Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Conseils de guerre"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 50 melhores trabalhos (teses / dissertações) para estudos sobre o assunto "Conseils de guerre".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja as teses / dissertações das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
Bourrinet, Philippe. "Aux origines du courant communiste international des conseils : la Gauche communiste hollandaise (1907-1950) : du tribunisme au conseillisme". Paris 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA010553.
Texto completo da fonteThe 'dutch marxist school', a revolutionary current represented most by gorter and pannekoek, arrose at the turn of the century. In opposition to the 'reformism' and 'opportunism' of the 2. International, it was first supported by lenin, before he rebuffed them in 1920. During the german revolution (1918-21), they became the theoretical leaders of the "councils movement" (aau, kapd), standing up against unionism and parlamentarism. This communist 'dutch-german' left - hostile to the russian state policy - was expelled from komintern in 1921. The council communist current fought the 'party communism' and the 'state communism'. After 1933 this one 'withdrew' to the netherlands and took over the theoretical head of the concilist groups who had escaped from the german catastrophe. Hostile to any political organization, the dutch gic of pannekoek and canne-meijer disappeared in 1940. Despite a short revival in 1945 (spartacusbond), the dutch 'councilism' little by little faded away. After 1968 the councilism had a significant ideological influence by its rejection of all political and trade unionist apparatus of the 'old workers' movement', which the rank and file of the workers often criticise. 'Councilism' today has many similarities with the old anarchist current
Guelton, Frédéric. "Le général Weygand, vice-président du Conseil supérieur de la Guerre, 1931-1935". Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010617.
Texto completo da fonteThe aim of this thesis is to answer the following question : "was general Weygand, the vice-president of the war superior council between 1931 and 1935, a spectator, a walk-on or an actor on the french military and political scene?" to answer this question, general Weygand's personality within his human, political and military environment is studied first. Then, his strategie ideas and concepts are examined in order to determine whether ornot they were innovative and futuristic. Next the war superior council is examined to study its organisation and function, from its creation up to 1935, through general Weygand's action during all the meetings that took place between 1930 and 1935. Its real role and effect upon the french military policy are measured. Lastly a study of all the most important exercises organised by this superior council is used to determine the main strategic and tactical choices made by the french general staff. Our research has been enlarged to the steps taken by general Weygand to the benefit of the amy. Therefore the influence of economic, financial and budgetary questions upon the modernisation of the army are studied within the frame of a worldwide economic crisis. Attention is focused on the equipment of the army and the great question of motorisation and mechanisation. Lastly, general Weygand's concept and ideas about the national defense policy are studied logether with the organisation and the evolution of the army as part of the french armed forces. The organisation of the general staff, of its command structure and its links with the government have led. .
Riondet, Charles. "Le Comité parisien de la libération et les comités locaux de libération de la Seine". Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080004/document.
Texto completo da fonteThe Paris Committee of Liberation is the institution in charge of the coordination of the Resistance efforts and the preparation of the seizure of power in the department of the Seine. Established in October 1943, the CPL is all his life long torn between its local prerogatives and the national dimension of its territory. The coordination of various stakeholders with different and even contradictory goals and practices also determine the CPL actions, particularly the opposition between communists and non-communists. The CPL is also controlled by supervisory authorities, the CNR and the General Delegation of the CFLN. During the insurrection of August 1944, these contradictions threaten to destroy the unity within the CPL, then going through his most serious crisis.However, the CPL is the main architect of the taking over of power in the town councils of Paris and the suburbs. The CPL is the creator of local committees in each district and each municipality of the department. Between the 19th and the 24th of August 1944, those committes took over the municipal power without difficulty, which was an undeniable political success.A period of upheavals follows the insurrection, as the CPL and the CLL become major actors in the restoration of republican institutions, but are also in charge of the public authority in a difficult context. The municipal elections of April-May 1945 put an end to their official existence. Despite the will of some of the CPL and CLL members to keep on influencing the political life, their role is going to gradually decrease until their disappearance or their transformation into societies in charge of the remembrance of the Resistance
Seve, Fabrice. "Le conseil de guerre : illustration de l'organisation d'une juridiction répressive par la monarchie administrative". Paris 10, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA100090.
Texto completo da fonteThe war council symbolises the means which the high monarchical administration created and developped. During the second half of the XVIII century, a re-pressive juridiction. The administrative monarchy, within the military society, implements some principles that won't materialisze before the kingship's fall. Through some legislative texts, the monarchic power sets up the procedure in force in front of this jurisdiction but, above all, and for the first time before the revo-lution, it organizes a consistent system in which reprehensive behaviours and punishments are determined by the law. Within this system the fonction of the judge, who is not a professional magistrats but a military, is simply to read the law and to bring it as it is written. This is an absolute negation of the "arbitraire" principle in force in the civil society. So the war council organization is the first know ap-plication of the " legalite des delits et des peines " principle
Saihi, Majouba. "Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies et le droit de l'occupation de guerre". Toulouse 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011TOU10022.
Texto completo da fonteThe Security Council is the primary body of the UN system responsible for peacekeeping and international security. In cases when Security Council members are themselves perpetrators of international law violations one could conclude that this political body has difficulties infulfilling its mandate. The danger exists that Security Council members in violation of international law will implicate the Security Council in justifying illegal decisions. The violation of international law by a Security Council member therefore requires a legal mechanism to limit the powers of this body. This is particularly relevant for cases of occupation involving its permanent members, or, when the Security Council creates or authorizes large-scale peace-keeping operations folllowing an armed conflict involving its own members. In order to limit the powers of the Security Council, this study proposes to impose a legal regime of administration as stipulated by the IV (1907) Hague and the 4th 1949 Geneva Convention, according to which the Security Council intervenes when a territory is administrated by one of its permanent members. The authorization by the Security Council of peace-keeping operations, such as transitional civil administration or multinational peace-keeping force mandated to use force, following an armed conflict involving its own members, opens the debate of their regulation. Consequently a progressive interpretation of occupation as defined by the IV (1907) Hague and the 4th 1949 Geneva Convention is porposed in order to encompass new forms of peaceful occupations which contain clear similitaries with military occupations
Hervé, Michel. "Une bataille jugée : la défaite des Saintes (12 avril 1782 ) et le Conseil de guerre de Lorient". Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040079.
Texto completo da fonteThe battle at the Saintes opposed the British and French fleets on April 12, 1782. The French navy was commended by comte de Grasse who has been famous the preceding year in the Chesapeake bay, by beating admiral Graves. Thanks to this victory, Yorktown was occupied and the United States win independency. In 1782 the British navy will get their revenge and Admiral Rodney will defeat de Grasse who was getting prepared to invade Jamaica. Back in Versailles, De Grasse to justify himself accused his squadron commanders Vaudreuil and Bougainville to have disobeyed his orders. A war council was then installed by Louis XVI. Three hundred and four sailors will then summoned to Lorient as witnesses, and each of them will try and justify his conduct. After three months of trial, Bougainville was the only one condemned, and all the other officers were acquitted. De Grasse was the real loser of the trial. He was forbidden to command a ship again and during a century years he was disgraced in the French navy. But the Americans and Washington will always pay tribute to him
Battais, Boris. "La justice militaire en temps de paix : L’activité judiciaire du conseil de guerre de Tours (1875-1913)". Thesis, Angers, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ANGE0033/document.
Texto completo da fonteThe historical field of military justice is rarely explored even by specialists of justice in France. Recent research on this subject has revealed however that genuine historiographical issues are at stake. Taking the judicial activity of the WarCouncil of Tours between 1875 and 1913 as a starting point, the debate returns to the reform of military justice which had an impact on French political life especially from the Dreyfus affair to the Great War. These debates, which were not uniquely French, were particularly lively in Parliament and among societies such as the Société Générale des Prisons. They pointed out the numerous dysfunctions of unconventional justice and led to many bills of parliament between 1898 and 1913. Based on the judgement records and open case files of the War Council of Tours, this study follows the path of military procedure. It looks into the legitimacy of military justice during the first decades of the Third Republic, the competence of military courts in time of peace, investigation, the defendants’ offences, hearing procedures, procedural guarantees,sentences given and their execution. Taking judiciary practices as a focus, it studies the different ways of resolving conflict within the army (infra-judicial, discipline and justice) together with repressive logic and strategies to regulate heavy penalties, considered or denounced as such in particular
Khalouzadeh, Saeed. "Le rôle du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies lors des conflits irako-iranien (1980-1988) et irako-koweitien (1990-1991) : une analyse comparée". Paris 10, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA100134.
Texto completo da fonteIran-Iraq war and Iraq-Kuwait war were initiated by Iraq and base on Saddam's will, who tried to convent the Iraq to strongest power in Persian Gulf. On august 2°d 1990 while Iraq decided to invade Kuwait, there wasn't a concurrence between East and West and meanwhile, United Nations had been released from competition. Analysing of decisions made by Security Council regarding 2 Persian Gulf crisis are the main theme of this study. The subjects such as breach of the peace and international security, functions and jurisdiction of S. C. , Iran-Iraq & Iraq-Kuwait border conflicts, initiation and ending of Iran-Iraq & Iraq-Kuwait war, cease-fire, violation of international law and humanitarian law, responsibility to the conflict, loss and casualty, use of chemical weapons, UN sanctions, position of 5 permanent member of Security Council, Secretary General, European and Arab countries, end of cold war, the new international order and, US leadership etc. In the course of two decades of 80 and 90 have been reviewed
Zuedzang, Jean de Dieu. "Les membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité de l'organisation des Nations Unies et les opérations de maintien de la paix depuis la guerre froide". Reims, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000REIMD010.
Texto completo da fonteHabibi, Homayoun. "La notion de menace contre la paix en droit international". Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010280.
Texto completo da fonteFernández, Conti Santiago. "Los Consejos de Estado y guerra de la monarquía hispana en tiempos de Felipe II : 1548-1598 /". [Valladolid] : Junta de Castilla y León, Consejería de educación y cultura, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40027701v.
Texto completo da fonteAbass, Abou. "Les actions autoritaires du Conseil de sécurité en Afrique depuis la fin de la guerre froide : sanctions, activités à caractère militaire et action pénale". Aix-Marseille 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007AIX32032.
Texto completo da fonteAs the UN organ in charge of the primary responsibility for the maintenance of the international peace and security, the Security Council has important powers. It is competent to conduct two main types of actions : cooperative or consensual actions consisting in activities of the maintenance of international peace and security which the Council takes on a purely cooperative and consensual basis, from one hand, and authority actions whose main features reside in the facts that they are conducted in application of the coercive powers of the Council, on discretional and unilateral backgrounds, and that their validity does not depend on any recent consent of subjects external to the Council. As a result of the blockages the Council has experimented during the Cold War, recourse to the authority actions has been rather scarce in the its practice during this period. Since its reactivation at the beginning the 1990s, the Council has taken a big number of authority actions in different regions of the Word, especially in Africa which has become a privileged ground of action of the UN. Through this dissertation, we have tried to see whether the socio-political realities of the African regional order confer to the relevant UN actions some specificity, and thus verify if the application of the secondary law represented by the relevant resolutions of the Security Council related to Africa has some specificities directly resulting from the said realties. To answer these questions, we have first onceptualised the notion of authority actions, before identifying the African regional order and its particularities, showing the actuality of the subject and, particularly by making a detailed study of the relevant authority actions : sanctions, military activities and prosecution of international crimes. The final conclusion is that, if the authority actions of the Council are not totally deprived of originalities, these do not go as far as constitutingsubstantial legal specificities. Rather, they are only limited to some incidental specificities dictated by the necessity of adapting the UN operational actions to some socio-political realities of the African regional order : multiplicity of conflicts, complexity and increasing regionalisation of African conflicts; existence of an important demand for UN interventions; and the place occupied by Africa in the priorities of the Security Council. Hence, the specificities of the Security Council’s authority actions in Africa are rather marginal. They are incidental and not juridical. Last, the halftone balance of the relevant actions reflects the same tendencies as in the equivalent actions related to other regions of the globe, all of this contributing to make these actions relatively unspecific
Debié, Franck. "Une géopolitique de la paix : la gestion des crises par le Conseil de Sécurité (1988-1995)". Paris 4, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA040002.
Texto completo da fonteGeopolitics provides an interesting approach to Security Council behavior after the end of god war (1988-1995). A geopolitical debate on peace takes place within member states. Governments take into account that debate and try to answer public opinion demand for peace. At Security Council level, geopolitics of peace bears a strong influence on the location of interventions and the management of crisis and operations. It is responsible for changes in peacekeeping by the United Nations
Al, Miah Emmanuel. "La prise en compte des conflits asymétriques au Moyen-Orient par le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies au 21e siècle. Le cas de l'Irak, de la Syrie et de la Libye". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAD005.
Texto completo da fonteIn a confrontational climate marked by an unprecedented warlike evolution, the UN Security Council is struggling to impose peace in Iraq, Syria and Libya. The Middle East traces the incompatibilities and inadequacies that international law faces.For nearly two decades, the chronic instability has gradually taken hold of our three-case analysis to deliver an elusive transnational terrorism. Its indefiniteness is complex to encompass the aspirations of every layer of society, but even more so the intrusion of third states into internal practice.Observe the decline of Iraq, Syria and Libya is to adopt a wide angle of view to recognize the transition of these formerly rogue states to the advent of their bankruptcies. Western interventionism is consubstantial, we can refer to the illegal 2003 intervention in Iraq, but other factors come protean increase the security failure of the mentioned states.Indeed, the census of conflicts in Iraq, Syria and Libya demonstrates an asymmetrical practice naively opposing the weak to the strong. However, the observed asymmetry is drowning in the meanders of a regional interventionist and warmongering practice. In other words, the proxy struggle of the various regional and international blocs takes the form of an asymmetrical opposition without recognizing the substance.In addition, the asymmetrical conflictuality in Iraq, Syria and Libya is only the praise of contemporary Realpolitik, where the non-state actor becomes the instrument of a regal power.In this world where the drift is customary, where the UN system seems fragmented, it emerges a grid of neuralgic analysis to the full capture of the contemporary stakes in the Middle East: the politico-legal approach
Arias, Quispe Wilbert. "La Prueba indiciaria y la importancia de su aplicación en la justicia militar". Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/3321.
Texto completo da fonteTesis
Guillot, Philippe. "Les membres permanents du Conseil de Sécurité de l'Organisation des Nations Unies et les opérations de maintien de la paix (jusqu’à la disparition de l'Union des républiques socialistes soviétiques)". Rouen, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994ROUEL183.
Texto completo da fonteThe system of collective security laid down in the United Nations charter was precluded by the cold war. A substitute was found : peacekeeping operations. Cold war regulatory mechanism, these operations have become with the end of the east-west rivalry a tool for an emerging world directorate of the security council permanent members. Peacekeeping operations outside the United Nations framework tend to prevent the security council from interfering in internal conflicts. First prohibited by the Secretary-general Hammarskjoeld, permanent members' participation in United Nations Organization's peacekeeping operations underlines the permanent member's increasing role in the management of situations of conflict
Godard, Simon. "Construire le "Bloc" par l'économie : configuration des territoires et des identités socialistes au Conseil d'Aide Economique Mutuelle (CAEM) : 1949-1989". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010617.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis contributes to the knowledge about the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon, CMEA), the little-known international organization of the socialist world-system, from 1949 to 1991. Unlike most historical monographs analysing the individual member States’ contribution to Comecon activities, this study draws on different archive materials – from Comecon itself, the GDR, the Stasi and the UN. Analysing Comecon through the prism of the networks of actors that emerged in the institutional framework it provided, it is the very notion of an Eastern “bloc” that is questioned. The organization was a showcase of the cohesion and solidarity of the socialist world during the Cold War. The study deals with its role in a space under construction and seeking legitimation in the second half of the 20th century. It first casts a light on the role of Comecon in the economic relations of the socialist countries. The organization developed its own model of an international socialist economy. However, a strategic decoupling appeared between the importance of Comecon in the symbolic competition with the capitalist world and its helplessness to ensure the modernization of socialist economies. The study of the spatialization of the “bloc”, the structuration of expert networks beyond the national boarders and the production of discourses on international socialist economy leads to a transnational socio-histoire of specific Comecon agents. Comecon servants counted among the few people in the socialist world, who were able to develop a transnational acculturation that allowed them to truly consider the “bloc” as an appropriated term of reference and space of development
Sahli, Ridha. "Les conséquences de la crise et de la guerre du Golfe sur le droit onusien : espoir et déception". Clermont-Ferrand 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994CLF10149.
Texto completo da fonteEast and west no longer opposing each other, U. N. O got rid of rivaly stake when Iraq decided, on the 2nd of august 1990, to invade Kuwait. The international organization has promptly become again the supreme, diplomatic and military instrument which guarantees the global order in the name of nations collectivity. So, it was in referring to its charter that the security council which during a half-century ordered only sket eny instructions, could vote explicit and compelling resolutions. Woth Gulf crisis, U. N. O has had a new breath since it could decide and execute rapidly its decisions. The annexation has come to on end after a resort to force decreed by security council. However, though this event has constituted a chance for the U. N. O future, the statement made after the crisis proves the failure of the organization. This failure is due to the capplying of U. N. O rules exclusively for Kuwait, well, theorically, the same process should be poursued to put on end to the other conflicts through out the world. In the U. N. O law, each state has the right to protect peace and security
Puig, Bordera Eduard. "Intervenció reial i resistència institucional: El control polític de la Diputació General de Catalunya i del Consell de Cent de Barcelona (1654-1705)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/78938.
Texto completo da fonteThe thesis examines the degree of political control the catalan institutions were submited to (Diputació del General de Catalunya and Consell de Cent de Barcelona), by the monarchy, after the War of 1640-1652. From the royal decree of 1654 to year 1705 in which began The War of the Spanish Succession. The study of relations between catalan institutions and the royal ones over this period, focuses the research efforts and major contributions of the dissertation. It is especially based on the periods of political and social crises such as the Revolt of the Barretines (1689-1690) and the Nine Years War (1689-1697), and how the catalan institutions confronted them, as part of the complex and permanent scene of war with France.
Musso, Lopez Mirtha Helenina. "La jurisdicción militar y el delito de función en el Derecho Penal-Militar peruano". Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/1188.
Texto completo da fonteTesis
Kafando, Michel. "Les états du Conseil de l'Entente, Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Niger, Togo et les pays de l'Est : de l'hostilité idéologique à l'ouverture diplomatique : 1960 - 1990". Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010296.
Texto completo da fonteThe attainment of independence of the African countries, occured right in the cold war, distinguished by the antagonism between East and West. For that reasib, which gave no way to neutralism (even some africain leaders like n'krumah, ben bella, nasser - have verbally enjoin the positive neutra- lism), the new african states had then to choose their camp. Under these circumstances, five west African states -Ivory Coast, Dehomey (presently Benin), Niger, Togo, upper volta (became Burkina Faso), which form the "conseil de l'entente", -declare for solidarity with occident against the socialist block. The promoters of this organisation -felix houphouet-boigny, hubert maga, maurice yameogo, diori hamani and their successors -explain their anticommunism by the atheims, the subsersive ways and the rejection of the liberty of that doctrine. It follows that these states opt frankly for the liberalism. But, by the force of circumstances, they will come to pull up to the Eastern countries. However, this overture result in desillu- sions, especially in the matter of economic cooperation, including Benin, became marxist-leninist (1974) and Burkina Faso, placed itself in the socia- list camp (1983). As a consequence, the soviet block will never achieve to disqualify the western countries in the five states where their supremacy remains indisputable
Mazzanti, Maria Rita. "From State sovereignty to responsibility to protect". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. https://spire.sciencespo.fr/notice/2441/45eb019724sn6sg9mcu4j489l.
Texto completo da fonteThe research was aimed at understanding by means of which developments in the political and legal thinking the R2P finally reached its present shape. To this end, we analyzed on one side the evolution of the concept of absolute sovereignty and the shift towards an increased involvement of the international community in the internal affairs of the individual states, and, on the other side, the modifications incurred in the concept of intervention for humanitarian purposes and the lessons learned out of the experiences of the 1990s. We have argued that what R2P is, or is not, should be understood in the light of this long development. Having then established what now R2P is about we wanted to measure to which extent R2P was able, in the ten years of its existence, to influence the behavior of the international community, and in particular of the United Nations Security Council. Hence, we selected four cases – Libya, Côte d’Ivoire Sri Lanka and Syria – where R2P was invoked or should have been invoked, with the aim of finding regularities useful for guiding future action. Our research hypothesis was that R2P is influenced by five main independent variables, namely: the dynamic within the Security Council (active involvement of some specific countries/country representatives); reasonable perspective of success/attractive cost-benefit profile; the role of the relevant regional/sub-regional organizations; the activity of the Human Rights Council; and the action of civil society
D'Errico, Dora. ""Bisogna fatti et non più parole", Rhétorique et politique du conseil dans les Consulte e Pratiche della Repubblica fiorentina, 1494-1512". Thesis, Lyon, École normale supérieure, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011ENSL0675.
Texto completo da fonteWars raging in Italy at the beginning of the XVIth century outline a new political space which alters the usual language of power and politics. In this context, our study concentrates on a quite forsaken corpus : the Consulte e Pratiche della Repubblica fiorentina. These texts gather the proceedings and the minutes of the meetings where « savi cittadini », summoned by the Signoria, tried to deliver advices and judgments on the current political affairs. From a philological and political perspectives, these verbali allow to restore the pratica in its central fonction of counselling and discussing all important political matters in Florence, between 1494 and 1512. They permit also to have a closer insight upon the machiavellian terminology, by stressing out all the common lexical sources and images where consiglieri and members of the political elite alike used to find a general frame for their thoughts. By doing so, this study emphatizes the diversity and the richness of a republican institution, the pratica, during times of troubles and violence
Monroy, Meza Juan Carlos. "Alcances sobre la competencia de la jurisdicción militar policial". Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2014. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/9981.
Texto completo da fonteEl documento digital no refiere asesor
Tiene como origen la necesidad de disipar la incertidumbre jurídica generada, a raíz de no haberse establecido con precisión los criterios que limitan la competencia de la justicia común frente a la jurisdicción militar policial en el Perú y, es que, a pesar de los pronunciamientos del Tribunal Constitucional y de la Corte Suprema de la República, no se ha acabado la labor de esclarecer con precisión dichos criterios, dando lugar a procesos penales paralelos por los mismos hechos y contra las mismas personas (militares y policías), para el efecto, se ha realizado una investigación de naturaleza causal explicativa, subsumiendo tipos de investigación exploratoria como descriptiva, que se desarrolla en el ámbito jurídico social con un diseño de naturaleza no experimental, habiéndose abordado la normativa vigente, teniendo como referencia la derogada; los criterios y motivación empleados por el Tribunal Constitucional, al momento de resolver acciones constitucionales sobre la materia y de la Corte Suprema de la República al dirimir las Contiendas de Competencia; asimismo, se han recogido criterios doctrinarios pertinentes, con lo cual y haciendo un proceso de análisis y síntesis se ha logrado plasmar conclusiones esclarecedoras, dando precisiones y criterios a tener en cuenta, tanto para resolver contiendas de competencia como para legislar en materia penal militar policial en lo que a la parte especial se refiere.
Tesis
Dinguenza, Nzietsi Conchita. "L'ONU face à la crise rwandaise de 1990 à 1996". Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LORR0037/document.
Texto completo da fonteBefore the outbreak of hostilities between the RPF and the FAR in 1990, the United Nations became directly involved after both parties asked it to arbitrate the conflict. But the intervention of the UN and the deployment of peacekeepers that came after the agreement of Arusha in 1993 in order to accompany the agreements did not stop violence and the rise of Hutu extremism yet. The various resolutions of the UN Security Council, far from granting more power to peacekeepers, instead created a situation of stagnation favoring the resumption of fights in 1994 and the genocide of Tutsi and moderate Hutu. The humanitarian tragedy facing Rwanda during and after the clashes and massacres appeals us on the proper role of the United Nations in the management of this conflict in particular, and in the post-cold war world in general
Al, Sabah Ahmed. "Le Koweit et la sécurité du Golfe". Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010297.
Texto completo da fonteMuxella, Prat Imma. "La Terra en guerra. L'acció de les institucions durant el regnat de Renat d'Anjou (1466-1472)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/112055.
Texto completo da fonteThis research seeks to analyze the role of the Consell de Cent (the ”Council of One Hundred” which served as a governmental body of Barcelona) .as well as the Diputació del General (the permanent representatives of the Court) during the reign of Renat d'Anjou. Although there is some exisiting research on the previous reigns of Enric IV and Pere de Portugal, very little investigation has been done on the reign of Renat d'Anjou, the last king elected by the Consell de Cent and the Diputació in their war against the king Joan II. An analysis of the resulting Accord of Vilafranca (1461) is crucial for understanding the outstanding role of the Consell the Cent and the Diputació during this period. The aim of the Accord was to enable the deputies of representative institutions to gain control over the royal administration. and its officers. This legal text constituted a new deal between the representative institutions and the monarchy which resulted in changes regarding the administration of justice, the observance of law and rule of the country. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the political action of the Consell de Cent and the Diputació and the relationship of these entities with the elected Anjou monarchy. It comments upon the interaction between a new monarchy trying to establish its authority and two very powerful institutions that attempted to control and curb its power. The second part describes the military organization of the period : the different types of mobilizations, defense systems, army supplies, etc. The third deals with fiscal politics and public debt during the war, the creation of new taxes, public debt emissions guaranteed by the Taula de Canvi (the Barcelona municipal bank), and the strategies to avoid its bankruptcy due to the high interest rates. The resulting study portrays a society with a very powerful civic structure and a weak military organization whose attempt at a new political organization lasted only for ten years and under war circumstances. It is impossible to venture whether it might have been successful under different circumstances; nevertheless, some of the reforms attempted during this period, were later implemented by the next king Ferran II with only some changes.
Alassani, Zéinatou. "L'évolution du droit de recourir à la force : vers une reconnaissance de l'« autorisation implicite »". Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMR076/document.
Texto completo da fonteThe purpose of this research on the evolution of the right of States to use force in international relations is to show, following a historical approach based on international law, that State practice in this area has changed. Indeed, from the right to "make war" recognized as a sovereign right, passing through the first attempts of its leadership in the nineteenth century, the significant rupture came in 1945 with the creation of the UN; the United Nations Charter has enshrined the principle of the prohibition of the use of force,except for the self-defense and the authorization of the Security Council. However, since no details were given as to the form this authorization of the Security Council should take, as early as 1966, as in the Rhodesian case, the latter explicitly authorized the use of "force". From 1990, he gained confidence with the technique of authorization and retained the implicit formulation of "authorizes Member States to use all necessary means". Though, sometimes a resolution is neither explicit nor implicit, but states intervene,arguing the existence of an implied authorization because of the emergence of theories like"preventive war","war on terror" or "humanitarian intervention". Cases of interventions in 1992 in Liberia, 1999 in SierraLeone and Kosovo and in 2003 against Iraq are illustrators. So, based on the interpretation of Council resolutions, implied authorization tends to become the rule in the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore, to avoid reducing the jus ad bellum to excessive unilateralism, and by demonstrating the conformity of the implied authorization with the established legal regime of the use of force in international law, we invite the redefinition of this one
Coujard, Virgile. "La politique étrangère de la France dans les crises internationales, du Golfe à l’Irak : Jeu gouvernemental, jeu diplomatique, système international". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010268.
Texto completo da fonteAnalyzing the differing French policy during the Gulf and Iraq wars - military participation to the former, diplomatic opposition to the latter, requires a multi-level approach to foreign policy. Graham Allison's governmental game paradigm shows that foreign policy is the resultant of bargainings among central players. It is also capable of revealing the ways in which domestic and bureaucratic polities interfere in the decision-making process. The diplomatic game approach put forward in this work focuses on the interstate interactions. It underlines how much foreign policy stakes and goals are defined and constructed in the process of diplomatic negociation, influenced by other diplomacies' stances. Waltzian structural theory concentrates on the systemic determinants of foreign policy. A State's position within the system, and the structure of the system - its current state as well as its trend - strongly determine and shape foreign policy. Connecting and articulating structure of the system, international order, decision-makers' perceptions and States' behavior appears to be a fruitful way to understand the mechanisms through which structural constraints and incentives act and impact on foreign policy. Afterall, this research attempts to combine infra-state, inter-state and systemic levels of analysis in a novel way, in order to explain the complexity of foreign policy in international cri sis
Palomino, Manchego José Felix. "Conflictos de competencia entre el poder judicial y la jurisdicción militar en el contexto constitucional". Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/1266.
Texto completo da fonteTesis
Ghiles-Meilhac, Samuel. "Le CRIF : de la résistance juive à la tentation du lobby 1943-2010". Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0101.
Texto completo da fonteCreated in the underground during the winter 1943, the Representative council of French Jewish Institutions, the CRIF has been enjoying a fascinating role in the French society since the 1980's. The history of this Jewish umbrella organization remains mostly unknown. This thesis fills this gap by analyzing the different historical moments of the CRIF, linked to the evolutions of French Jewry, the conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbors and the different phases of France's policy and public discourse when it comes to anti-Semitism and the memory of the deportation of Jews during the Second World War. This historical approach is enriched by a focus on the nature of the CRIF and its influence. One key element is a comparison with other Jewish umbrella organizations in the United States. This research is based on archives files and interviews in France and Israel
El, Kyak Anass. "Analyse de la divergence des positions des États-Unis et de la Russie en Syrie dans la lutte contre le groupe de l'État islamique en Iraq et au Levant menée sous l'égide du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies". Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/69514.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis attempts to understand how the divergence in the logics of action between the United States and Russia in Syria had hindered the constitution of a collective action framed by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) that could have favored the prevention and the rapid and definitive defeat of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) organization. Indeed, the United States and Russia have been the most influential international powers in Syria given their extensive involvement under the stated goal of defeating ISIL. While agreeing on the need for a political solution to the Syrian crisis, these two strategic actors hold conflicting preferences, mainly with regard to the fate of the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad and the dynamics of the armed groups involved in the fighting against him. Thus, despite their competing plans in Syria, these two actors have attempted to devise a common approach to resolving the civil war and leading to the conduct of joint military operations against ISIL and the other terrorist groups taking advantage in the Syrian conflict. Nevertheless, the persisting dissension between these two permanent members of the UNSC had reduced the possibilities of agreement between them and has been projected on the work of this body whose decisions enjoy an exceptional legal and political scope. Thus, we analyze, on the one hand, the diplomatic occasions of interaction between these two actors, and on the other hand, their respective strategic motivations. This analysis allows us to define their logics of action in Syria, to identify the fundamental differences that have led them to prefer unilateral responses against ISIL rather than a common response, and to characterize the dilemma of collective action created by their coordination problem in Syria and that limited the UNSC's ability to take decisive and definitive collective action against ISIL in Syria.
Jimenez, Carranza Flavio Enrique. "Necesidad de adecuar la ley penal y procesal penal militar a la constitución política del Estado a fin de evitar innecesarias contiendas de competencia entre el fuero común y el militar". Master's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/9053.
Texto completo da fonteTesis
Mézin-Bourgninaud, Véronique. "Les gouverneurs des colonies sous l’administration royale, de 1763 à 1792". Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040089.
Texto completo da fonteThe executive staff of colonial governors under royal period comprises governors-general and individuals who rule the French colonies from 1763 to 1792 by appointment of the crown. The governor is a man of war, appointed by the King on the advice of the Navy Minister. It is for him to defend an Empire, to control local customs and to enforce royal laws. The importance of the position and the range of power that comes with it depend on local circumstances, not to mention the personality and the scale of the holder, his social ranking, and the combining of functions he can benefit from. If being the ruler of the colony, being part of the administrative elite and representing the King suggest both a prestigious and exotic job, reality is less rosy. The governor's authority has to face numerous obstacles, which results in the weakening of the effective ruling of the country. The governor tries to assert power over other distinctive markers, however the office remains unenviable, as it implies squalor and constant travel and is plagued by distrust of local elites or other metropolitan administrators. The financial perks and the promise of a more prestigious position after serving as Colonial governor are increasingly unrealistic as the French Revolution approaches. The office of Colonial governor, one of several steps in a colonial career, is actually isolated from the power and influence which rule the court, atypical in its appointment and provides very few career opportunities
Tébar, Rubio-Manzanares Ignacio. "La representación del enemigo en el Derecho penal del primer franquismo (1938-1944)". Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Alicante, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10045/55425.
Texto completo da fonteRahong, Séverin. "La cour penale internationale et les etats africains". Thesis, Perpignan, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PERP0046.
Texto completo da fonteTwenty-one year after the creation of the International Tribunal for Rwanda and seventeen years after the signing of the Treaty of Rome giving rise to the International Criminal Court, the whistleblower fever that knows this institution is still not appeased. Is the ICC hostage ideals that justified its creation and antagonistic political forces which it nevertheless remains bound? African they commit more crime prosecuted before the Court that the national of other continents? If the study of legal proceedings arising from crimes committed in conflicts taking place on the African continent and in the analysis of the party proceedings of some African Heads of States stress the very important work to fight against impunity that makes the International Criminal Court, the outcome of this work, however, shows the collision of legal proceedings with international political imperatives. This research shows that if the ICC is an expansion of collective security, the effectiveness of its action and universalism are now in doubt, as to crystallize the reports of the international judicial body with the mainland African
Détais, Julien. "Les nations unies et le droit de légitime défense". Phd thesis, Université d'Angers, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00346398.
Texto completo da fonteOnana, Auguste Charles. "Rwanda, l'Opération Turquoise et la controverse médiatique (1994-2014) : analyse des enquêtes journalistiques, des documents secret-défense et de la stratégie militaire". Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3083.
Texto completo da fonteOn the 22nd June 1994, the UN Security Council passes the resolution 929authorising the deployment of a multinational humanitarian, neutral and impartial force toRwanda having as its mission to put an end to the massacres. In concrete terms, it isFrance, on initiative of this project, who goes to carry out the command of the missionnamed Operation Turquoise. This comes up against the opposition of the Tutsis rebels ofthe Rwandan Patriotic Front, to the reservations of the humanitarian organisations but itreceives the backup support of the acting Rwandan Hutu government. OperationTurquoise incites above all a wave of accusations in the French press, with the PresidentFrançois Mitterand and the French military soldiers being accused of 'complicity ingenocide', even of taking part in the genocide. These accusations have endured and havebeen regularly coming back for more than twenty years, relayed by journalists who claimto have discovered then revealed the shameful role of France in RwandaThis study analyses the journalistic inquiries led from 1994 to 2014 and comparesthem with confidential secret defence documents stemming from American, French,Rwandan and UN records, as well as the military strategy put in place during OperationTurquoise. It also allows identification of the sources on which these accusations lie andevaluation of their validity. In so doing, it brings to the fore the way in which the researchhas focused on the genocide to the detriment of the armed struggle initiated by the RPFfrom 1990 to July 1994, leaving aside essential aspects in the comprehension of theRwandan tragedy
Lagrange, Delphine. "La France face aux Etats-Unis pendant la crise irakienne : "ressources démocratiques" d'une puissance moyenne dans sa contestation de l'hégémon". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0010.
Texto completo da fonteUsing the Iraq crisis as a case study, this thesis shows to what extent a middle power such as France is able to be autonomous from the hegemon in the post-bipolar world. According to us, the latter, marked by the enduring relevance of the “pole” concept in perceptions of state as well as non-state actors, can be qualified as “antipolar”. We consider that the United States have become rather the centre of contestations than a worldwide acknowledged leader. In the Iraq affair, as French decision-makers lack the means to prevent the US project, and are marked by the “hyperpower referential” (defined by us as a perception of the hegemon’s unsurpassable domination), they initially choose cooperation, or “loyalty”. Afterwards, as they are in presence of a mobilised global public opinion, they decide to rely on it as well as on multilateralism in a “voice” strategy which appears to be imperative to them. In doing so, they mobilise what we call either “global” (opinion) or “international” (United Nations) “democratic resources”. Despite some very limited costs and non-fungible but still observable benefits, French decision-makers decide very soon after the breaking of the war to go back to loyalty toward Washington, contestation remaining an exception
Carignan, Marie-Ève. "La modification des pratiques journalistiques et du contenu des nouvelles télévisées, du quotidien à la situation de crise : analyse France/Québec". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1039/document.
Texto completo da fonteThis thesis focuses on the news coverage during abrupt and unexpected events, due to "a very difficult situation, even dangerous, for an individual, an organization, a social body, an economic system or a country" and aims to determine in what journalistic practices and media contents in a crisis situation differ from the ordinary daily practices. The assumption on which this thesis rests is that in a crisis situation, journalistic practices will be affected by emotions, the spur of the moment and the search for exclusivity. Regarding content, there will be saturation of certain issues related to the crisis, while many daily topics will be removed and the risk of errors or inaccuracies will be exacerbated. This doctoral work follows the path of a comparison between France and Quebec, as both countries present a similar language and TV channel structure, which allows us to establish valid comparison bases. To answer the question of the research, a triple methodological strategy was adopted. First are presented the results of semi-structured interviews we made, in the form of professional life stories, with different actors from the information sector. These are followed by the results of a quantitative content analysis of television news which is based on a corpus formed of reports presented during three types of crises in France and in Quebec: "social" crisis, "natural" crises and "mixed" crises. Finally, a content analysis of 1,676 decisions from the jurisprudence of the Quebec Press Council was conducted
Robeye, Rirangar Aime. "Genre et conflits : l'effectivité de la résolution 1325 de l'ONU de l'oeuvre sur les femmes la paix et la sécurité". Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3063/document.
Texto completo da fonteCivilians, which most of them are women and children (nearly 70%) were always the main target of armed conflicts, which generally involve serious consequences for human rights violations. Yet international conventions and laws protect civilians in wartime. In order to fight against women's exclusion in peace processes and facilitate their involvement, the UN Security Council adopted on October 31st 2000 the 1325's Resolution entitled " Women, Peace and Security " which requires states and organizations involved in a conflict to involve women in all peace processes. The Security Council's adoption of this resolution allowed to make some progress on strengthening women's rights protection mechanisms and participation in peacekeeping operations. However, efforts are still needed to achieve the objectives including the adoption of national action plans by all States
Martí, Fraga Eduard. "La Conferència dels Comuns i el braç Militar. Dues Institucions Decisives en el tombant del s.XVII". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7440.
Texto completo da fonteDurante el periodo que va desde la muerte de Carlos II (1700) hasta el fin de la Guerra de Sucesión (1714), los tres comunes (Consejo de Ciento, Diputación del General y Brazo Militar), adquirieron un papel fundamental en la defensa de las Constituciones ante las transgresiones de los monarcas. Su actuación, sin embargo, estuvo dirigida por una institución de reciente creación: la Conferencia de los Comunes. La presente tesis doctoral estudia esta institución, que fue decisiva en el cambio del siglo XVII y ayuda a entender por qué los catalanes apoyaron a Carlos III, el archiduque, durante el conflicto sucesorio. Pero la Conferencia también fue relevante por su significación dentro del contexto de las instituciones representativas: favoreció la acción mancomunada de los comunes a la vez que facilitó el acceso de los nuevos sectores mercantiles en la toma de decisiones políticas.
During the period that goes from the death of Charles II (1700) to the end the of Succession War (1714), the three commons (Consell de Cent, Deputation of Catalonia and Military Arm), acquired a very important role in the defense of the Constitutions when kings tried to beak them. However, the actions of three commons were guided by a new institution: the Conference of Commons. This doctoral thesis studies this institution, which was decisive during these years, and helps us to understand why Catalans supported to Charles III, the archduke. Conference of Commons was also important because of its meaning in the context of representative institutions: it did well for the unity of action of the commons, and, at the same time, it permits the access of the new mercantile sectors to the groups with political power.
Mézin-Bourgninaud, Véronique. "Les gouverneurs des colonies sous l’administration royale, de 1763 à 1792". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040089.
Texto completo da fonteThe executive staff of colonial governors under royal period comprises governors-general and individuals who rule the French colonies from 1763 to 1792 by appointment of the crown. The governor is a man of war, appointed by the King on the advice of the Navy Minister. It is for him to defend an Empire, to control local customs and to enforce royal laws. The importance of the position and the range of power that comes with it depend on local circumstances, not to mention the personality and the scale of the holder, his social ranking, and the combining of functions he can benefit from. If being the ruler of the colony, being part of the administrative elite and representing the King suggest both a prestigious and exotic job, reality is less rosy. The governor's authority has to face numerous obstacles, which results in the weakening of the effective ruling of the country. The governor tries to assert power over other distinctive markers, however the office remains unenviable, as it implies squalor and constant travel and is plagued by distrust of local elites or other metropolitan administrators. The financial perks and the promise of a more prestigious position after serving as Colonial governor are increasingly unrealistic as the French Revolution approaches. The office of Colonial governor, one of several steps in a colonial career, is actually isolated from the power and influence which rule the court, atypical in its appointment and provides very few career opportunities
Porta, i. Capdevila Frederic Josep. "Josep Maria Batista i Roca (1895-1978): Biografia del primer intel·lectual independentista". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671156.
Texto completo da fonteThe present doctoral dissertation aims to study the life of the pro-independence catalan intellectual Josep Maria Batista i Roca, both in his public activity and in his private life. From its birth in 1895 until its death in 1978, we trace his career and his relationship with Catalan nationalism and the history of Catalonia in the 20th century.
Benmakhlouf, Julie. "La relation franco-américaine autour de la question irakienne : la contestation d'un mode occidental alternatif". Thesis, Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20018/document.
Texto completo da fonteThe disagreement between France and the US over the Iraqi issue led to a serious diplomatic crisis between the two countries, considered by many analysts as the most serious one in the history of bilateral relations. The Iraqi case crystallized the diplomatic positions of both allies and revealed two different reads of this major international issue. For France, this case was the opportunity to defend its principles, to get itself heard by the rest of the world and to share its vision of a multipolar world, where disputes would be peacefully settled through international organizations. For the US, that issue fell under a matter of national security, in a country deeply traumatized by ‘9/11’. The split between thetwo countries resulted from historical structural causes : (i) the competition between two political and diplomatic models that present themselves as universal, and (ii) the imbalance between France’s declining power aspiring to preserve its spheres of influence over the world and America’s ascending power that has become, since the end of the Cold War, the only superpower. The bilateral confrontation of 2003 revealed the distinctive patterns of both French and American foreign policies and exposed their different views and models of the new world order, as well as their ambitions on the international scene
Benmakhlouf, Julie. "La relation franco-américaine à l’épreuve de la question irakienne : la contestation d’un modèle occidental alternatif". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20018.
Texto completo da fonteThe disagreement between France and the US over the Iraqi issue led to a serious diplomatic crisis between the two countries, considered by many analysts as the most serious one in the history of bilateral relations. The Iraqi case crystallized the diplomatic positions of both allies and revealed two different reads of this major international issue. For France, this case was the opportunity to defend its principles, to get itself heard by the rest of the world and to share its vision of a multipolar world, where disputes would be peacefully settled through international organizations. For the US, that issue fell under a matter of national security, in a country deeply traumatized by ‘9/11’. The split between the two countries resulted from historical structural causes: (i) the competition between two political and diplomatic models that present themselves as universal, and (ii) the imbalance between France’s declining power aspiring to preserve its spheres of influence over the world and America’s ascending power that has become, since the end of the Cold War, the only superpower. The bilateral confrontation of 2003 revealed the distinctive patterns of both French and American foreign policies and exposed their different views and models of the new world order, as well as their ambitions on the international scene
Tawa, Netton Prince. "Les stratégies des anciennes puissances coloniales dans la résolution des conflits armés internes en Afrique après 1994 : Sierra Leone et Côte d’Ivoire". Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020048.
Texto completo da fonteHe failure of the United Nations Restore Hope operation in Somalia under the leadership of the United States of America and the 1994 Rwandan genocide altered the Western world's relationship to internal armed conflict in Africa. From an initial desire to strengthen the capacity of African actors to manage conflicts within African states, the Western world adopted a position of disengagement from internal conflict in Africa. The United States’ Presidential Decision Directive 25 of May 3, 1994 and the recommendation of the Belgian Senate of January 28, 1998 are particularly significant in terms of changing the Western world’s attitude in favor of Africa in conflict. However, and "going against the current," the United Kingdom on the one hand and France on the other hand have decided to shoulder their share of historical responsibility in the fate of their former colonies in Africa. For these two former colonial powers, the internal difficulties facing the post-Cold War African states were real challenges which these states needed assistance in dealing with. This commitment on both sides of the Channel helped to stabilize and restore peace in two African states in the Rwandan post-genocide era, namely Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. How did the United Kingdom and France manage to stabilize Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast and extricate them from seemingly intractable conflicts, given the depth of the differences between the actors? What strategic adjustments did the United Kingdom and France make in their interventionist policies in the context of the resolution of internal armed conflicts in Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast, and what actions did they take to achieve success in both these countries? Through a review of the literature as well as through interviews of diplomats, politicians, military leaders and other actors, this thesis demonstrates how, through a synergy of well-coordinated actions, the United Kingdom and France brought peace and tranquility to Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. Having done so, these two middle-ranking powers, permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, gave Africa and the world reason to believe in international interventions
Mouzer, Frédérique. "Les relations entre le gouvernement intérimaire rwandais et la communauté internationale (8 avril-18 juillet 1994)". Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMLH23.
Texto completo da fonteAn analysis of relations between the interim government of Rwanda and the international community during the genocide of 1994 demonstrates how political, even geopolitical, factors were given priority over strictly judicial and humanitarian considerations by the UN and the third-party states most implicated in this crisis (Belgium, France, the USA). The progressive marginalisation of the interim government on the international scene, at the time when it was soliciting external help to put a stop to the massacres, did not see a reinforcement of staff or of the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), which nonetheless constituted the principal demand of the Rwandan authorities to the Security Council.This disengagement on the part of the international community happened to the detriment of the security and protection of the civil population under threat. At the same time the criminalisation of this government contributed to the endorsement of a military outcome to the conflict ; the outcome desired by the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), contravening the Arusha Accords signed in 1993. The presumption of guilt attached to the government camp subsequently had a strong impact on international justice, as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) had failed in its mission of judging all the perpetrators of crimes committed in 1994, and of favorising national reconciliation, due to its lack of impartiality and independence as much at the level of investigation and prosecution as at the level of the delivery of the judgments and their enactment
Hassan, Kamal. "Le statut des tribunaux ad hoc en droit international pénal". Thesis, Tours, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOUR1005/document.
Texto completo da fonteThe purpose of this thesis is to examine the ad hoc tribunals by analysing their definition in international public law, their founding legal principles, their jurisdiction over international crimes and their goals to determine wether there is a common international status for these tribunals.The implementation of the first ad hoc tribunals on the international stage after World War II, the IMT of Nuremberg and Tokyo, was due to the inability or unwillingness of the internal judicial system in the countries concerned to bring the perpetrators of war crimes to justice.Subsequently, nine ad hoc tribunals were established (either unilaterally by the Security Council or through an international agreement) with a view to prosecute the most monstrous crimes, such as crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. In this respect, we can say that the ad hoc tribunals benefit from all the mechanisms required to be efficient, such as individual criminal responsibility, primacy over nation courts and the obligation of States to cooperate,and they have succeeded to achieve the purpose of justice.However, in addition to their natural function to ensure justice, these tribunals had been given a further aim : to achieve international peace and security. They were not able to achieve this aim, because a legal body cannot reach a goal whose motives are political.After studying the status of the ad hoc tribunals and thus necessarily analysing all the texts which organise the function of these tribunals, we are in a position to confirm that the ad hoc tribunals will not be replaced by other judicial bodies, such as transitional justice or universal jurisdiction.Moreover, despite the entry into force of the ICC as a permanent court in 2002, new ad hoc tribunals will be established. Their status could be based on the common status and on our proposals
Maendeleo, Rutakaza Rachel. "L'action internationale dans le maintien, le rétablissement et la consolidation de la paix en République démocratique du Congo de 1998 à 2008". Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30001.
Texto completo da fonteIf the explosion of the East/West system marks the end of the idea of global confrontation as model of the war since the end of the second world conflict, we more fundamentally have to wonder about the changes which took place since the 90s as regards the status of the very war and about the role of the peace operations in the international relations. The political crises ensuing from internal conflicts are sources of destabilization and weakening of the local institutions which undergo the tumult and weaken the capacity of the actors to go out of such a political situation. The necessity of strengthening the local capacities during this pivotal period to avoid the recurring crises is translated by the presence of the international community which spreads a multitude of strategies. There is indeed in the grammar of United Nations a continuum in the modes of crises’ management which goes the most reserved forms of the persuasion to certain modalities of coercive diplomacy, implying a use limited by the violence. When we examine the peace operations in RDC, dynamic set tensions and connections, oscillating between order and disorder in its institutional expressions, the report which gets free is that the question of the peace requires an analysis which takes into account several factors. Hence the use of an interdisciplinary approach, involving both critical currents in international relations (critical constructivism) while combining the sociology of international relations. Our study attempts to estimate the relevance and the coherence of the practices and the conducts of the international actors in a better way axiological and ideological outlines of the management of the iterative crises