Aalen-Johansen estimator was presented to illustrate cause-specific treatment termination.ResultsFrom DANBIO, 7386 RA patients starting their first TNFI were identified; and of these 5523 (75%) were women. Women had higher DAS28-CRP at baseline, 4 and 12 months, than men.At 4 months no significant difference in treatment responses was observed, but a tendency of better response in men compared to women was seen among patients ≤50 years (Table 1). At 12 months visit the EULAR over all good response rate was significantly higher among men, RR adjusted was 1.13 (1.05;1.21). The same trend was seen in all age groups at 12 months though not statistically significant.The hazard for termination of first TNFI treatment due to no effect, adverse events, infections, cancer or reason not stated was lower in men compared to women. HR within the first year was 0.90 (0.83;0.96), 1-3 years 0.91 (0.83;0.99), and from 3-5 years 0.93 (0.81;1.06), and did not change when adjusting for age, baseline DAS28-CRP, disease duration, co-treatment with scDMARD, and seropositivity. 10 years drug adherence is shown in figure 1.ConclusionAfter 4 and 12 months of treatment with first TNFI women have slightly higher DAS28-CRP and overall lower chance of achieving EULAR good response. In addition, women have an increased risk of discontinuation which deserves further attention.Table 1.Mean difference in DAS28-CRP and relative risk of EULAR good response in men compared to women 4 and 12 months after initiation of first tumor necrosis factor inhibitor.4 months12 monthsAge at TNFI start(Years)DAS28-CRPMD (95%CI)Good responseRR (95%CI)DAS28-CRPMD (95%CI)Good responseRR (95%CI)18-400.39 (0.18 to 0.61)1.18 (0.95 to 1.46)0.31 (0.05 to 0.57)1.12 (0.91 to 1.39)>40-500.18 (-0.03 to 0.38)1.20 (1.00 to 1.43)0.13 (-0.09 to 0.35)1.02 (0.85 to 1.23)>50-600.18 (0.03 to 0.33)0.95 (0.82 to 1.11)0.22 (0.05 to 0.40)1.10 (0.95 to 1.27)>60-700.16 (0.02 to0.31)0.95 (0.82 to 1.10)0.25, (0.11 to 0.39)1.11 (0.97 to 1.28)>700.17 (-0.05 to 0.39)0.93 (0.72 to 1.2)0.20 (-0.06 to 0.45)1.12 (0.90 to 1.40)All0.19 (0.11 to 0.27)1.02 (0.94 to 1.10)0.22 (0.13 to 0.30)1.10 (1.02 to 1.18)All - adjusted1.07 (0.99 to 1.16)1.13 (1.05 to 1.21)DAS28-CRP: Disease Activity Score28-C-Reactive Protein, MD: mean difference, RR: relative risk, 95%CI: 95% confidence interval. Relative risk for achieving good response is adjusted for cotreatment with csDMARD, seropositivity, calendar time of initiation of TNFI, disease duration, age, and baseline DAS28-CRP.AcknowledgementsWe will like to thank patients and all rheumatologic departments in Denmark for their contribution of data in DANBIO.Disclosure of InterestsKaren Buch Lauridsen Speakers bureau: Thermo Fisher Scientific, Kirsten Duch: None declared, Anders Sandermann Mortensen: None declared, René Cordtz Employee of: Is employed by IQVIA outside the submitted work, Salome Kristensen: None declared, Merete Lund Hetland Grant/research support from: have recieved Research grants from Abbvie, Biogen, BMS, Celltrion, Eli Lilly, Janssen Biologics B.V, Lundbeck Fonden, MSD, Medac, Pfizer, Roche, Samsung Biopies, Sandoz, Novartis, Lene Dreyer Speakers bureau: has received speakers fee from Eli Lilly, Galderma, and Janssen, Grant/research support from: has received research grants from BMS (outside the present work).

Ivan Boserup & Karsten Christensen: Anders Sørensen Vedel’s manuscript about Marshal Stig. Two comments on Svend Clausen’s thesis in Fund og Forskning 55, 2016 Svend Clausen has in vol. 55 of Fund og Forskning called attention to a lost and “forgotten” parchment manuscript described by Anders Sørensen Vedel in 1595 as “The History of Marshal Stig” containing key documents related to the trial which followed the assassination in Finderup Grange of King Eric V ‘Glipping’ of Denmark (1259–1286). Clausen’s evidence consists of registrations of manuscripts known only through their titles, which had been available to the Danish historians Anders Sørensen Vedel (1542–1616), Niels Krag (1550–1602), and Jon Jakobsen ‘Venusinus’ (1563–1608), but appear ultimately to have burned in the fire of Copenhagen in 1728. The sources referred to by Clausen were published in one case by H. F. Rørdam in 1874, in all other cases in the appendix to S. Birket Smith’s History of the University Library of Copenhagen, 1882, reprinted 1982. Apparently inspired by a casual remark made in 1891 by the then very young historian Mouritz Mackeprang, Svend Clausen argues that despite the lack of extant copies and quotations etc., the manuscript’s supposedly exclusively judicial contents and allegedly very considerable volume reveal the “existence” of such an important source that future research on the background and consequences of the royal assassination must take much more account of this lost source than has been the case until now. Reviewing Svend Clausen’s arguments, Ivan Boserup corrects Rørdam’s and Clausen’s incomplete reading of the source on which the latter builds his identification of Vedel’s manuscript with descriptions of a lost manuscript “Concerning King Eric [Glipping],” and rejects Clausen’s interpretation of “… cum adversariis ac diversis” (Clausen seems unaware of the literary concept of adversaria), on which all his further arguments are based. From his professional standpoint as a historian, Karsten Christensen refers to Vedel’s strong focus on Marshal Stig in his collection of One Hundred Danish Folk Songs (publ. 1591), to Vedel’s idiosyncratic manner of describing his manuscripts from the point of view of his own main interests, and to the fact that in contrast to the Jens Grand trial held before the Pope in Rome in 1296, one should not expect written actiones to have been delivered at the meeting of the Danish grandees in Nyborg Castle in 1286 subsequent to the murder of Eric Glipping. Christensen therefore suggests that it is much more probable that the manuscript referred to in Vedel’s registration refers to a lost manuscript that, contrary to the one associated by Svend Clausen with Vedel’s lost manuscript, can be followed closely all the way up to 1728, and the contents of which have been detailed by the historian Stephanus Stephanius (1599–1650).

Medieval Church Barns in DenmarkThe subject of this article is medieval church barns within the area of present-day Denmark. A church barn (or tithe barn) is a building erected near a parish church and used for storing the crops that local peasants paid as tithes or taxes to the church. Constructed as functional buildings for the church, these barns have both a clerical and a secular context. In 1912 M. Mackeprang gave an account of relevant written sources and made a provisional list of barns preserved at that time. In this work the list has been revised to describe the present day situation and it is established that there are 31 church barns preserved today. There are a few additional buildings of which the original function is uncertain that could be added to this list (fig. 1). Since Mackeprang’s article no total account of Danish church barns has been compiled, and relevant information therefore had to be sought from various sources. The most important written sources for medieval and post-medieval times are the letters from the Chancellery (Kancelliets brevbøger) and church laws from the early Protestant period. Although these documents are not medieval, in this article they are used to give a probable picture of the condition of the medieval church barns. Another important source is the notebook that the Funen bishop Jacob Madsen made during his visitation of every parish in his diocese in the late 16th century. The bishop often mentions the condition of church barns and sometime adds some more information. His work is very reliable and gives an idea of the status of the Funen church barns approximately 50 years after the Reformation.All of the preserved barns are situated in the churchyard of the church to which they belong. Some are built at the periphery of the churchyard so that one of the walls forms part of the churchyard wall. Some church barns are free-standing within the churchyard (fig. 2), while a few are built as an extension of the actual church. This is the case of the preserved church barn in Voldum (fig. 3) and also of the now lost barn in Brønshøj. Jacob Madsen’s notes tell us that if the church was situated far from the village the church barn could be placed centrally in the village instead. All of the preserved church barns are made of stone. On Zealand they are mainly built of bricks but on the southern part of the island local limestone is also used to a great extent. (fig. 11). On Funen barns are built with both bricks and granite boulders (fig. 4). The few preserved barns in Jutland have plinths of granite boulders while the walls are built of brick. The fact that church barns are brick-built is surprising because secular barns in medieval Denmark were always wooden constructions. Perhaps many of the lost church barns were timbered or half-timbered buildings. This was certainly the case of some of the Funen barns which Jacob Madsen described. This can also be deduced from a document from the year 1573 in which a special licence was given to tear down all church barns in the Århus diocese that were not brick-built. This suggests that the remaining brick-built church barns may not be representative of the majority of the medieval barns.Judging from the remaining barns and reliable measurements from ruined barns the dimensions of these buildings are typically 14-16 m x 7-9 m. The biggest barn is that in Tranebjerg on the island of Samsø (21.5 m x 9 m) while the barn in Mogenstrup, no longer in existence, was only 8.5 m by 4.23 m. Thus the dimensions of the medieval barns seem to have varied greatly. Some of the existing barns have been reduced (Melby, fig. 10) or expanded (Mesinge, fig. 5) in size. It is difficult to determine what was used for roofing the medieval barns. It is unlikely, however, that a barn with a stepped gable would also have a thatched roof, since such a roof would not fit tight against the gable but would have to overlap the top of it. The decorated gables of some of the barns are described in detail because these decorations can be used to date the barns (figs. 10-12). Caution has to be exercised, however, since these gables have often been restored freely, as for example in Strø (figs. 6 & 7). The church barn in Skårup has also been restored, but the reconstructed form of the gables is based on traces in the brickwork (figs. 8 & 9). In general the decorated gables of church barns seem to adopt local types of decoration that are also used in the churches. An example is the lost church barn in Ejby (fig. 20). It is not known whether church barns have existed in Denmark since the tithe regulations were introduced in the 12th century or if they are solely a late medieval phenomenon. Palle Lauring argues that Finderup Barn, in which King Erik Klipping was killed in 1289, was the village church barn. If this is true this would be the earliest mention of a Danish church barn. In Hjallese, Funen, remains of foundations have been interpreted as a church barn. This building is dated by two coins from the reign of Christoffer II (1320-1326). If this is correct it would be the oldest archaeologically dated church barn in Denmark. All of the preserved church barns are much later. These buildings date from 1450-1550, to judge from the decorated gables. The barn in Øster Egesborg is the only one to have been dendrochronologically dated. The trees used for its rafters were felled in approximately 1485-90. Even though church barns generally seem to be a medieval phenomenon it is apparent from written sources that church barns were also built in the second half of the 16th century and even as late as the beginning of the 17th century. However, in the attempt to make an account of the distribution of church barns in medieval Denmark it is often impossible to differentiate between barns built before 1536 and those built after. All references to church barns that could be found were therefore included for the purposes of the map (fig. 13). The main source of information about lost church barns on Zealand is Danmarks kirker, a series of descriptions of the Danish churches which now covers all of Zealand. Jacob Madsen is the main source for Funen , while information about church barns in Jutland is much more scarce and diffusely spread. The map of Jutland may not at the moment, therefore, give as true a picture of the medieval situation as the maps of Zealand and Funen. It is often claimed that church barns were a phenomenon concentrated in the eastern parts of Denmark (Zealand, Funen and Eastern Jutland) and generally this work supports this assumption. However, there have been church barns even in the northwest part of Jutland. On the other hand only one church barn is mentioned in the sources for the southern part of Jutland. In a church law from 1537 it is said that in every parish peasants should bring their crops to the church barns, but as the above shows there might not have been a church barn in every parish throughout the country. Possible explanations for the relatively few church barns in Jutland will be given later.Church barns also existed in the boroughs (fig. 15). The function of these buildings was to house the crops that came from the town’s fields, which were cultivated by the citizens. Furthermore the churches in the boroughs could function as parish churches for peasants in nearby villages.In theory tithe should be paid on all agricultural products, but in Denmark the crop tithe was by far the most important. In other European countries the tithe was divided into four portions: the vicar’s tithe, the bishop’s tithe, the tithe to keep the church well-maintained and equipped (the so-called fabrica), and finally one fourth of the tithe was given to the poor. In Denmark the tithe was only divided into three portions – leaving nothing to the poor. Even inside the Danish kingdom the practice of tithe varied greatly. A bishop’s tithe was introduced on Zealand, in Scania and in Slesvig in the late 12th century, but in the rest of Jutland and on Funen the bishop was paid a fixed amount of money (the “bishop’s gift”) that would often be much less than a third of the tithe. The dislike of the bishop’s tithe could among other things stem from the fact that this tithe should in theory be transported to the bishop’s town, which could be very far from the village. When the bishop’s tithe was introduced by law on Zealand is it said in the letter of the law that the tithe should only be brought to a place within the parish – probably to ease the acceptance of this new tax. Only in 1443 was the bishop’s tithe introduced in Jutland and on Funen, and it was much disliked. Which of the three parts of the tithe was stored in the church barns? In King Christian III’s church law from 1536 it is mentioned that the tithe should be brought to the church barn and then divided in three. On the other hand it is reasonable to assume that the vicar’s third of the tithe was brought directly to the vicarage, which was situated within the parish. One source indirectly points at this fact. In 1536 it is said that the peasants should be given two barrels of beer on the day they bring the tithe – and it is then added that this beer should not be consumed at the vicarage, as had often happened before. Maybe this is the reason a late 16th century barn beside the vicarage of Nimtofte in Eastern Jutland is called the church barn. So, did the church barns house the bishop’s tithe, the fabrica or both? As a result of the Reformation in 1536 the church’s property was confiscated by the king. The king now became head of the church and the bishop’s tithe was now called the king’s tithe. Apparently in the first years after the Reformation this change was only in name and therefore the practices concerning the king’s tithe in the early Protestant period probably reflect how the bishop’s tithe was handled in the late medieval period. In 1546 it is said in a letter from the Chancellery that the vicar and the churchwarden were responsible for hiring two men to thresh the tithe and then divide it into two parts: the fabrica and the king’s tithe (fig. 17). In a letter from 1542 it is said that the Scanian peasants were to bring one third of the tithe (the king’s tithe) to the church barn. In the Middle Ages the churchwardens were responsible for the fabrica and probably also for the church barns. The church barn in Vedtofte, Funen, was built by the churchwardens in 1554 using the fabrica. Jacob Madsen suggested in 1589 that the church barn in Turup, Funen, could be used as a house for the vicar, but the churchwarden had the final word, which was no. It is thus plausible that the fabrica was stored in the church barns, but of course this crop might also have been brought to the farm of one of the churchwardens who lived in the parish. It is most likely that the bishop’s tithe was stored in the church barn until it could be picked up by the bishop’s men. Some twenty years after the Reformation new rules were introduced that the peasants were to bring the king’s tithe (formerly the bishop’s tithe) to the respective castles and not just to the churchyard as previously. In 1577 a general law for Zealand was made that the peasants should bring the tithe in sheaves to whoever owned it. It was no longer enough to bring it to the churchyard.The conclusion is that the vicar’s tithe was probably brought to the vicarage, the fabrica could be stored in the church barn or at the churchwarden’s house and the bishop’s tithe was most likely always stored in the church barn.A few of the largest church barns may have been drive-through buildings, meaning that wagons entered through a gate in one end of the building, the sheaves were unloaded inside the building, and the wagon left via a gate at the opposite end of the building. The church barn in Kalundborg (fig. 18) and possibly also that in Tranebjerg had this function. In the smaller barns the sheaves were simply carried into the barn (fig. 16) or passed in through a hole in the wall. The interiors of the barns have been radically changed everywhere but some have been archaeologically examined. The church barn in Flemløse had been divided into three rooms, one of which seems to have had a cellar. The finding of charcoal in Skårup church barn suggests that the building was also used for purposes other than storage. In Skårup there were also remains of a hard clay floor that would have been ideal for threshing. Since we know nothing about church barns until the last century of the Middle Ages it has been claimed that originally the church lofts were used to store the crops. When vaults were introduced in many parish churches in late medieval times, leaving no storage room in the lofts, it became necessary to build church barns. This could explain the few church barns in Jutland since many churches in that part of the country never had vaults built on. From post-medieval times we know that in several churches in Southern and Northern Jutland the lofts were used for storing crops. In Egen church a winch used for this purpose still exists and one can suppose that this also reflects the medieval practice (fig. 19). However, this poses the question of where the threshing would then have taken place, because it seems that the tithe was normally handed over in sheaves and not in the form of grain. Furthermore there does not seem to be a clear connection between vaults and church barns. All of the vault-less churches mentioned by Jacob Madsen also had church barns. Probably the church barns must be considered as part of the massive construction works that were undertaken in connection with the Danish churches in the last 150 years of the Middle Ages. Vaults, towers, porches, etc. were built. This building activity was most intensive in the eastern part of the country, while the western part of Jutland tended to follow at a much slower pace, and in the year 1536 the Reformation put an abrupt end to it all. Another reason for the lack of church barns in many parts of Jutland could be that they were wooden constructions. Most of the church barns we know about are mentioned in the sources when they are torn down and the bricks or boulders sold. Wooden constructions are less valuable in this sense and might be underrepresented in the written sources for this reason.Immediately after the Reformation the use of the church barns probably did not change dramatically. But in the late 16th century more church barns fell out of use. This was encouraged by law in 1643. As more and more churches became private property the landlord owned both church buildings and tithe. For the church owner it was more convenient to have the tithe brought directly to his own barn and as the church barns lost their original function the materials of which they were built could be used for restoring the churches – another matter for which the church owner was responsible. Many church barns were lost on this account in the 1660s. The few church barns that remain today survived because they were used for a new purpose soon after the Reformation. In the boroughs they were often used as schools (fig. 14) and in the country parishes they could be converted into workhouses for poor people (fig. 21). The church barns have not drawn as much attention to themselves as an object of research as have the medieval churches, but they are a unique group of medieval buildings and together with the churches they form a unity that dates back almost 500 years. Mikael Manøe BjerregaardAfdeling for MiddelalderarkæologiAarhus UniversitetMoesgård

Tile production in the Danish Middle Ages and RenaissanceEveryday life in the Renaissance and Early Modern times has long been a neglected area in archaeology and much evidence has been lost. When the Department of Medieval Archaeology at the University of Aarhus, Moesgård added Renaissance Studies to the teaching curriculum in 2005, this provided an opportunity, together with new Danish museum legislation, to redress this situation.In the Renaissance, fundamental changes took place in housing, due in part to the introduction of the tile stove as a “bilægger”, i.e. a stove fed from an adjacent room. This provided an opportunity for the creation of a private, comfortable living room. In rural areas, however, the tile stove was also seen in direct association with a bread oven or as a smoke oven. Among the upper echelons of society – royalty, the Church and the aristocracy, with their strong links to European culture south of the Baltic – the tile stove became known as early as the 13th century. The earliest evidence of this is from the Cistercian Monastery at Sorø. Here, sherds have been found ofhandmoulded deep beaker-shaped vessel tiles. The outer surfaces of these were decorated with wavy lines and encircling grooves, as seen on typical 13th century Baltic-ware pottery from Zealand (fig. 1). When built into an oven, the decoration would not have been visible (fig. 2). From the episcopal/royal castles of Søborg and Gurre there are thrown, glazed beaker-shaped vessel tiles from the 14th century (fig. 3). The handmade, unglazed vessel tiles with a square rim from the royal castle ofVordingborg are broader and shallower (fig. 4); on some the base is rounded. Similar tiles were manufactured as late as the 19th century as “jydepotter”, i.e. black pots from Jutland (fig. 5). In the houses of wealthier citizens, such as Kragsnap’s House in Nykøbing Falster and Branda Huset in Helsingborg in Scania, there were stoves constructed of Late Gothic deep vessel tiles with specially formed openings (fig. 6). At the beginning of the 16th century, these developed into a green glazed, relatively shallow turned vessel tile with a reinforced rim, often with a flower or several concentric circles at the base. This type continued up into the 17th century (fig. 7). In terms of the skill needed in their firing and glazing, all these various vessel tiles were consistent with the abilities of a local potter and they are probably all of domestic origin, modelled on foreign examples.From Late Medieval times, there are imported concave panel and niche tiles, such as Den grønne sten fra Nielstrup and archaeological examples from Vridsløsemagle, Ribe and Gurre. Most of them carry a religious, Catholic message. However, two fragments of matrixes for concave panel tiles, dated to around 1500 and found in Aalborg, bear witness to an early production of moulded stove tiles in Denmark (fig. 8).With the Reformation, relations to Protestant Germany via Kings Christian III and Frederik II were strengthened. Danish students in Wittenberg and Greifswald and itinerant German craftsmen brought with them new furnishing traditions to Denmark. The tile stove became commonplace. The heyday of these stoves began around 1550 when domestic production became profitable. German potters settled in Denmark, bringing with them their moulds and their expertise, also as stove fitters. Production began of concave, quadrangular and rectangular panel tiles bearing images with a religious or political message. On the reverse they had a rumpe, a shallow funnel-shaped protrusion, which had an important function when fitting the tiles to form the stove.From around 1600, the tile stove was gradually replaced by the iron stove, although the latter did retain for some time an upper tower-like section clad in rectangular tiles. Initially, iron stoves were imported from Germany, but with the introduction of a Danish protectionist policy in the 1640s, production was started in Norway.Despite local production in the 16th century, imports of stove tiles and matrixes increased. Sometimes the origin of these can be determined on the basis of the ware; greyish-white Halle clay, for example, indicating Central Germany. Some polychrome stove tiles can be identified as imports from the Upper Weser area. No workshops producing polychrome stove tiles have been demonstrated in Denmark. Even though a workshop in Næstved was familiar with tin glaze and metallic-oxide colours, only polychrome floor tiles were produced there.Often the date of the stove tiles, or more correctly of the patrixes, can be determined on the basis of the motif and the graphic source on which it is modelled.For instance, the patrix for a matrix found in Copenhagen bearing the picture of HERSI HANS must have been carved after 1547, when he lost his title as Elector of Saxony, and prior to his death in 1554. On a stove tile modelled on a medal struck on his appointment in 1532 and attributed to Matthes Gebel, he is referred to as Johann Friedrich Kurfürst. Patrixes, and probably also most matrixes, were imported, but the origin of a patrix for the Fortuna stove tile from Næstved from 1585, attributed to Abel Schroder the Elder, is perhaps open to discussion (fig. 9). A patrix for a medallion tile from about 1550-80 from Århus (fig. 15), and patrix frames and a mould for patrix frames for arcade tiles from about 1600 from Flensburg (fig. 19), are the only definite indications we have oflocal production. Re-working of newly-made matrixes, pirate copies and potters’ botching also occurred (figs. 16, 17 and 21). On the basis of this, and inspired by Der Hafner from Jost Ammen’s Ständebuch (fig. 12), the author has experimented with the production of matrixes and stove tiles (figs. 10 and 11). Accounts are then given of seven localities where traces of stove-tile production have been found. Potters’ kilns have been excavated in Lund and Aalborg, (figs. 13 and 14). In Århus, there were layers containing rejects, kiln shelves and matrixes (fig. 15). In Næstved, deposits have been excavated containing rejects which include tiles bearing Fortuna and the West Zealand version of Judith (figs. 18.4 and 16). Clay pits backfilled with rejects from the workshop have also been discovered there. In Slagelse, an area has been excavated containing workshop refuse in the form of old or broken matrixes, reject stove tiles, kiln shelves and tools (figs. l7 and 18). In Flensburg, a potter’s workshop was excavated, revealing a great number of tiles, a few patrix frames and more than 90 matrixes, of which several are clear evidence of potters’ botching (figs. 19, 20 and 21). Impressions of matrixes from this workshop were used by the bell-caster Michel Bibler as ornamentation on bronze fonts for churches in Flensburg and Eckernförde (fig. 22). In Holbæk, layers containing rejects and matrixes from a potter’s workshop in the neighbourhood have been located. A rectangular stowe tile from 1611, showing the upper body of a lute-playing prince, was produced in a matrix trixwith a two-piece picture area. The upper part of this was used for a stove tile in Slagelse, but in a different frame (fig. 18.6). All the workshops investigated proved to belong to the second half of the 16th century, with the main weight of activity around 1600. From Køge, however, there are matrixes bearing the inscription 1662MB on the reverse. These indicate an active workshop there in the late 17th century, (fig. 23). Several of the workshops were located in association with a demolished ecclesiastical institution where the immediate area had apparently been assigned to workshops carrying out hazardous activities using fire, such as potteries and bell-casters. Finally, research results obtained over several years are presented and there is a discussion of the possibility of more detailed examination and recording to demonstrate the regionality of the individual stove-tile types and perhaps locate individual workshops. More recent scientific methods for the identification of clay types might make it possible to determine their provenance, which would be of crucial importance. Formal collaboration with countries south of and around the Baltic would probably be able to demonstrate trade routes and cultural links and the origin and distribution of stove tiles and matrixes. Closer collaboration between scientists, historians and archaeologists is strongly recommended.Ole KristiansenSlagelse

Abstract Introduction: Therapy-related myeloid neoplasms (tMN) are high-risk conditions evolved after exposure to a number of agents, including cytotoxic therapy, and include myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS), acute myeloid leukemia (AML) and myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPN). As such cytoreduction as part of autologous stem cell transplantation (ASCT) increases the risk of developing tMN. Importantly, both the use of ASCT and the incidence of tMN are rising. The recent characterization of clonal hematopoiesis of indeterminate potential (CHIP) has, in preliminary reports, been shown to increase the risk of developing de novo hematological disease as well as tMN. We hypothesized that patients with non-myeloid primary disease who develop tMN after ASCT, had detectable myeloid mutations at time of transplantation, and that these may represent a risk factor in the development of tMN. This study characterizes tMN patients previously subjected to ASCT and investigates whether CHIP mutations are present in hematopoietic stem cells at time of ASCT. Methods: The cohort of this observational study consists of patients treated with ASCT at the Department of Hematology, Aarhus University Hospital (Denmark) from 1989 to 2016. Cases were identified via the Danish Pathology Registry and all tMN diagnoses were verified by the same experienced hemopathologist (GBK). Only cases from patients with non-myeloid primary disease, who were diagnosed with tMN after being treated with ASCT (minimum latency being 90 days) were included. 36 cases with available leukapheresis products were identified out of a cohort of 1130 patients. Samples collected from leukapheresis prior to ASCT were subjected to targeted next-generation sequencing (NGS), using the commercially available panel "Myeloid Solution" (Sophia Genetics, Saint Sulpice, Switzerland), covering 30 genes relevant for myeloid neoplasms, joined with a bioinformatics pipeline from Sophia Genetics. Samples from 31 patients have been subjected to NGS. Variants residing in or within ± 25 nucleotides of coding exons and with coverage >5000 at the variant site were reported. Indels present in polynucleotide stretches were excluded. Data for continuous variables age, latency to tMN and survival were analyzed as one sample from a normal distribution based on the Students t-test. Normality was assessed via Q-Q plot. Estimates are reported with a 95% confidence intervals (Stata, version 15.1, StataCorp LLC, TX, USA). Results: The cohort consisted of 25 males (80.7%) and 6 females (19.3%), with an estimated median age at ASCT of 58 years (CI 95% 54;63). Estimated median time to tMN was 3.7 years (CI 95% 2.5;5.4) and estimated median survival after tMN diagnosis was 132 days (CI 95% 71;246). At time of tMN diagnosis, 14 patients had a poor risk karyotype and 9 patients had intermediate risk karyotype (hereof 4 normal karyotype). Karyotype was not evaluated in 8 patients. CHIP mutations were detected in stem cell enriched leukapheresis products from 21 patients (67.7%). Of these, we found multiple mutations in 14 patients (66%) and in one patient as many as 6 CHIP mutations. Point mutations were frequently found in the DNMT3A gene and was present in 16 out of 21 patients (76%). Six patients had more than one DNMT3A mutation, one of which had 5 separate DNMT3A mutations. Other mutations detected were TP53 (6/21), TET2 (5/21), ASXL1 (4/21), EZH2 (1/21), WT1 (1/21), JAK2 (1/21), NRAS (1/21), HRAS (1/21), BRAF (1/21), CSF3R (1/21), SF3B1 (1/21), ZRSR2 (1/21), CALR (1/21), SRSF2 (1/21). Conclusion: We found that CHIP mutations can be detected at time of ASCT in patients being treated for non-myeloid diseases. We hypothesize that presence of CHIP mutations at ASCT may predict the development of tMN and as such serve as a biomarker in this setting. We speculate that high-dose cytotoxic therapy may provide an evolutionary advantage for hematopoietic clones containing CHIP mutations. On the other hand, we cannot rule out that the cytoreduction administered prior at ASCT may be a main contributor to the tMN development. To address this as well as the development of tMN in the post-ASCT phase, a nested case-control study will be necessary. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.