Bibliografias temáticas / Democratic Socialist Movement (Nigeria)

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Democratic Socialist Movement (Nigeria)"

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Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Democratic Socialist Movement (Nigeria)"

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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "Karol Marks i marksizm w refleksjach Adama Ciołkosza — emigracyjnego socjalisty demokratycznego". Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 25 (31 de outubro de 2018): 180–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.25.12.

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Karl Marx and Marxism in the refl ections of Adam Ciołkosz — emigratory democratic socialistAdam Ciołkosz belongs to the most significant figures of the socialist movement. His political and journalistic activity in the interwar period is only known partially. Only his emigration stay in the United Kingdom in the years 1940–1978 resulted in dynamic development and political activity.Because he was an authentic democratic socialist, he used to protest against communistic ideology. The analysis of his rich work permits to notice some innovative changes, which took place in the last halfcentury in the European and Polish socialist movement.Since A. Ciołkosz was inspired by those changes, he dwelled on the authentic role of Carl Marx in the labour movement as well as his influence on the development of socialist and communistic ideology.
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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz". Polish Political Science Review 6, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.

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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).
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Einhorn, Barbara. "Socialist Emancipation: the Women's Movement in the German Democratic Republic". East Central Europe 14, n.º 1 (1987): 211–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633087x00098.

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Haydanka, Ye I. "State Regime Liberalization in Conditions of Crisis of Socialism: Slovak Context (mid-1980s—1992)". Nauchnyi dialog 1, n.º 8 (31 de agosto de 2020): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-367-382.

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The article deals with the transformation of the Slovak state regime in the period of changes in the system of socialist governance in the mid-1980s — 1992. It is determined that the historical period of liberalization of the Communist regime had a significant impact on the further success of democratic transformations. The subject of the analysis was the public and Church opposition in socialist Slovakia. The fact of the ideological evolution of the opposition movement “Public against violence” has been established. It is noted that the movement for independence in Slovakia in 1989—1992, which was initiated by the Slovak elite led by Vladimir Mechiyar, significantly reduced the intensity of the democratic transition. It is claimed that in the first half of the 1990s Vladimir Mechiyar built a strong vertical of Executive power, supported by the dominance of the Movement for a democratic Slovakia in the Parliament. It is emphasized that the first competitive parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 1990 and 1992 failed to stabilize the socio-political situation in the country, despite the intensive development of multiparty systems.
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Sesay, Amadu, e Charles Ukeje. "The West and Elections in Nigeria". Issue 27, n.º 1 (1999): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503096.

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The end of the cold war has made democratization, and its barest essential component elections, imperative for all nondemocratic forms of government. This is to be expected, given the dismal failure of the socialist alternative even in the first socialist country, the former Soviet Union. The United States, which is not only the foremost democracy in the world but also the only superpower, has been in the vanguard of democracy salesmanship. Africa, the continent with the least democratic space, has not been left out, as witnessed by President Bill Clinton’s unprecedented tour of the continent in March 1998.Understandably, Nigeria, arguably the most important country in Africa, was left out of the tour, since it was then under the obnoxious, undemocratic, and oppressive military regime of the late General Sani Abacha.
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Sesay, Amadu, e Charles Ukeje. "The West and Elections in Nigeria". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27, n.º 1 (1999): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500005874.

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The end of the cold war has made democratization, and its barest essential component elections, imperative for all nondemocratic forms of government. This is to be expected, given the dismal failure of the socialist alternative even in the first socialist country, the former Soviet Union. The United States, which is not only the foremost democracy in the world but also the only superpower, has been in the vanguard of democracy salesmanship. Africa, the continent with the least democratic space, has not been left out, as witnessed by President Bill Clinton’s unprecedented tour of the continent in March 1998. Understandably, Nigeria, arguably the most important country in Africa, was left out of the tour, since it was then under the obnoxious, undemocratic, and oppressive military regime of the late General Sani Abacha.
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Barnes, Christopher C. "Democratic Socialists on Social Media: Cohesion, Fragmentation, and Normative Strategies". tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, n.º 1 (13 de janeiro de 2020): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1136.

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This essay focuses on members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) political organisation in the US and the ambivalence of using social media as a primary means of communication for socialist information and culture. Relying on in-depth interviews with fifteen active members and leaders in DSA, this essay asks: How does socialist communication on social media encourage both cohesion and fragmentation for activists within the DSA? Locating and analysing key tensions felt by DSA members in response to their use of Facebook and Twitter, this project sheds light on the ways in which socialism is presently communicated to publics and counterpublics and identifies important challenges for the expansion of the socialist movement.
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Enkhtur, Munkh-Uchral. "The Making and Remaking of a National People’s Hero and Exemplar in Mongolia’s Socialist, Nationalist and Democratic Mobilisations". Inner Asia 23, n.º 2 (18 de novembro de 2021): 190–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340171.

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Abstract This paper examines the case of Ard Ayush [the commoner Ayush], a widely recognised national hero constructed in the socialist movement and an exemplar who survived the post-socialist rejection of socialist heroes and was reconstructed within the post-socialist democratic and nationalist movements. The paper’s title borrows the notion of a ‘national people’ from David Sneath and the notion of the ‘exemplar’ from Caroline Humphrey. Extending Sneath’s discussion of ard [commoner and/or people] and ard tümen [national people], this paper shows how the concept of ard that was constructed through the use of exemplars has become ard tümen. Then, extending Humphrey’s discussion of the moral influence of exemplars, this paper shows how some exemplars constructed during socialism helped the socialist government shape and govern a national people.
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Marks, Gary, Heather A. D. Mbaye e Hyung Min Kim. "Radicalism or Reformism? Socialist Parties before World War I". American Sociological Review 74, n.º 4 (agosto de 2009): 615–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240907400406.

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This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of socialist links with labor unions were decisive for reformism or radicalism. Refining Lipset's prior analysis, we qualify his claim that male suffrage provides a key to socialist orientation.
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Tsalikis, George. "Evaluation of the Socialist Health Policy in Greece". International Journal of Health Services 18, n.º 4 (outubro de 1988): 543–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/m3te-l30h-tyhw-hkqh.

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Following seven years of military rule and seven years of “democratic restoration” under the Right, Greece is now sailing under the flag of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK). The Movement was inspired by the ideals of participatory democracy and socialization of the economy and of social services. A central part of socialist planning brought about the National Health System Act (1983) and related legislation intended to universalize health care, remove disparities, and restrict the private sector. It is argued here that the implementation of PASOK's statutory reforms in this field, as in others, will be subject to its ability to transform traditional patterns of production and consumption. As is now increasingly understood, it is hard to plan for socialism on the basis of wants provisions and patterns of consumption established under capitalism.
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Mais fontes

Livros sobre o assunto "Democratic Socialist Movement (Nigeria)"

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Edward, Olszewski, ed. Social democratic movement and ideology: Yesterday and today. Lublin: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Sklodowskiej, 2002.

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O, Sokunbi, Jeminiwa O, Onaeko F. B e Onaeko F. B, eds. Trade unions and the democratic process in Nigeria. Ilorin, Nigeria: Michael Imoudu Institute for Labour Studies, 1996.

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3

Chaube, Santwana Tewari. Democratic movement in Nepal and the Indian left. Delhi: Kalinga Publications, 2001.

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4

Oguejiofor, Okafor Victor, ed. Nigeria's stumbling democracy and its implications for Africa's democratic movement. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2008.

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5

Edremoda, Kehinde. Party building in Nigeria: Building the DA as a revolutionary party : being papers presented at orientation courses organized by the Nigerian Peoples Institute for Democracy (NIPID), Party School of the Democratic Alternative (DA). Abuja: Democratic Alternative, 2009.

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6

Okwechime, Abdul, e Alkasum Abba. The right to choose: The M. D. Yusufu presidential campaign against General Sani Abacha, 1997-1998. Editado por Yusufu, Mohammed Dikko, 1931-2015, interviewee e Abdullahi Smith Centre for Historical Research. Zaria, Nigeria: Abdullahi Smith Centre for Historical Research, 2018.

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7

Oude Nijhuis, Dennie. Religion, Class, and the Postwar Development of the Dutch Welfare State. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462986411.

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This book examines how the Netherlands managed to create and maintain one of the world’s most generous and inclusive welfare systems despite having been dominated by Christian-democratic or ŸconservativeŒ, rather than socialist dominated governments, for most of the post-war period. It emphasizes that such systems have strong consequences for the distribution of income and risk among different segments of society and argues that they could consequently only emerge in countries where middle class groups were unable to utilize their key electoral and strong labor market position to mobilize against the adverse consequences of redistribution for them. By illustrating their key role in the coming about of solidaristic welfare reform in the Netherlands, the book also offers a novel view of the roles of Christian-democracy and the labor union movement in the development of modern welfare states. By highlighting how welfare reform contributed to the employment miracle of the 1990s, the book sheds new light on how countries are able to combine high levels of welfare generosity and solidarity with successful macro-economic performance.
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Nigeria on a cliff edge: Sharp working class policies and strategy needed to prevent total ruin. Agege, Lagos [Nigeria]: Democratic Socialist Movement, 2010.

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9

Shankar, Girija. Democratic Socialist Movement in India ; A History of Socialist Party (1947-52). Vishvabharti Publications, 2005.

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10

Okafor, Victor Oguejiofor. Nigeria's Stumbling Democracy and Its Implications for Africa's Democratic Movement. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2008.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Democratic Socialist Movement (Nigeria)"

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Moschonas, Gerassimos. "The Panhellenic Socialist Movement". In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 110–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_9.

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Yang, Guangbin. "The Collapse and Realignment of World Political System: Socialist Movement, National and Democratic Movements". In The Historical Dynamics of Chinese Politics, 49–52. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1392-1_10.

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Brauer, Juliane. "Feeling Political by Collective Singing: Political Youth Organizations in Germany, 1920–1960". In Feeling Political, 277–306. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_10.

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AbstractThis chapter explores the culture of singing in youth organizations, a seemingly non-political institution, which, through its capacity to create a community, was used for spreading political feelings and messages. Communal singing was one of the main practices in youth organizations of the twentieth century. Singing specific songs made it possible for young people to learn political emotions and attitudes. Singing in a community could convey desired values, attitudes, and emotions and, ideally, harmonize them. The song Wann wir schreiten Seit’ an Seit’ (When we stride side by side, 1913) was the most important song of the social democratic youth movement in the 1920s, subsequently adapted and modified by the Hitler Youth during the National Socialist era, and later sung by youth organizations in both Germanies. Its history shows how the repeated, communal singing of certain songs, even in very different contexts, could establish political emotions such as hope for a better future.
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Tausch, Arno. "The Empirical Results of Our Empirical Study". In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 45–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_5.

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AbstractThe study clearly shows that identification with Turkey and Iran, with a political Islam that also influences elections and results in a theocracy, promotes religious and gender discrimination and advocates an Islamist interpretation of Islam, are very much the most important, interrelated syndromes of political Islam, which together explain more than 50% of the total variance of the 24 model variables used. If the states of Europe want to win the fight against jihadism, they must work closely with the moderate Arab states, such as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other Arab Gulf states, and be aware that, on a population-weighted basis, 41% of all Arabs now view the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the strongest and most coherent force in political Islam today, negatively or very negatively. According to the data brought to light here, only 7% of people in the Arab world now have a high level of trust in their country's Islamist movement, while 14% have some trust, 19% have little trust, but 60% have no trust. Our overall index—Overcoming political Islam shows that Morocco and Tunisia are the top performers, while Iraq and Sudan bring up the rear. Following an important study by Falco and Rotondi (2016), we also explore the question of whether political Islam is more prevalent or less prevalent among the more than 20% of the Arab population who plan to emigrate in the coming years than among the population as a whole. Far from feeding alarmist horror scenarios, our evaluation shows firstly that Falco and Rotondi (2016) are correct in their thesis that among potential migrants to the West, political Islam is certainly less pronounced than among the Arab population as a whole. On a population-weighted basis, only 13.11% of potential migrants to the West openly state that they trust the country-specific Islamist movement. In the second part of our empirical evaluations, we explore religiously motivated political extremism (RMPE) by international comparison on the basis of the following items of the World Values Survey, which are sparse but nevertheless available on this topic: The proportion of the global population who favour religious authorities in interpreting the law while accepting political violence is alarmingly high in various parts of the world and is raising fears of numerous conflicts in the coming years in an increasingly unstable world system. It amounts to more than half of the adult population in Tajikistan (the international record holder), and Malaysia and some non-Muslim-majority countries. In many countries, including NATO and EU member states, it is an alarming 25–50%, and we mention here the Muslim-majority countries Iraq, Lebanon, Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Nigeria and Indonesia. It is 15–25% even in core countries of the Western security architecture, but also in the Muslim-majority countries: Pakistan, Iran and Tunisia. Only in the best-ranked countries, among them the Muslim-majority countries Albania, Egypt, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan and Jordan, the potentially fatal combination of mixing religion and law and accepting political violence has a relatively small following of less than 15%. In the sense of the theses of the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.
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Dorrien, Gary. "Social Gospel Socialism, the Labor Movement, and the Socialist Party". In American Democratic Socialism, 42–119. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253764.003.0002.

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The Socialist Party, founded in 1901, was a wondrous stew of radical democrats, neo-abolitionists, Marxists, social gospel Christians, populists, feminists, trade unionists, industrial unionists, Single Taxers, social democrats, anarcho-syndicalists, and Fabians. Its leader, Eugene Debs, was eloquent, radical, courageous, very emotional, charismatic, sentimental, and inimitable, with a large and needy ego, enthralling teeming crowds year after year, espousing a magical idea of socialist deliverance: socialism is the only answer to every social problem.
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"Social Gospel Socialism, the Labor Movement, and the Socialist Party". In American Democratic Socialism, 42–119. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1vbd123.6.

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Dorrien, Gary. "Radical Democracy, Jewish Universalism, and Social Democracy". In American Democratic Socialism, 1–41. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253764.003.0001.

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The American democratic socialist tradition began with radical democrats of the early American Republic, acquired movement infrastructure with the founding of the Knights of Labor and the Socialist Party, and established a socialist flank in the American Federation of Labor. Scholarship on American socialism has been overdetermined by two contrasting ways of looking down on it represented by Ira Kipnis and Daniel Bell, and has persistently underestimated the importance of religious socialism, through which most of the early movement’s female and African American socialists came into the movement.
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"2. Social Gospel Socialism, the Labor Movement, and the Socialist Party". In American Democratic Socialism, 42–119. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300262360-004.

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Dorrien, Gary. "New Left, Old Left, and Michael Harrington". In American Democratic Socialism, 362–459. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253764.003.0006.

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The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove out the party’s Dixiecrat flank. They said the Democratic Party was becoming a labor party in disguise. Meanwhile the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society called for a New Left, lumping together communists and anticommunist socialists as the Old Left. The left broke apart in the 1960s over the exotic turmoil of the antiwar, wave two feminist, Black Power, and Third World revolutionary movements. Two new Socialist organizations arose in response: the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the New American Movement. In 1982 they merged to form Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).
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Lane, David. "Socialist Visions". In Global Neoliberal Capitalism and the Alternatives, 59–73. Policy Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529220902.003.0004.

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Chapter 4, Socialist Visions, outlines ideas that have driven the socialist movement – both social democratic and socialist. Whereas liberalism in is various forms was grounded on the rights of individuals, socialism promotes collective rights, which in turn liberate individuals. Socialism is a social and political system that is predicated on the universal fulfilment of human needs, which can only be met by the attainment of three other objectives: public property, social equality and a classless society. Two distinct approaches to socialism are delineated, social democracy and socialism. which have remained the two foremost adversaries of capitalism. The views of Durkheim, Mill, Marx and Engels are contrasted. The practice of state socialism and the planned socialist economy is considered an alternative to liberal competitive capitalism and social democratic welfarist forms of capitalism. Social democracy and socialism have a collectivist, rather than an individualistic, frame of reference.
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Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Democratic Socialist Movement (Nigeria)"

1

Kenes, Bulent. NMR: A Nordic neo-Nazi organization with aims of establishing totalitarian rule across Scandinavia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), abril de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0008.

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Right-wing extremism and national socialism (Nazism) are not a new phenomenon in Sweden. White supremacists or neo-Nazis have a long history in the country. Nordic Resistance Movement (Nordiska motståndsrörelsen, NMR) rests on this century-long history of Swedish Nazi and Neonazi activism. Including racism, antisemitism, anti-immigration, and anti-globalisation stances with violent tendencies, NMR which aims to overthrow the democratic order in the Nordic region and establish a national socialist state, has become the primary force of white power in Sweden and other Nordic countries.
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