Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Den Europeiske union"

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Den Europeiske union"

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Neumann, Iver B. "Hvorfor er ikke Norge med i Den europeiske union?" Internasjonal Politikk 67, n.º 03 (24 de setembro de 2009): 413–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-1757-2009-03-05.

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Nordgarden, Tor Øivind, e Lodve Hinnaland Stendal. "Praksis for virkelig verdimåling av ikke-finansielle eiendeler". Magma 19, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2016): 60–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/magma.v19.956.

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Tradisjonelt har regnskapet vært basert på en transaksjonsbasert historisk kostmodell. Med International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS), som Den europeiske union innførte for børsnoterte selskaper i 2005, har det imidlertid blitt adgang til å bruke virkelig verdimåling for en rekke ikke-finansielle eiendeler. Mange forbinder innføringen av IFRS med mer utstrakt bruk av virkelig verdimåling. Men hvor vanlig er det egentlig i praksis? Denne artikkelen baserer seg på vår masterutredning. Utredningen studerer valget mellom virkelig verdi og historisk kost for ikke-finansielle eiendeler som regnskapsføres etter International Accounting Standards (IAS) 16 Eiendom, anlegg og utstyr, IAS 38 Immaterielle eiendeler og IAS 40 Investeringseiendom. Logistisk regresjonsanalyse er brukt for å finne systematiske forskjeller mellom brukere og ikke-brukere av virkelig verdi. Utvalget består av alle selskaper som rapporterer etter IFRS på børsen i London og Oslo og et utvalg av selskaper som rapporterer etter IFRS på børsen i Paris. Til sammen er utvalget på 1 396 selskaper.
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Grindheim, Jan Erik. "Erik Oddvar Eriksen og John Erik Fossum (red.)(2014): Det norske paradoks. Om Norges forhold til Den europeiske union. - Johan P. Olsen (2014): Folkestyrets varige spenninger. Stortinget og den norske politiske selvforståelsen." Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift 31, n.º 4 (2 de dezembro de 2015): 385–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-2936-2015-04-09.

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Svendsen, Øyvind. "I blindsonen av norsk EU-debatt: EUs helseberedskap i kjølvannet av koronapandemien". Internasjonal Politikk 81, n.º 4 (21 de dezembro de 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v81.5898.

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Denne artikkelen utfordrer den norske EU-debatten ved å sette søkelys på et oversett, men stadig viktigere politikkområde for europeisk samarbeid, nemlig helsepolitikk og mer spesifikt helseberedskap. EU har iverksatt store prosjekter knyttet til helseberedskap i kjølvannet av koronapandemien. Norge er omfattet av noen av disse gjennom EØS-avtalen, men står også utenfor viktige initiativer. Denne artikkelen tjener to formål: den kartlegger den pågående utviklingen i EU på helseberedskapsområdet og vurderer i hvilken grad nettopp dette området bør ta mer plass i den norske europadebatten og debatten om holdbarheten til dagens status quo. Artikkelen identifiserer videre to konkrete områder som er sentrale for Norge knyttet til helseberedskap. Det ene dreier seg om utviklingen av EUs helseunion og Norges politiske arbeid med å sikre formell tilgang til alle initiativene som nylig har blitt utviklet i EU. Det andre er virkningene EUs sterkt intensiverte arbeid med helseberedskap har for norsk helseindustri. Artikkelen konkluderer med at norske sårbarheter er særlig knyttet til det politiske utenforskapet, men at disse sårbarhetene må sees i sammenheng med eventuelle bidrag norsk helseindustri kan gjøre i det europeiske helsemarkedet dersom Norge blir tettere tilsluttet helseunionen. Abstract in English:In the Blind Spot of the Norwegian EU Debate: EU Health Preparedness After COVID-19This article challenges the Norwegian EU debate by focusing on an overlooked but increasingly important policy area for European cooperation, namely health policy and more specifically health preparedness. The EU has started major processes related to health preparedness in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic. Norway takes part in some of these processes through the EEA agreement but is also currently excluded from important areas. This article serves two purposes: it maps ongoing EU development in health preparedness and assesses the extent to which this area should occupy more space in the Norwegian EU debate, including the sustainability of the current status quo. The article further identifies two specific areas that are central to Norway in relation to health preparedness. The first concerns the development of the EU’s Health Union and Norway’s political work to ensure formal access to all the initiatives that have recently been developed in the EU. The other concerns the effects that the EU’s intensified work on health preparedness has for the Norwegian health industry. The article concludes that Norwegian vulnerabilities are particularly linked to Norway’s political role as an EU outsider, but that these vulnerabilities must be considered in the context of any contribution the Norwegian health industry can make in the European health market if Norway becomes more closely connected to the Health Union.
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Pollak, Johannes, e Peter Slominski. "Østerrikes EU-medlemskap: institusjonelle og politiske implikasjoner". Internasjonal Politikk 81, n.º 4 (21 de dezembro de 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v81.5980.

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Østerrikes inntreden i Den europeiske union i 1995 har medført betydelige endringer i landets politiske, økonomiske, sosiale og kulturelle forhold. For å vurdere implikasjonene av EU-medlemskapet, gir denne artikkelen først en kort oversikt over EUs styresett for å undersøke Østerrikes handlingsrom til å forfølge sine interesser. Dette etterfølges av en diskusjon om hvordan Østerrikes medlemskap har påvirket utvalgte politikkområder, inkludert økonomi, landbruk og sikkerhetspolitikk, men også hvordan det har påvirket demokratiet og rollen til nasjonale parlamenter. I denne artikkelen viser vi at Østerrikes medlemskap i det indre marked og eurosonen i stor grad har påvirket landets monetære så vel som finanspolitiske suverenitet. Betydningen av EUs utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk for nasjonal politikk har vært mer beskjeden, gitt politikkområdets mellomstatlige karakter. På generelt grunnlag vil behovet for nasjonal tilpasning alltid være avhengig av forholdet mellom EU og nasjonale politiske strukturer (og grad av sammenfall rundt mål, prinsipper, prosedyrer og økonomiske instrumenter). Institusjonelt sett har EU-medlemskapet redusert de østerrikske lovgivende myndigheters rolle i politikkutformingen og samtidig styrket rollen til regjeringen og andre utøvende aktører. Abstract in English:Institutional and Policy Implications of Austria’s EU MembershipAustria’s 1995 accession to the European Union has brought significant changes to the country’s political, economic, social and cultural fabric. To assess the implications of an EU membership, this article first provides a brief overview of the EU’s governance system to assess Austria’s leeway to pursue its interests. This is followed by a discussion of how Austria’s EU membership has impacted selected areas including economic, agriculture and security policies but also with regard to democracy and the role of national parliaments. We show that Austria’s membership in the Single Market and the Eurozone has significant implications for the country’s monetary and even fiscal sovereignty, the involvement in EU foreign affairs and security policy have been more modest given the intergovernmental character of this policy domain. However, the level of adaptational pressure also depends on the relationship between the EU and national policy structures (objectives, principles, procedures, and financial instruments). In institutional terms, EU membership has also decreased the role of the Austrian legislature in the policy-making and strengthened the role of the government and other executive actors.
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Von Sydow, Göran. "Sverige som EU-medlem: från motvillig till engagerad europé". Internasjonal Politikk 81, n.º 4 (21 de dezembro de 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/intpol.v81.6155.

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Sverige blev medlem i Europeiska unionen (EU) i januari 1995. Medlemskapet har förändrat förutsättningarna för den svenska demokratin i flera hänseenden. Den här artikeln behandlar medlemskapets effekter på svenska konstitutionella förhållanden, inklusive relationen mellan de centrala statsorganen. Därefter diskuteras de svenska partierna och den allmänna opinionens förhållningssätt till EU. Den allmänna opinionen har över tid utvecklats i en betydligt mer EU-positiv riktning. Det gäller dock inte frågor om ytterligare fördjupning av EU eller svensk anslutning till euron. Frågan om hur Sverige samarbetar med andra medlemsstater lyfts fram. Sveriges samarbete med länder i den geografiska närheten är omfattande. Bland de sakfrågor som Sverige har prioriterat som EU-medlem finns konkurrenskraft och den inre marknaden, klimat- och miljöpolitik, de grundläggande värderingarna samt EU:s utvidgning och utrikespolitik. Sverige har varit mindre entusiastiskt över ökade medel till EU:s budget, starkare gemensam social- och arbetsmarknadspolitik, ökad överstatlighet och stärkt försvarssamarbete. De breda framtidsfrågorna, inklusive frågor om institutionell reform, har sällan mötts av större intresse i Sverige. I ljuset av den nu pågående diskussionen om utvidgning och reform av EU vore det rimligt om dessa frågor fick större plats i den svenska debatten. Abstract in English:Sweden and the EU: From Reluctant to Commited EuropeanSweden became a member of the European Union (EU) in January 1995. Membership has affected the conditions for Swedish democracy in several respects. This article deals with the effects of membership on Swedish constitutional arrangements, including the executive-parliamentary relationships. This is followed by a discussion of the role of Swedish political parties and the development of public opinion towards the EU. Over time, public opinion has developed in a much more pro-EU direction. However, this does not apply to questions of further deepening of the EU or to Sweden’s accession to EMU. The issue of how Sweden cooperates with other Member States is highlighted. Sweden’s cooperation with countries in the geographical vicinity is extensive. Issues that Sweden has prioritised as an EU member include competitiveness and the internal market, climate and environmental policy, fundamental values, and the EU’s enlargement and foreign policy. Sweden has been sceptical of an increased EU budget, stronger common social and labour market policies, increased supranationalism and strengthened defence cooperation. Issues concerning the future of the EU, including questions of institutional reform, have rarely been met with greater interest in Sweden. In the light of the current discussion on enlargement and reform of the EU, it would seem logical for these issues to be given greater prominence in the Swedish debate.
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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Den Europeiske union"

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Lindvall, Nina. "Den europeiska identiteten : Komparativ studie mellan kommissionsordförande Barrosos syn på Europeisk identitet och EG/EU:s tidigare officiella hållning". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-57184.

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What is the European Union (EU) and which countries should be part of it in the future? These questions became topical during the first part of the 21st century when political and geographical changes hasten the need to decide the nature of the European cooperation. In the European Constitution, that never come into force, the European values that a key role but was taken away in the succeeding Lisbon Treaty. Nevertheless EU continues to expand, recently to the East and non-European countries asTurkey are now on the “waiting-list”. What is then the European Identity in the changedEurope of today?   The President of the Commission has during the years had great influence on EU's view upon the European identity. For example, Jacques Delors was prominent in urging for European togetherness over national borders. Still, the current president, José Manuel Barroso, has new political and geographical situations to consider. That raises the question whether this new era might have an impact upon the president’s view of the European identity.   How to relate to the European identity is something that the sociologist Gerard Delanty investigates. Foremost is his focus upon the historical rise of “Europe” and in addition the European identity effect European immigrants. Delanty has also created four models for European identity of “thick” and “thin” categories. The models systematize different views upon the European identity.   This essay investigates how these models can be used as an instrument to categorize the different views upon the European identity that has been used by official sources within EU in the past, and compare these to the view which is expressed by Barroso today. The result is that Barroso’s view upon the European identity correlates to a great extent with the view of the 1950’s and 1960’s. That is, that the European identity should be based upon moral values as democracy and human rights. In contrast, the view in the 1980’s and beginning and 1990’s was a greater focus upon similarities in ancient history and multi-cultureEurope. In this way, Barroso’s view is similar to the early EU, however, not to the more recent opinions about European culture.
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Pischner, Kim. "EU-medborgares nationella och transnationella identiteter och dess påverkan på europeisk integration : Ett socialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv på europeiskt integration". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157385.

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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of identity when it comes to European integration. Specifically, the citizen of the European Union’s identity as exclusive national or as transnational. What does the social constructivist theory say when it comes to the role of EU-citizens identity and European integration? I also want to contribute to strengthen the social constructivist theory in political science and international politics. I will examine this through a discourse analysis on four different selected materials. A campaign webpage from the Vote Leave group who ran a campaign to make the Great Britain leave the European Union, an interview the German newspaper der SPIEGEL did with Marine Le Pen who is the party leader of the French right-winged party Rassemblent National, a debate article written by the French president Emmanuel Macron and the Swedish party Liberalernas webpage campaign for the European Parliament elections 2019. I analyse how the discourse these four examples shape and creates the feeling of national or transnational identity and what the message connected to that identity-making says about European integration. With my discourse analysis and the theories of Thomas Risse and Catherine E. De Vries on social constructivism, identity and European integration I analyse and see that those who identify exclusively with a national identity are less keen on solidarity between nations, common policies and have a xenophobic view as oppose to those who have a transnational identity who are positive towards solidarity between nations, want a closer European integration and are not hostile towards migrants. I come to the conclusion that the identity of the EU-citizens is a major factor in human action, political mobilization, political action as in choosing and voting for a party, the EU-institutions way of negotiating on common political issues, public opinion and election outcomes. This means that feeling of an exclusive national or transnational identity is an important factor of European integration.
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Frost, Hedwig. "EU:s hot mot den Svenska modellen". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Ekonomihögskolan, ELNU, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-29005.

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Den Svenska modellen har gått från en omfattande lagregleringsreform på 70-talet, till ett stadigt tillstånd där bland annat rättigheter så som förenings- och förhandlingsrätt, rätten till information samt fredsplikt skyddas genom kollektivavtal. Sveriges medlemskap i Europeiska unionen innebär att staten har överfört beslutsmakt till unionen och dess institutioner, vilket gör att unionen har en överstatlig karaktär där unionsrätten går före nationell rätt vid en konfliktsituation. Genom Sveriges medlemskap i Europeiska unionen har den Svenska modellen och framför allt kollektivavtalens ställning fått en annan betydelse. En av orsaken till detta att de svenska kollektivavtalen inte uppfyller unionens krav vid implementering av direktiv, då direktiven skall omfatta alla arbetstagare och arbetsgivare. Kollektivavtalen i Sverige binder endast de parter som avtalet är slutet mellan. Då kollektivavtalen inte kan användas som ett implementeringsinstrument måste Sverige implementera direktiv från unionen genom lagstiftning, som då inbegriper alla parter på arbetsmarknaden. Det medför en ökad lagstiftningsprocess, som innebär att beslutsbefogenheterna tas från arbetsmarknadsparterna och ges till staten. Inom många länder i Europa används så kallade allmängiltiga kollektivavtal. Dessa kollektivavtal förklaras allmängiltiga av en myndighet i berört land, och inbegriper alla på arbetsmarknaden inom exempelvis en region. Denna typ av kollektivavtal återfinns inte Sverige. Det är dock en av mina slutsatser i denna uppsats, att använda sig av allmängiltiga kollektivavtal i Sverige skulle kunna innebära en upprätthållning av den Svenska modellen och kollektivavtalens status.
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Henriksson, Malin. "Informera, konsumera och röra sig fritt : en studie om kvinnors valfrihet och abortens dimensioner i den Europeiska unionen". Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Gender, Culture and History, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-366.

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The aim of this study is to describe and analyze how the European union relates to the different dimensions of abortion. What kind of problem is abortion and whose right is it? Does difference framings of the problem enable different solutions?

By analyzing debates from the European parliament through Carol Lee Bacchis method “What’s the problem approach” I have come to see that different representations of a problem changes the problem it self. This emphasis that a problem is a problem in one context, but not in an other.

Depending on the work of, among others, Barbara Hobson and Ailbhe Smyth I have focused upon the European union as a economical project, leaving social issues to national competence. This makes the EU a patriarchal project that fails to guarantee women’s rights. By not being able to assure women the right of abortion, the women of Europe is treated as second class citizens.

Through the eyes of the European union my material has shown that abortion is not only a conflict between the woman’s right to choose and the child’s right to live, but also a conflict of democracy. National sovereignty is challenged by a European citizenship of women.

The right to information and the right to freedom of movement within the EU puts the European question of abortion in a new focus. By framing the problem of abortion as a problem of mobility it enables a way of placing women’s right in the free market system. A Europe that allows women to choose where to perform an abortion, and also provide them with information on contraceptives and the morning-after pill, is a Europe that falls within the idea of the EU as a economical project.

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Lilja, Ericsson Therese. "Den svävande identiteten : En kvalitativ studie av identitetskonstruktionen i samband med debatten om det polska och turkiska medlemskapet i Europeiska unionen". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31621.

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This thesis aims to analyze the similarities and differences in how identity is constructed by the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament regarding the Polish membership and the potential Turkish membership of the European Union. The construction of identity is analyzed through a social constructivist perspective where identity is constructed by distinguishing ”us” from ”them”. The research metod used is a qualitative text analysis. The arguments of identity are taken from the Commission’s and the Council’s documents, as well as from the debates of the European Parliament. The arguments of identity refer to the official accession criterias of the European Union, as well as to inofficial criterias formulated by the members of the European Parliament. Arguments used are for example that Polish and Turkish standards are not the same as the European standard, that the European norms need to be integrated into the Polish and Turkish constitutions and that Poland and Turkey are too poor to become members of the European Union. The result also shows that the construction of a European identity built on a common culture has had the greatest impact in the European Parliament and the European Commission.
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Lööf, Michaela. "Den framtida vägen för EU:s gemensamma jordbrukspolitik". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-16968.

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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in the European Union (EU) is one of the oldest fields of cooperation within the European Union. During the past decades the different Commissioners have made several proposals about changes in the CAP and many of them have not been passed but renegotiated. The present Commission has however published a report in 2011, which emphasizes that the CAP has three alternative ways to go in the future. This study aims to predict which one of these three alternative ways it is most likely that the CAP will take according to the historical institutionalist theory. When to be able to predict this text analysis is used. The analysis tools of the study are collected from the theory, which focuses on the conceptions: critical juncture, feedback effects, path dependency and sequencing. These tools as well as the theory are applied on the empirical material, which mainly consists of books about the earlier reforms and proposals from the Commission, academical journals and some reports. The analysis shows that the Luxembourg compromise can be seen as a critical juncture in the history of the CAP and this led to a path dependency, which is characterized by a decision-making procedure by consensus between the political institutions in the EU. The analysis also shows that most of the reforms regarding the CAP, are made with some sort of compromise or consensus (the Delors I budgetary package, the Mac Sharry reforms and so on). Therefore the conclusion of the study is that, from an historical institutionalist perspective, it is more or less possible for the CAP to go with any of the alternative ways that the Commission points out in the report. It is however most likely that the second way is the most prominent one. This is because that option emphasizes that major overhauls of the policy should be made, that the measures should be more targeted, and that the spending of the CAP should be more efficient. All of these changes have been made more or less during the history of the CAP and the institutional framework therefore allows this way.
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Werdin, Sofie. "Regionalpolitisk måluppfyllelse inom Europeiska unionen : Stärker regionalprogrammet Interreg den ekonomiska och sociala sammanhållningen och bidrar med en balanserad utveckling?" Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1910.

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Abstract

The aim of this thesis is to examine Interreg as an instrument for regional policy in the European Union. Interreg is an initiative designed to strengthen economic and social cohesion throughout the European Union by fostering balanced development through cross-border, transnational and interregional cooperation. But how does it work in practise? Three main questions are asked to answer this:

How well does the implementation in the programmes work?

How does the programme management look and how well does it work?

What degree of efficiency does Interreg show in financial and physical effectiveness?

With evaluation and implementation as theories the questions are answered together with a qualitative method. The conclusions that can be drawn is that Interreg strengthen European unions economic and social cohesion in form of integration and regional development that in many ways make it easier to travel and trade over the borders. One other conclusion is that the identification between the member states grows and the borders will more and more erase. Interreg does not lead to a more balanced development in European Union because of the programmes regional structure. Some obstacles do remain and the problem with finding common structures for cooperation between states must develop for further progress.

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Lahti, Sara. "Den långsamma marschen mot Europa : En studie om europeiseringen av svenska politiska partier från 1998 till 2016". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352308.

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Denna studie undersöker europeiseringen av svenska politiska partier från 1998 till 2016. Syftet har konkretiserats i frågeställningen ”På vilka sätt har svenska politiska partiers skrivande om samt inställning till EU-medlemskapet och unionen generellt utvecklats över tid?” och dess underfråga ”Har en europeisering av dessa partier skett?”. Det empiriska materialet har erhållits med hjälp av både kvalitativ och kvantitativ ansats i form av text- och innehållsanalys, och har innefattat Vänsterpartiets, Centerpartiets och Liberalernas partiprogram och valmanifest. De mätpunkter som har varit i fokus är omfång, inställning och policy vs. polity. För att analysera materialet användes europeiseringsteorin. Studieresultaten visade att samtliga partier har europeiserats inom åtminstone en av mätpunkterna. I Vänsterpartiet syns en svag europeisering vad gäller omfånget av vilket de nämner EU eller ord kopplade till unionen, i Centerpartiet syns en europeisering vad gäller inställningen till EU och det svenska medlemskapet och i Liberalerna syns en svag europeisering vad gäller inställningen till EU och det svenska medlemskapet såväl som vad gäller indelningen av olika politikområden kontra unionen i sig. Slutsatserna som dragits är att Europeiska unionen alltså har påverkat de svenska politiska partierna, men att denna europeisering tar tid och är väldigt varierande beroende på parti, mätpunkt och årtal.
This study examines the Europeanisation of Swedish political parties from 1998 to 2016. The purpose has been concretised in the research question “In what ways have the Swedish political parties’ writing of and attitude towards the EU-membership and the Union in general developed over time?” and its sub question “Has a Europeanisation of these parties occurred?”. The empirical material has been obtained by both a qualitative and a quantitative approach in the form of text and content analyses, and has included the Left Party’s, the Centre Party’s and the Liberals’ party platforms and manifestos. The measurement points that have been in focus are range, attitude and policy vs. polity. To analyse the material the Europeanisation theory was used. The study results showed that all parties have been Europeanised in at least one of the measurement points. In the Left Party a weak Europeanisation regarding the range of which they mention the EU or words linked to the Union was visible, in the Centre Party a Europeanisation regarding the attitude towards EU and the Swedish membership was visible and in the Liberals a weak Europeanisation regarding the attitude towards EU and the Swedish membership as well as regarding the dividing of different political areas contra the Union itself was visible. The conclusions that have been drawn are that the European Union thus have affected the Swedish political parties, but that this Europeanisation takes time and is very varying depending on party, measurement point and year.
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Adolfsson, Rebecca. "EU:s gemensamma handelspolitik före och efter Lissabonfördraget : En jämförande studie av EU:s normativa makt genom den gemensamma handelspolitiken". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-43299.

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This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?   In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.   The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.
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10

Said, Robert, e Adela Rivero. "Turkish Trade Flow and the EU : A study of a potential membership". Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Economics, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1157.

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Resumo:

This bachelor thesis examines how the trade flow of Turkey would change if the country becomes a member in the EU. This is done by analysing the Turkish trade flow with the EU and ROW over the period 1995 – 2005. The main question is if trade creation and trade diversion occurs?

The model used in this paper is a gravity model influenced by Soloaga and Winters (2000) gravity model. To be able to answer the purpose of this paper we used a crosssectional regression and base our analysis on our results.

The conclusion of this paper is that Turkey’s trade flow with the EU will increase if full-membership is accomplished. This leads to trade diversion and trade creation towards the other members-states within EU. We see Turkey as the key to the door for Middle Eastern countries and the EU; this implies that if Turkey becomes a member-state in EU, the trade could increase between these two continents.


Denna kandidatuppsats undersöker huruvida Turkiets handelsflöde kan förändras av ett eventuellt Europeiskt medlemskap. Det är gjort genom att analysera Turkiets handelstrend under perioden 1995 – 2005. Huvudfrågan är huruvida handelsfördelning och handelsökning sker?

Modellen som används i uppsatsen är en gravitations modell influerad av Soloaga och Winters (2000) gravitations modell. För att kunna besvara syftet i uppsatsen har vi använt oss av en tvärsnittsregression och baserat analysen på resultaten.

Sammanfattningsvis ser man att Turkiets handelsflöde med EU ökar av ett eventuellt medlemskap i EU. Detta leder till handelsökning samt handelsfördelning gentemot nuvarande medlemmar. Vi anser även att Turkiet är nyckeln Mellanöstern samt EU, vilket innebär att fullt medlemskap ökar handeln mellan dessa två kontinenter.

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Livros sobre o assunto "Den Europeiske union"

1

1931-, Sæter Martin, Norsk utenrikspolitisk institutt e Norway Statssekretarutvalget for Europa-utredningen, eds. Karakteren av Den europeiske union. [Oslo]: Norsk utenrikskpolitisk institutt, 1992.

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2

EU, Nei til, ed. Norge og EU: Virkninger av medlemskap i Den europeiske union. [Oslo]: Nei til EU, 1994.

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3

Eriksen, Tore Linné. Den europeiske unionen, Loméavtalen og Afrika: En oversikt og en kommentert bibliografi. Oslo: Norsk utenrikspolitisk institutt, 1996.

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4

Erik, Dølvik Jon, ed. Fagbevegelsen, EØS og den europeiske union: En utredning om fagbevegelsens vilkår i EØS og EU. Oslo: FAFO, 1994.

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5

Ann-Marie, Lidmark, e Sweden Statens naturvårdsverk, eds. Sverige och den europeiska miljöpolitiken. Solna: Naturvårdsverket, 1993.

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6

Utrikesdepartementet, Sweden, ed. Sveriges medlemskap i den Europeiska unionen. [Stockholm]: Utrikesdepartementet, 1994.

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7

1952-, Andersen Svein S., Eliassen Kjell A e Handelshøyskolen BI. Senter for europeiske studier., eds. Det nye Europa: Den europeiske unions institusjoner og politikk. [Oslo]: Tano, 1992.

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8

Utrikesdepartementet, Sweden, ed. Sveriges medlemskap i den Europeiska unionen: Preliminär svensk avtalstext. [Stockholm]: Utrikesdepartementet, 1994.

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9

Utrikesdepartementet, Sweden, ed. Sveriges medlemskap i den Europeiska unionen: Remissyttranden över departementspromemorian (Ds 1994:48). [Stockholm]: Utrikesdepartementet, 1994.

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10

Sourander, Dag. liberte d'etablissement EU-lexikon: Den europeiska integrationen från A till Ö. [Stockholm]: MånPocket, 1994.

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