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1

Kaya, Sümbül. "La production militaire du citoyen : sociologie politique de la conscription en Turquie". Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010360.

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En Turquie, la conscription est un principe à valeur constitutionnelle qui est considéré comme un droit et un devoir pour chaque citoyen turc de sexe masculin. Ce dernier est dans l’obligation de servir sous les drapeaux l’année où il atteint ses vingt ans, même s’il réside à l’étranger. Par ailleurs, le lecteur serait peut-être surpris de savoir que ces rites festifs ne découlent pas de la mise en place du service obligatoire en 1924, ils étaient quasi inexistants avant les années 1990 et leur apparition coïncide avec la contre-insurrection contre les séparatistes kurdes dans le sud-est du pays.L’objet de ce travail est précisément de comprendre la conscription (askerlik) à partir des années 1980 comme expérience socialisatrice pour les conscrits, comblant un vide dans les études, pourtant nombreuses, qui portent sur l’armée turque
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2

Boulanger, Philippe. "La France devant la conscription : géographie historique d'une institution républicaine : 1914-1922 /". [Paris] : Commission française d'histoire militaire : Institut de stratégie comparée : Economica, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37209419c.

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3

Seigan, Kôbô. "La conscription dans le departement de la seine-inferieure (an vi - 1815)". Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010608.

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Il convient tout d'abord de noter l'importance quantitative des conscrits pendant les guerres de la revolution et de l'empire. Dans le cas de la seine-inferieure, napoleon exigea que la moitie des jeunes gens qui n'avaient pas ete dispenses servent son armee. Ainsi, les multiples levees firent partir beaucoup de conscrits a l'armee, et amenerent progressivement la population a s'habituer a la conscription et a l'armee. Neanmoins, la conscription generait egalement des insoumis et des deserteurs. Leur action soutenue par la communaute locale etait tres dynamique surtout sous le directoire. Cela signifiait l'indifference du peuple devant le service militaire, l'armee francaise et le destin de l'etat- nation. Puis, les autorites napoleoniennes reussirent finalement a reduire effectivement le nombre des conscrits rebelles. Le peuple fut donc oblige de s'interesser a l'armee et de s'impliquer dans le sort de la france. Toutefois, une partie de la population de la seine- inferieure contourna la conscription par la fraude. Le gouvernement imperial n'a pas pu facilement reprimer la fraude telle que la maladie simulee, la mutilation volontaire, la fabrication de faux papiers et la corruption des fonctionnaires. Malgre tout, les fraudeurs s'interesserent aussi a la conscription, bien que le sens de leur interet ne fut pas le meme que celui des autorites
First of all, it's advisable to note the quantitative importance of the conscripts during the war of the revolution and of the empire. In the case of seine-inferieure, napoleon required that the half number of young people who had not been exempted should serve his army. In this way, numerous levies made the many conscripts leave for the army, and progressively brought the population to get used to the conscription and the army. Nevertheless, the conscription generated equally insoumis and deserters. Their action, supported by the local community, was very dynamic especially under the directory. That showed the indifference of the general public toward the military service, the french army, and the destiny of the nation-state. Then, napoleonic authorities finally succeeded in reducing effectively the number of the conscript rebels. The common people were thus obliged to be interested in the army and to implicate themselves in the fate of france. However, a part of the seine-inferieure population bypassed the conscription by means of fraud. The imperial gouvernement could not easily suppress such fraud as simulated illness, voluntary mutilation, the fabrication of fake documents, and the corruption of civil servants. All the same, the fraudsters were also interested in the conscription, although the sense of their interest was not the same as the one from the authorities
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4

Bergès, Louis. "La Société civile contre le recrutement à l'époque de la conscription militaire, 1798-1814 : le cas des départements aquitains". Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010633.

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Les douze départements du sud-ouest aquitain (Ariège, Dordogne, Haute-Garonne, Gers, Gironde, Lot, Lot-et-Garonne, Landes, Hautes-Pyrénées, Basses-Pyrénées, Tarn et Tarn-et-Garonne) sont le foyer, de la fin du directoire à celle de l'empire, d'une résistance acharnée aux levées d'hommes. L'insoumission culmine en l'an VII et de 1805 à 1807 au moment où napoléon remporte ses plus grandes victoires, elle diminue ensuite sous les coups d'une répression habile à partir de 1810 pour ne réapparaitre qu'à l'extrême fin de l'empire lors de l'invasion du territoire. L'insoumission trouve dans la société civile une complicité qui s'étend jusqu'aux autorités locales et même à certains fonctionnaires des préfectures. À tous les échelons de la société, chacun a ses moyens privilégiés pour se soustraire aux lois : le remplacement aux fils de notables, les exemptions frauduleuses aux moins riches, la fuite sans retour du domicile familial pour les plus pauvres. Même si le remplacement a révélé l'injustice du système, l'insoumission n'apparait guère comme une réaction des plus démunis face à l'inégalité devant le recrutement. C'est en fin de compte la société toute entier qui s'est opposée aux levées d'hommes et a apporté son soutien aux réfractaires. Face à cette opposition, l'autorité publique a réagi en mêlant fermeté, psychologie et mansuétude. Mais les opérations de garnison et des colonnes mobiles alourdissent un climat déjà tendu: l'explosion de révoltes collectives, notamment dans les cantons montagneux de l'Ariège et de la Haute-Garonne, ne sont pas sans rappeler les soulèvements contre l'état percepteur d'impôts sous l'ancien régime
TThe twelwe southwestern departements of Aquitaine sheltered from the end of the directoire an active resistance to enrollment in the army. Draft dodging was at its highest in 1798-1799 (year an VII of the revolution calendar) and from 1805 to 1807, when Napoléon gained his greatest victories ; it decreased gradually afterwards due to clever forms of repression by the authorities and did not reappear until the very end of the empire, when France was invaded. Draft dodging found a widespread support among civilians that went as far as local authorities and even some prefecture civil servants. At all levels of society, everyone had then favourite way of escaping the law : the sons of the upper class would hire a replacement, the less rich would obtain illegal exemptions, while the poorest were forced to flee from the family home without hope of return. Though the practice of replacement highlights the injustice of the whole arrangement, draft dodging hardly seems to be a reaction of the poverty stricken against the prejudices of the conscription system. It was, finally, all of society that was opposed to conscription and thus supported the draft dodgers. Faced with such opposition, the authorities reacted by mixing firmness, psychology and clemency. But the operations of garrisons and of flying columns heightened an already tense situation. The explosion of collective revolts, notably in the mountain cantons of Ariège and of Haute-Garonne recall the uprisings against the state as tax collector under the ancien regime
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5

Boulanger, Philippe. "Géographie historique de la conscription et des conscrits en France de 1914 à 1922 d'après les comptes rendus sur le recrutement de l'armée". Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040241.

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La géographie de la conscription et des conscrits en France de 1914 à 1922 définit un champ de réflexion à la fois dans l'espace et le temps à partir d'une source d'ordre militaire. Ce sont les comptes rendus sur le recrutement de l'armée qui constituent le cadre premier de la recherche avant d'être confrontés à l'analyse d'autres sources, civiles et militaires, privées et publiques. Ils permettent essentiellement de mesurer la singularité de la conscription dans l'espace français durant le temps d'application de la loi du 7 aout 1913 sur le recrutement militaire et de définir une problématique originale : comment cette institution militaire, aux impacts politiques, sociaux et culturels très profonds, s'inscrit-elle dans le territoire national métropolitain comme dans l'identité nationale française ? Après un premier ensemble de critiques de la source et de présentation de la méthode l'approche de ce sujet s'articule en deux parties, l'une portant sur la dimension territoriale de la conscription, la seconde sur la géographie sociale des conscrits. Dans la première partie sont abordés les éléments inhérents à la géographie historique de cette institution militaire, devenue universelle et obligatoire en 1905. Les structures territoriales les contrastes régionaux du recrutement, les rapports entre la conscription, le territoire et l'assimilation nationale définissent sa dimension spatiale, sur un plan tant militaire, politique que culturel. La seconde partie porte sur les caractères socio-culturels des conscrits. Les niveaux d'instruction, les professions et la sante des jeunes gens, recenses et examines par l'administration militaire sont analysés selon une approche spatio-temporelle. Ils permettent de mesurer, entre autres conclusions la disparition progressive de la ligne Saint-Malo Genève qui déterminait une fracture culturelle séculaire entre deux France d'inégal d'développement
The geography of conscription and conscripts in France from 1914 to 1922 defines a field of thought both in space and time, starting from a military source the first field of research and the reports about recruitment made by the army then after those reports can be confronted to the analysis of others sources : civil and military, private and public they essentially offers to measure the singularity of conscription in the French space during the application time on the 7th august 1913 law's on military recruitment. Thank to this, it permits to define an original problematic : how this military institution, as regard to the deep political, social and cultural impacts, takes place in the metropolitan and national territory, as well as in the French national identity? Besides a first unity of sources and its critics, presentation of the method approach of this subject finds his articulation on two parts: the first about the territorial dimension of conscription, the second about the social geography of conscripts. In the first part will be seen the elements inherent in the historical geography of this military institution, which became universal and obligatory in 1905. The territorial structures, the regional contrasts of recruitment, the relationships between conscription, the territory and the national assimilation, define his spatial dimension, as well as on the military / political / cultural plane the second part turns on the sociocultural characteristics of conscripts. The levels of instruction the professions and the health of the young men, compiled and examined by the military administration are analyzed according to a spatiotemporal approach. They offer to measure, among others conclusions the progressive disparition of the Saint-Malo -Geneva line, that determinates a secularly and cultural between two France of inegal development
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6

Bergès, Louis. "La Société civile contre le recrutement à l'époque de la conscription militaire, 1798-1814 le cas des départements aquitains /". Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37602912b.

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7

Fu, Hung-chung. "Le service militaire en Chine à la veille de la Révolution chinoise 1937-1949". Paris, EHESS, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EHES0171.

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La conscription constitua la plus importante source de mécontentement populaire durant toutes ces années marquées par des bouleversements et dominées par les guerres. En réponse à l'incorporation forcée, le refus du service militaire devint la préoccupation prioritaire des jeunes gens. D'autre part, l'administration était en butte à une contestation populaire née en réaction à l'injustice du recrutement et à la surcharge due aux nouvelles levées d'impôts destinées à l'achat des substituts ou remplaçants volontaires. Dans de vastes secteurs ruraux, les affrontements provoqués par les recrutements d'abord mensuels puis annuels tendirent à se transformer en des violences collectives délibérées et organisées contre le pouvoir local. Cette sorte d'actes de désobéissance finit par devenir une sorte de routine d'incidents banals dans la vie quotidienne des paysans. Et ce, d'autant plus que les fréquentes émeutes anti-fiscales qui s'étaient produites au cours des décennies précédentes avaient dû céder la place à la résistance au service militaire
Conscription was the uppermost cause of popular unrest during ail those years marked by disruptive changes and dominatec by wars. Dodging military service became the main concern for young men of draft âge and therefore confronted with recruitment which, as a rule, had become mandatory. On the other hand, the administration was facing a popular protest derived both from the unjustly biased process of recruitment and the reaction of people overburdened with new taxes being levied in order to provide for the purchase of volunteer substitutes or stand-ins. In many a big rural district, clashes arising from monthly at first, then yearly conscription - gradually turned into premeditated violent collective fights staged and directed against local authorities. That kind of civil disobedience thereafter became a sort of commonplace event in peasant's daily life. So, ail the more as the previously quite common tax-riots of the past décades paved the way for actions by people standing up against military service
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8

Lecomte, Jean-Philippe. "Représentations et réalités des fonctions sociales du service militaire dans la société française (1868-2001)". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001IEPP0023.

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L'étude des politiques du service militaire conduites en France de la fin des années 1860 à la fin des années 1990, met en lumière les logiques prioritairement, sinon exclusivement militaires auxquelles obéi͏̈ssent l'institution, les transformations et la suppression d'un instrument militaire permettant l'adaptation du format des armées. Simultanément, un vaste ensemble de discours et de représentations construisant cette institution comme l'opératrice privilégiée de très importantes "fonctions sociales" s'est développé. D'origine et d'intention diverses, les récits de la vie de caserne, mais surtout les discours politiques d'un service remplissant d'essentielles fonctions d'intégration et de socialisation comme les critiques révolutionnaires de "l'armée de classe" et du "dressage", constituent autant de représentations de la contribution supposée du service à la conservation de l'ordre social et politique. L'analyse de ces représentations suppose de les saisir en tant que telles et de cerner les liens qu'elles entretiennent avec les réalités du service militaire. Liens souvent ténus et incertains: ces représentations, aussi importantes soient-elies dans les discours politiques, n'ont jamais eu d'influence décisive sur la construction des politiques du service et la réalité de ces "fonctions sociales", en fréquente contradiction avec les logiques de l'institution militaire et les réalités de la vie de caseme, apparaît limitée. Plus que par l'objet qu'elles se donnent, c'est par ce à quoi elles servent qu'il paraît possible de comprendre ces représentations. Si la critique s'éclaire dans l'intention de ses auteurs, les discours et représentations des acteurs politiques, eux, appellent un questionnement plus vaste, considérant ces discours, non seulement comme formes de légitimation de l'institution, mais aussi comme reflet d'un système de croyances relatif aux fondements du système politique et du rapport des sociétés occidentales à la violence et à la guerre.
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9

Chung, Jay. "The Earnings Effects of Conscription: Lessons from Conscription Reforms in the Netherlands and Italy". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2248.

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In filling their armed forces, many countries rely on conscription, which interrupts conscripts’ labor market participation and accumulation of human capital. Thus, conscription likely affects one’s future earnings. In this paper, I investigate the effects of conscription eligibility in the Netherlands and in Italy on subsequent future earnings. I use a difference-in-difference method, using women as the counterfactual, on Luxembourg Income Study data to calculate the effects of conscription eligibility. I find no systematic earnings effects of conscription. While the existence of educational deferments increase the demand for postsecondary education and hence increase future earnings, factors like military culture, military philosophy, and jobs assigned to conscripts produce different results in the two countries. I find that the Dutch conscription increased (by 6-17%) eligible young men’s earnings while the Italian conscription had no effect or slightly decreased eligible young men’s earnings.
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Hendley, Matthew. "The conscription movement in Great Britain 1899-1914 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60625.

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This thesis is an examination of the Conscription movement in Britain between 1899-1914.
The introduction briefly examines British efforts at home defence before 1899 and the existing historiography on the Edwardian Conscription movement.
Chapter One studies the impact of that conflict's manpower problems. In particular, it looks at the ad hoc wartime efforts to expand the Army and the subsequent rise of the National Service League.
Chapter Two studies the non-military goals of the Conscription movement. It considers the attraction of conscription as the foundation of both greater physical efficiency and social reform, especially before 1906.
The final chapter studies the use of sensationalist invasion scares and calls for home defence to further the cause of the Conscription movement. Particular attention is given to the invasion scare of 1908-09 and the rise of the Territorial Force after 1906.
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Jett, Zachariah L. "Negotiating for Efficiency: Local Adaptation, Consensus, and Military Conscription in Karl XI's Sweden". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1605200125756442.

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12

Ohren, Dana M. "All the Tsar's men minorities and military conscription in Imperial Russia, 1874-1905 /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3203866.

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13

Callister, Graeme. "Compliance, compulsion and contest : aspects of military conscription in South Africa, 1952-1992". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/596.

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14

LABBATE, MARCO. "E se la Patria chiama: storia dell’obiezione di coscienza al servizio militare nell’Italia repubblicana (1945-1972)". Doctoral thesis, Urbino, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11576/2630926.

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15

Hasslöf, Victor. "CONSCRIPTION WITH CONSEQUENCES? Exploring the Effects of Military Personnel Supply Method Choice on Civil War Onset". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431926.

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Positing that the characteristics of a state’s military has an effect on civil war outbreak likelihood, this thesis examines a hitherto unexplored relationship —that between military personnel supply method and civil war onset. Based on earlier research on the two phenomena separate from each other, a theory linking conscription to an increased probability of civil war onset compared to voluntary service was developed and an hypothesis derived. A test was then performed by means of several large-n multivariate logistic regression analyses on two sets of country-year level data from 1945 – 1999. Ultimately, the null hypothesis could not be rejected. Results instead indicate that voluntary service might result in a higher probability of civil war onset. This finding is however not statistically significant at the standard level. These findings are of importance for the shaping of military policy, especially in at-risk-of-civil-war countries, and it is strongly suggested that the examined relationship be further investigated in future research.
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Joo, Hyo Sung. "South Korean Men and the Military: The Influence of Conscription on the Political Behavior of South Korean Males". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1048.

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This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.
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Chiang, Hock Woon. "Young Singaporeans’ perspectives of compulsory military conscription : how they manage the National Service experience in relation to their education, development and careers". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/10171.

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The aim of this study is to generate a substantive theory concerning how Singaporean conscripts manage their national service (NS) experience in relation to their development, education, and careers. It addresses three main research questions: What are conscripts’ perspectives on NS in relation to their personal lives and careers and their education and development needs prior to enlistment? How do conscripts perceive and cope with the two-year conscription experience? In what ways, if at all, do conscripts believe the conscription experience will influence their subsequent personal lives and careers? A grounded theory methodology was adopted. Data were collected using face-to-face interviews with a group of 21 conscripts in the Army. Other data sources included participants’ reflection journals and performance records. The major outcome of the study was the generation of the Theory of Selective Commitment, which posits that commitment (with its associated features) to NS is the key factor that determines how conscripts manage, appraise, and assimilate their NS experiences. Among the major findings are that - how the conscripts internalised the significance of service in NS was dependent on how the conscripts coped during training, how they appraised their NS experience and how they assimilated their roles as citizen soldiers. This in turn determined their level of commitment in terms of time and energy devoted to serving NS. Accordingly, a typology comprised of five types of conscripts was identified: advocates, adventurers, careerists, play-safes and challengers. Major implications for policy formulation, practice, and future research are drawn from the study.
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18

Bäckström, Peter. "Essays on military labour supply in the era of voluntary recruitment". Licentiate thesis, Umeå universitet, Nationalekonomi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-167166.

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This thesis consists of an introductory part and two self-contained chapters related to the supply of volunteers to the Swedish Armed Forces. Chapter [I] represents the first effort to explore the relationship between civilian labour market conditions and the supply of labour to the military in the all-volunteer environment that Sweden entered after the abolishment of the peacetime draft in 2010. The effect of civilian unemployment on the rate of applications from individuals aged 18 to 25 to initiate basic military training is investigated using panel data on Swedish counties for the years 2011 through 2015. A linear fixed-effects model is estimated to investigate the relationship, while controlling for a range of socio-demographic covariates and unobserved heterogeneity on the regional level, as well as aggregate trends on the national level. The results indicate a positive and statistically significant relationship between the unemployment rate and the application rate. The results are robust to non-linear form specifications, as well as allowing the civilian unemployment rate to be endogenous. As such, the results suggest that the civilian labour market environment in Sweden can give rise to non-trivial fluctuations in the supply of applications to initiate basic military training within the Swedish Armed Forces. Chapter [II] studies how local labour market conditions influence the quality composition of those who volunteer for military service in Sweden. A fixed-effects regression model is estimated on a panel data set containing IQ scores for those who applied for military basic training across Swedish municipalities during the period 2010 to 2016. The main finding is that low civilian employment rates at the local level tend to increase the mean IQ score of those who volunteer for military service, whereas the opposite is true if employment rates in the civilian labour market move in a more favourable direction. As such, the results suggest that the negative impact of a strong civilian economy on recruitment volumes is reinforced by a deterioration in recruit quality.
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19

Smith, Chamberlain Tiffany Leigh. "Uncle Sam Does Not Want You: Military Rejection and Discharge during the World Wars". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1538659/.

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In the United States, rapid military mobilization for the world wars marked a turning point in the national need to manage and evaluate manpower. To orchestrate manpower needs for the military, industry, and those relating to familial obligations, Woodrow Wilson's administration created the Selective Service System during the First World War. In categorizing men, local Selective Service boards utilized rapid physical and psychological diagnostic techniques and applied their assessments to current military branch induction standards to pronounce candidates as militarily fit or unfit. From World War I to World War II, the Selective Service System expanded as a bureaucracy but did not adequately address induction issues surrounding rapidly changing standards, racism, and inconsistent testing procedures. These persistent problems with Selective Service prevented the system from becoming truly consistent, fair, or effective. As a result of Selective Service System, War Department, and military branch standards, military rejection and prematurely military discharge rates increased in World War II. Additionally, though Selective Service did not accurately predict who would or would not serve effectively, rejected and prematurely discharged men faced harsh discrimination on the American home front during World War II.
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20

Pellerin, R. Daniel. "Sharpening the Sabre: Canadian Infantry Combat Training during the Second World War". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34206.

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During the Second World War, training was the Canadian Army’s longest sustained activity. Aside from isolated engagements at Hong Kong and Dieppe, the Canadians did not fight in a protracted campaign until the invasion of Sicily in July 1943. The years that Canadian infantry units spent training in the United Kingdom were formative in the history of the Canadian Army. Despite what much of the historical literature has suggested, training succeeded in making the Canadian infantry capable of succeeding in battle against German forces. Canadian infantry training showed a definite progression towards professionalism and away from a pervasive prewar mentality that the infantry was a largely unskilled arm and that training infantrymen did not require special expertise. From 1939 to 1941, Canadian infantry training suffered from problems ranging from equipment shortages to poor senior leadership. In late 1941, the Canadians were introduced to a new method of training called “battle drill,” which broke tactical manoeuvres into simple movements, encouraged initiative among junior leaders, and greatly boosted the men’s morale. The Canadians participated in numerous military exercises of varying sizes that exposed problems with their senior leadership. The replacement of unsuitable officers greatly enhanced the fighting potential of Canadian units and formations. As time went on, infantry training became more rigorous and realistic, and tactical concepts became increasingly sophisticated. By the time of the invasion of Normandy in June 1944, infantry training was intense, suited to units’ assigned tasks, and highly technical, which belied the false prewar assumption that the infantry was an unskilled arm. By the time Canadian divisions entered battle, they were as prepared as they would ever be. The exception to this was the training of the overseas reinforcement units, which reached an acceptable standard only in the last months of the war. This study ultimately represents a substantial contribution to understanding the history of the Canadian Army and its role in the Second World War.
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Saberian, Michael Reza. "Demographic study of military selection in the state of Ohio, 1917-1919". Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/3142.

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This thesis studies the influence of ethnicity, nationality, and occupation upon military selection of the residents of Ohio during the First World War. This is a quantitative study, based on a data set constructed from samples of the 1910 and 1920 censuses and The Official Roster of Ohio Soldiers, Sailors, and Marines in the World War, 1917-1918. Chapter I introduces the sources and the methodology. Chapter II examines the ethnicity of conscripts, and whether or not ethnic identities affected draft registration or military selection. Chapter III examines the numerical significance of resident aliens in the military population. Chapter IV examines the influence of social class on conscription: determining whether persons of wealth avoided military service and the influence of occupational deferments on the population at risk. Chapter V concludes the thesis by summarizing the results.
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Edlmann, Tessa Margaret. "Negotiating historical continuities in contested terrain : a narrative-based reflection on the post-apartheid psychosocial legacies of conscription into the South African Defence Force". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012811.

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For a 25-year period during the apartheid era in South Africa, all school-leaving white men were issued with a compulsory call-up to national military service in the South African Defence Force. It is estimated that 600 000 men were conscripted between 1968 and 1993, undergoing military training and being deployed in Namibia, Angola and South Africa. The purpose of this system of military conscription was to support both the apartheid state’s role in the “Border War” in Namibia and Angola and the suppression of anti-apartheid resistance within South Africa. It formed part of the National Party’s strategy of a “total response” to what it perceived as the “total onslaught” of communism and African nationalism. While recruiting and training young white men was the focus of the apartheid government’s strategy, all of white South African society was caught up in supporting, contesting, avoiding and resisting this system in one way or another. Rather than being a purely military endeavour, conscription into the SADF therefore comprised a social and political system with wide-ranging ramifications. The 1994 democratic elections in South Africa heralded the advent of a very different political, social and economic system to what had gone before. The focus of this research is SADF conscripts’ narrations of identity in the contested narrative terrain of post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis begins with a contextual framing of the historical, social and political systems of which conscription was a part. Drawing on narrative psychology as a theoretical framework, the thesis explores discursive resources of whiteness, masculinities and perceptions of threat in conscripts’ narrations of identity, the construction of memory fields in narrating memories of war and possible trauma, and the notions of moral injury and moral repair in dealing with legacies of war. Using a narrative discursive approach, the thesis then reflects on historical temporal threads, and narrative patterns that emerge when analysing a range of texts about the psychosocial legacies of conscription, including interviews, research, memoirs, plays, media reports, video documentaries, blogs and photographic exhibitions. Throughout the thesis, conscripts’ and others’ accounts of conscription and its legacies are regarded as cultural texts. This serves as a means to highlight both contextual narrative negotiations and the narrative-discursive patterns of conscripts’ personal accounts of their identities in the post-apartheid narrative terrain. The original contribution of this research is the development of conceptual and theoretical framings of the post-apartheid legacies of conscription. Key to this has been the use of narrative-based approaches to highlight the narrative-discursive patterns, memory fields and negotiations of narrative terrains at work in texts that focus on various aspects of conscription and its ongoing aftereffects. The concept of temporal threads has been developed to account for the emergence and shifts in these patterns over time. Existing narrative-discursive theory has formed the basis for conscripts’ negotiations of identity being identified as acts of narrative reinforcement and narrative repair. The thesis concludes with reflections on the future possibilities for articulating and supporting narrative repair that enables a shift away from historical discursive laagers and a reconfiguration of the narrative terrain within which conscripts narrate their identities.
Also known as: Edlmann, Theresa
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Trulsson, Linnea, e Edvard Johansson. "Ingen liten lort? : En textanalys om manlighet i Värnpliktsnytt åren 1971-1991". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-26338.

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This essay examines masculinity in the Swedish military paper Värnpliktsnytt during 1971-1991. The purpose is to study the masculine norms and the hegemonic masculinity that Värnpliktsnytt conveys during these years. Värnpliktsnytt was handed out for free to all soldiers during 1971-2010. During the 1970’s the women were only allowed on non-combat posts and in the 1980’s they more and more were included and accepted as soldiers and staff in the military. In 1989 women were allowed to apply for active and non-combat duty in all military sectors. This affected the masculine ideal of Värnpliktsnytt, and the desirable view of man started to change. Before the 1980’s strong men in the ranger divisions constituted the hegemonic masculinity’s peak, but during this decade the regular conscripted soldiers with more individual thought and softer feelings rose in the hegemonic hierarchy. Also with the common debate on gender equality men in the military was encouraged to take a bigger part in the home life and to act more responsible towards the upbringing of the children. Apart from the duty to family, the military duty is also central to the masculinity in Värnpliktsnytt during the whole examined period. Men are expected to fulfill their military duty, although it is accepted to complain about wage andworking conditions. The overall results points in the direction that the ideal man becomes more complex.
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Wilt, Ashley. "Entering Nam: A Comparative Study of the Entrance Experiences of Volunteer and Drafted Service Members into the Military During the Vietnam War". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5576.

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Many historians have conducted oral history interviews with Vietnam War veterans in an attempt to offer a more personal perspective to the study of the Vietnam War; however, most historians do not consciously differentiate between drafted and volunteer veterans. Identifying whether a veteran was drafted into service or volunteered is critical because the extent to which this service was voluntary or coerced may affect the way a veteran remembers his military service. By conducting oral histories, one can consciously delineate service members who volunteered as opposed to those who were drafted to determine if the veterans' experiences change based on the nature of their entry into the military. Additionally, examining the implementation of a national draft and its effects on service members' experiences will offer a better understanding of American military history. While much of the attention of scholars has been on drafted soldiers in Vietnam, little research has been conducted on the experience of the volunteer soldier. This study relies on oral history interviews conducted with volunteer and drafted service members of the Vietnam War to determine if there were differences between draftees and volunteers based on their entrance into the military. The research and oral history interviews with the two veteran groups establishes that the dissent detailed by draft protesters was not always the case and service members, volunteers and draftees alike, more often than not accepted their military service. The interviewed veterans' responses suggest that resistance to military service during the Vietnam War may not have been as great as one might think given the attention that has been placed on the anti-draft movement.
ID: 031001475; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Connie Lester.; Co-adviser: Barbara Gannon.; Title from PDF title page (viewed July 15, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-81).
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
History; Public History
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Bustamante, Hernández Nicolás. "Los pelaos y las armas. La visión de los conscriptos del Ejército chileno sobre el Chile de 1970-1975 durante y después de su servicio militar". Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2007. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/110435.

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Lundgren, Ellinor, e Susanna Magnusson. "Soldater i McDonalds tjänst : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av reklamfilmen "Fler borde göra donken"". Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-38858.

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Reklamfilmen “Fler borde göra donken” publicerades 2017 som en del i McDonalds reklamkampanj “Gör donken”. Den uppstår i svallvågorna av att allmän värnplikt återinförs i Sverige och flyktingkrisen 2015. Myten om hjältesoldaten identifieras som en central aspekt i reklamfilmen och syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur myten kring hjältesoldaten framställs samt diskutera hur reklamfilmen relaterar till övergripande kontext och rådande ideologier. Analysen utförs med en kvalitativ innehållsanalys som möjliggör för djupgående reflektioner. Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk inkluderar semiotik med fem valda teoribegrepp samt stort fokus på myter. Vidare används David Machins teori som behandlar sociala aktörers framställning. Slutligen inkluderas retoriken med sex valda teoribegrepp. Resultatet från analysen visar på att myten kring hjältesoldaten existerar och verkar inom reklamfilmen genom visuella, auditiva och språkliga tecken samt de sociala aktörerna. Myten byggs upp genom kopplingar till ett flertal karakteristiska teman som hämtas från hjältesoldatens framställning. Vidare tyder analysen på att myten är förankrad i den övergripande framtoningen som McDonalds framställer. Det finns även en förankring till den omkringliggande samhälleliga kontexten där återinförandet av värnplikten i Sverige och flyktingkrisen 2015 är de centrala kopplingarna. Dock återfinns även en brytning med myten samt med rådande ideologi i samhället. Avslutningsvis brukar reklamfilmen de positiva konnotationerna tillhörande myten kring hjältesoldaten, medan de negativa konnotationerna förblir dolda. Detta kräver att konsumenter anammar ett kritiskt synsätt för att tydliggöra dem och således kunna ta ställningen till reklamfilmens fulla innebörd.
The advertisement “Fler borde göra donken” was published in 2017 as part of the McDonald’s campaign “Gör donken”. The campaign surfaces in the aftermath of the reintroduction of military draft in Sweden and the refugee crisis in 2015. The myth concerning the hero soldier is identified as a central aspect in the advertisement and the purpose of this study is to analyze how the myth concerning the hero soldier is portrayed as well as what possible implications can arise from it. The analysis is conducted with a qualitative content analysis which enables deeper reflection. The study’s theoretical framework includes semiotics with five chosen theoretical concepts and focus on myths. David Machin’s theory concerning social actors and their portrayal is also used in the theoretical framework. Finally, rhetoric is included in the framework with six chosen theoretical concepts. The result from the analysis reveals that the myth concerning the hero soldier exists within the advertisement through both visual, auditive and linguistic signs as well as the social actors. The myth is created through connections to several characteristic themes which are found in the general portrayal of the hero soldier. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that the myth is anchored in the general image portrayed by McDonalds. There is also rootedness to the surrounding societal context where the reintroduction of military drafting and the refugee crisis of 2015 are the central connections. On the other hand, there is also a disconnect with the myth as well with an ideology in the society. Finally, the advertisement utilizes the positive connotations belonging to the myth concerning the hero soldier while the negative connotations remain hidden. This requires that consumers adopt a critical way of thinking to elucidate the hidden connotations to be aware of all aspects of the advertisement.
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Piper, Alana. "The evolution of a conception of citizenly duty towards military service 1854-1914 : a study of London press discourse". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f86d6581-f83c-44ed-b65c-6acf9578496d.

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This dissertation investigates how personal military service, which during the immensely popular Crimean War of 1854-6 was regarded as the business only of an abstract and lowly soldier-class, had by the eve of the Great War taken on the aspect of a clear and universal citizenly duty in London press discourse. It utilises text-searchable digitised newspaper archives to exhaustively review the whole body of relevant press debate in thirteen key London periodicals, identifying key shifts and trends in press conceptions of civilian military obligation over the six decades between the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 and the eve of the Great War in 1914. The analytical narrative that emerges highlights the importance of key events, including the Crimean War, Indian Mutiny, wars of Prussian expansionism, and Boer War, in promoting and shaping the coherent conception of citizenly duty towards military service that would go on to underpin not only the mass enlistments of 1914 but also the acceptance of conscription in 1916. It suggests also the important role of broader cultural and political trends – in particular, the advent of militarist Imperialism, the growing legitimacy of the state, the shift towards a more collectivist ‘social democratic’ liberalism, and the emergence of ‘contractual’ theories of citizenship – in facilitating a reconciliation between the military imperative towards mass civilian military participation and existing liberal values and ideologies. This dissertation reveals that the societal consensus on the duty to enlist in 1914 was by no means a foregone cultural conclusion, nor indeed the relic of an earlier heroic age, but rather the dynamic product of evolution and contestation over six decades. The present study not only provides vital context to our understanding of the ‘rush to the colours’ of 1914, but also represents the first historical investigation of an important and much-neglected aspect of the relationship between war and society.
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Mo, Zhexun. "A Few Essays on the Political Economy of Inequalities in Africa and China". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0057.

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Cette thèse de doctorat s’inscrit dans mes intérêts de recherche générale à l’intersection de l’économie du développement, de l’économie politique et de l’histoire économique. Plus précisément, mon programme de recherche se concentre autour de deux axes principaux. D’une part, en numérisant des ensembles de données historiques à grande échelle, j’explore les vicissitudes à long terme des inégalités sous des formes multidimensionnelles en Afrique et en Asie de l’Est, en particulier leurs déterminants historiques (via l’avènement et la fin du colonialisme, la montée et la chute de différents régimes politiques, etc.) et leurs interactions à long terme avec le développement contemporain et les résultats de la croissance. D’autre part, j’adopte une perspective plus micro en concevant des expériences d’enquête transnationales pour comprendre comment les gens perçoivent subjectivement les inégalités et forment leurs préférences en matière de redistribution, en particulier dans les pays en développement où la forte présence d’institutions traditionnelles et des trajectoires de croissance uniques peuvent avoir façonné la vision des citoyens sur l’inégalité et le développement de manière différente, les idées tirées pouvant également éclairer les politiques pour un développement plus durable à long terme. Dans cette thèse de doctorat, je tente de répondre à ces questions en me concentrant sur les dimensions de recherche susmentionnées en quatre chapitres traversant les territoires de l’Afrique de l’Ouest et de l’Asie de l’Est. Dans le premier chapitre, j’examine les déterminants historiques de la conception des institutions coloniales françaises en Afrique de l’Ouest, En particulier, je me concentre sur l’un des épisodes de travail forcé les plus draconiens intégrés dans le système de conscription de l’époque, spécifiquement au Mali colonial où les réservistes militaires étaient exploités pour les travaux publics et la construction de chemins de fer. J’estime les répercussions à long terme du travail forcé colonial en collectant manuellement un énorme ensemble de données historiques sur les soldats coloniaux au Mali avec mes collègues qui recherchent sur le développement au Mali contemporain. Dans mes deuxième et troisième chapitres, je m’éloigne du colonialisme en Afrique de l’Ouest et me plonge dans l’étude des perceptions des inégalités et de la formation des préférences redistributives dans la Chine contemporaine. À travers deux expériences d’enquête consécutives avec mes co-auteurs,nous constatons que les attitudes des citoyens chinois envers les inégalités et les préférences pour la redistribution diffèrent significativement des idéaux occidentaux, et nous tentons de rationaliser cet ensemble unique de préférences avec l’expérience économique transitoire de la Chine et la faible agence politique de la population. Dans mon dernier chapitre, je retourne dans l’histoire de la Chine au 20e siècle et, avec mes coauteurs, nous estimons l’évolution à long terme de l’accumulation de la richesse nationale chinoise depuis la fondation de la République de Chine (1911) jusqu’en 2020. Nous trouvons des modèlestrès frappants en ce qui concerne la dynamique de l’accumulation de la richesse d’un pays ayant subi des trajectoires politiques et de développement drastiques au cours du siècle dernier, ce qui ouvre la voie à plus de dialogues pour comprendre la relation complexe entre inégalité et croissance en Chine et dans le monde en développement en général à l’avenir
This Ph.D. dissertation speaks to my general research interests at the intersections of development economics, political economy and economic history. Specifically, my research agenda centers around two main axes. On the one hand, by digitizing large-scale historical datasets, I explore the long-term vicissitudes of inequalities in multi-dimensional forms in both Africa and East Asia, in particular their historical determinants (via the advent and end of colonialism, the rise and fall of different political regimes, etc) and their long-run interactions with contemporary development and growth outcomes. On the other hand, I zoom in from a more micro perspective, by designing cross-country survey experiments, in order to understand how people subjectively perceive inequalities and form preferences for redistribution, especially in developing countries where the strong presence of traditional institutions and unique growth trajectories could have shaped citizens to view inequality and development in alternative manners and the insights from which could also inform policy-making for more sustainable development in the longer run. In this Ph.D. thesis, I attempt to answer these questions centering around the aforementioned research dimensions in four chapters, traversing the territories of West Africa and East Asia. In the first chapter, I examine the historical determinants over the design of French colonial institutions in West Africa. In particular, I zoom in on one of the most draconian forced labor episodes embedded in the conscription system at the time, specifically in colonial Mali where military reservists were exploited for public works and railway construction, and estimate the long-term developmental repercussions of colonial forced labor by hand-collecting an enormous historical dataset on colonial soldiers in Mali together with my colleagues researching on development in contemporary Mali. In my second and third chapters, I depart away from colonialism in West Africa, and dive into investigating inequality perceptions and the formation of redistributive preferences in contemporary China. Via two consecutive survey experiments with my co-authors, we find that Chinese citizens’ attitudes towards inequalities and preferences for redistribution differ significantly from the western ideals,and we attempt to rationalize this unique set of preferences with China’s transitional economic experience and low political agency of the population. In my final chapter, I go back into the history of China in the 20th century, and together with my co-authors, we estimate the long-run evolution of Chinese national wealth accumulation from the founding of the Republic of China (1911) till 2020. We find very striking patterns with regards to the dynamics of wealth accumulation of a country having undergone drastic political and development trajectories over the past century, which paves the way for more dialogues on understanding the intricate relationship between inequality and growth in China and the developing world at large in the future
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Conway, Daniel John. "Masculinity, citizenship and political objection to compulsory military service in the South African Defence Force, 1978-1990". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008383.

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This thesis conceptualises compulsory military service and objection to it as public performative acts that generate gendered and political identity. Conscription was the primary performance of citizenship and masculinity for white men in apartheid South Africa. Conscription was also a key governance strategy both in terms of upholding the authority of the state and in engendering discipline in the white population. Objection to military service was therefore a destabilising and transgressive public act. Competing conceptualisations of masculinity and citizenship are inherent in pro and anti-conscription discourses. The refusal to undertake military service places men outside the accepted means of graduating to ' real' manhood and patriotic citizenship. Although objection can be an iconic and transgressive act, objectors have an essentially ambivalent subjectivity in the public realm. Objectors are 'strangers' in a socially constructed and gendered binary of 'insiders' and 'outsiders' . This ambivalent status creates opportunities but also constraints for the performance of objection. The thesis analyses the effectiveness of objectors' performances and argues that there is a distinction between a radical challenge to hegemonic conceptions of militarised masculinity and citizenship and assimilatory challenges. The tension between radicalism and assimilation comes to the fore in response to the state's attacks on objectors. The militarised apartheid state is defined as not only masculine but heteronormative terms and it is the deployment of sexuality that is its most effective means of stigmatising and restricting the performance of objection. The thesis uses interview material, archival data and case studies and concludes that objectors (and their supporters) weaved multiple narratives into their performances but that as the 1980s progressed, the performance of objection to conscription became assimilatory and this demonstrates the heteronormativity of the state, military service and the public realm.
KMBT_363
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Слюсарчук, Галина Ярославівна, e Sliusarchuk H. Y. "Дослідження вітчизняного та європейського досвіду модернізації публічної діяльності в установах військової сфери, на прикладі Тернопільського військового комісаріату". Master's thesis, Тернопільський національний технічний університет імені Івана Пулюя, 2020. http://elartu.tntu.edu.ua/handle/lib/33619.

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Об'єкт дослідження  процес управління публічною діяльністю установи військової сфери. Метою роботи є дослідження вітчизняного і зарубіжного досвіду модернізації публічної діяльності Тернопільського військового комісаріату. Предметом дослідження є теоретичні та прикладні засади управління процесом публічної діяльності в умовах імплементації кращого вітчизняного та зарубіжного досвіду. Наукова новизна роботи полягає у ретельному дослідженні та систематизуванні процесів реформування військової сфери в Україні і за кордоном, поглибленні категоріального апарату та доповненні окремих класифікаційних ознак. Практичне значення результатів роботи полягає в розробленні проектних пропозицій щодо підвищення ефективності планування кадрового резерву Тернопільського військового комісаріату, удосконалення критеріїв рейтингового оцінювання кадрових ресурсів публічної установи на основі європейської методики ЄКТС, дослідження шляхів вирішення гендерних питань у регіональному військовому секторі. Можливість упровадження результатів дослідження підтверджена відгуком із досліджуваної організації. Методи дослідження – системного аналізу, синтезу та узагальнення, експертного оцінювання. The object of study  the process of managing the public activities of military institutions. The work aims to study the domestic and foreign experience of modernization of public activity of the Ternopil Military Commissariat. The subject of research is the theoretical and applied principles of managing the process of public activity in the implementation of the best domestic and foreign experience. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the careful study and systematization of the processes of reforming the military sphere in Ukraine and abroad, the deepening of the categorical apparatus and the addition of certain classification features. The practical significance of the results is to develop project proposals to increase the efficiency of personnel reserve planning of the Ternopil Military Commissariat, improve the criteria for rating human resources of a public institution based on European ECTS methodology, study ways to address gender issues in the regional military sector; a response from the study organization confirmed the possibility of implementing the results of the study. Research methods - system analysis, synthesis and generalization, expert evaluation.
Вступ…6. Розділ 1. Теоретичні засади модернізації публічної діяльності у військовій сфері України…8. 1.1 Передумови процесів реформування військової сфери в Україні…8. 1.2 Законодавча база публічної діяльності у військовій сфері…15. 1.3 Зарубіжний досвід модернізації системи публічного управління військової сфери…22. Розділ 2. Аналіз публічної діяльності Тернопільського військового комісаріату…28. 2.1 Загальна характеристика та аналіз організаційної структури управління Тернопільського військового комісаріату…28. 2.2 Аналіз особливостей функціонування системи військового обліку призовників і військовозобов’язаних на рівні Тернопільського військового комісаріату…38. 2.3 Фінансове і матеріально-технічне забезпечення діяльності Тернопільського військового комісаріату…43. Розділ 3. Удосконалення публічної діяльності Тернопільського військового комісаріату шляхом впровадження європейських стандартів…52. 3.1 Підвищення ефективності планування кадрового резерву Тернопільського військового комісаріату…52. 3.2 Удосконалення рейтингового оцінювання кадрових ресурсів публічної установи на основі європейської методики ЄКТС…55. 3.3 Дослідження шляхів вирішення гендерних питань у регіональному військовому секторі …63. Розділ 4. Охорона праці та безпека в надзвичайних ситуаціях…73. 4.1 Організація діяльності з охорони праці та технічного нагляду в Тернопільському обласному військовому комісаріаті…73. 4.2 Взаємодія установ військової сфери з органами виконавчої влади при підготовці та проведенні заходів територіальної оборони…75. Висновки та пропозиції…83. Бібліографія…85.
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31

Granat, Mimmi. ""They Are More Afraid of Losing Women Than of Having Women" : How the structural transformation of the Swedish Armed Forces has affected the experience for female recruits". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6164.

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When interviewing female conscripts, Emma Lindgren Lauritzon (2012) found that they perceived their basic military training in the Swedish Armed Forces as a negative experience. The women felt that the environment was hostile and that they served on the conditions of men. This is especially alarming since the unequal conscription was replaced by voluntary service for all in 2010, making the Swedish defence dependent on attracting the whole population to fill up its necessary positions. Therefore, this thesis examines how female recruits experience the new basic military training and if the structural transformation, with a more gender equal entrance, has had an impact on the individual level. Eight semi-structured interviews were conducted, designed and presented by a deductive thematic analysis, and later interpreted through feministic and gender organizational theories. The results indicate a positive development in their experiences, and more so – a new development of the women feeling especially wanted and needed. This perceived dependency on women is arguably in the risk of backfiring, generating guilt if they disappoint the organisation. This study gives vital insight to the organisation in question, the Swedish Armed Forces, and also several new and interesting aspects to build future research on regarding women in the military.
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32

Fry, Zachery A. "Lincoln's Divided Legion: Loyalty and the Political Culture of the Army of the Potomac, 1861-1865". The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492292669458662.

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33

Händelsten, Anders, e Nicholas McGuinness. "Ungas attityer till statlig plikt : En studie om motivation för att söka sig till eller avstå från värnplikt i ettpostmodernt samhälle". Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-72656.

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Flera av de funktioner som vi i allmänhet anser vara nödvändiga för att ha ett fungerandesamhälle lider idag av rekryteringsproblem. I media rapporteras det om underskott av såvällärare som sjukvårdspersonal men även Försvarsmakten har problem med att fyllakrigsorganisation. Det är därför intressant att undersöka om det finns ett intresse blandungdomar att söka sig till det som vi kallar “Kallyrken” och vilka motiv och attityder somungdomar har till dessa. Vår undersökning fokuserar på värnplikten och syftar till attidentifiera vilka drivkrafter ungdomar har för att genomföra eller avstå från den.Vårt teoretiska ramverk utgår från Fabrizio Battistellis motivationstypologi som beskriverdrivkrafter som endera paleomoderna, moderna eller postmoderna. Han menar att strömningari samhället påverkar våra motiv och att vi i dagens postmoderna samhälle snarare drivs avviljan att finna sig själv och söka äventyr än av patriotism och ekonomiska fördelar. Vi hardärutöver utvecklat vårt ramverk med delar ur careershipsteorin i syfte förstå vilkabakgrundsfaktorer som kan ha påverkat ungdomars motiv.Våra data har samlats in genom att intervjua tio ungdomar, fem som genomför sin värnpliktoch fem som går sista året på gymnasiet. I vår undersökning har vi kommit fram till att deundersökta ungdomarna i huvudsak har en positiv inställning till värnplikten och att de serfördelar med att genomföra den. Postmoderna drivkrafter är i huvudsak dominerade men vinoterar även en något högre frekvens av paleomoderna drivkrafter, såsom skyddet avnationen, jämfört med Battistellis tidigare forskning. En av de faktorer som de undersöktaungdomarna lyfter fram som mest betydelsefullt inför mönstring och värnplikt är tillgångentill trovärdig information. Den bild som förmedlas på sociala medier bidrar till ett ökatintresse, men den behöver kompletteras med information som ökar förståelsen för varför detär viktigt att alla är med och bidrar. Samtliga undersökta rekryter meddelar att värnplikten harvarit en positiv upplevelse och kan tänka sig en framtid i Försvarsmakten på något sätt.Studenter är inte heller främmande för ett engagemang i Försvarsmakten utan ser det som enframtida möjlighet.
Many of the social and governmental institutions, such as schools and hospitals, that wegenerally consider a necessity in a functioning society suffer from recruitment problems. TheSwedish Armed Forces are not exempted from this and also have problems manning theirorganisation. The purpose of this study is to determine the underlying motives today's youthexpress towards the newly reinstated compulsory service in the Armed Forces.Our theoretical framework derives from Fabrizio Battistellis motivation trichotomy in whichhe explains that a person's motivation can be either paleomodern, modern or postmodern. Hisconclusion is that today's youth are more motivated by the desire for adventure thanpatriotism and economic benefits. In addition we have used the careership theory in order tounderstand the underlying circumstances that may have influenced a person's motivation.Our data has been collected by interviewing ten young people, five who are in the midst ofcarrying out their military service and five who are attending their last year in high school.We can, in our study, determine, among today’s youth the postmodern motives and values arestill the main driving force, but we have also observed an increase in paleomodern motivesand values compared to Battistelli's previous research.
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34

Chang, In-chung, e 張應中. "An Economic Analysis of Conscription and Voluntary military". Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/39344102130092744814.

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碩士
臺灣大學
農業經濟學研究所
98
In view of Taiwan’s military planning on full enlistment in military service which starts in 2015, in other words the future acquisition for military manpower will come from market recruitment; the issues on how to design a remuneration and welfare package that attracts young people nowadays to join the army under the State financial capacity, is the major reform in the history of Taiwan’s military service. Such reform will bring considerate impact on the economic development of the country, which merits conducting a systematic research from the dimension of marketing. The study provides a fundamental analysis from the supply and demand for military manpower, whereas the research regarding the demand aspect includes issues on military enlistment, reserve and elements of military manpower. The supply aspect includes the labor force structures and size of the labor force provided by the private sectors to the military units, under exiting social-economic conditions and demand parameters; whereas the research related to this aspect comprises of theories in human resources and welfare. The study attempts to conduct systematic research on the recruitment system in modern military manpower in light of observing our latest military full-enlistment service through the analysis of changes in supply and demand for military labor market and the allocation efficiency for military manpower. Finally, the study proposes personal recommendation for governmental policy review.
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35

Liu, Yu-Wei, e 劉育偉. "The Comparison of Military Law fromThe View of Conscription and Voluntarism". Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/43346035896213304910.

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碩士
東吳大學
法律學系
94
In the topic of Year 93 of the Republic of China presidential election, the not in power Kuomintang has ever become voluntarism to its main political views, and thinks that draftee's service can shorten for three months, that is a recruit who must be giving basic training can immediately retire from the army. However, the implement of the pure voluntarism, or call the single of voluntarism, under the state of the nation and the threat of the Communist Party of China force, in addition to as a whole sexual strategic worry that we must consider, may involve the correction of the fluctuation of the constitution. The 20th provision of the constitution:" The people shall have the duty of performing military service in accordance with law"; Act of Military Service System Military Service Act Article 1 is also theme stated in opening chapter to point out:" In accordance with the Law, the male citizens of the Republic of China are obligated to take military service. "Military service for the citizen has totally of obligation with formal confirmation. If our country executes voluntarism in the future, it means that the people who service for the army are a contract or an administrative contract, maybe. Therefore, our country may suffer the impact of the reformation of the voluntarism in the future. In addition to the change of the constitution, the related ordinance "possibility" will have the difference of significant degree. So whether or not the military law that maintenance of the military discipline can have a different operation because the military service system is changed from conscription to voluntarism. Therefore, it means that whether our military law which applies voluntarism can develop its function under such situation is the research motive of this thesis. To carry out the voluntarism, the most successful representative nation, currently, is the United States. But the United States that carry out voluntarism becomes many low levels or the young man with low level of education in 1973, it appears a problem in growing military talented person's character, even become a kind of military speculation behavior. But it still has its special features, such as lawmaking is more completely and the relationship between employer and employee is more definitely, soldier's quantity has guarantee and the officer, sergeant's system goes it valid etc. And although our country adopts conscription, in fact is the mix system of conscription and voluntarism, the talented person with excellent leadership who is still by the military college to enlist and train. And soldier mainly by the man who is according to the legal obligation is subjected to a draft. The Ministry of National Defense enlists to volunteer service soldier in great quantities recently and the related regulation also conceive and get;it suffices to show that "high mixture system" of the voluntarism is an ineluctable trend in the future. However, the purposes studied by this thesis that does not inquire into advertising for the good or bad problem of the voluntarism at all, but military law that mainly lies in relatively applying to conscription while changing for voluntarism whether still can reach result of protecting the military benefit and maintaining military discipline and then inquire into the military law under its system of the situation of possible operation in the future. Therefore, the study of the related problems of military law will match with the most well-known case of the desertion of Charles Robert Jenkins recently, in the meantime, this text end will take the most special style of the punishment "dishonorable discharge" of American military law as example to pierce through military law between American and our country and to compare it from the view of conscription and voluntarism concretely.
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36

CHAO, SHU-TING, e 趙書婷. "A Study of Conscription and Recruitment Advertisements of Chinese Military--A Case Study of The Website of “China Military”". Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/q45juk.

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碩士
國防大學
中共軍事事務研究所
106
This study uses John Fiske's media semiotic concept and Fiske's three layers of semiotic as the main analytical framework. By analyzing the Chinese military recruitment and conscription advertisements released on the website of “China Military” in 2017, the study categorizes the military images demonstrated in the advertisements and explores the ideology behind the them. According to study results, those military images shown in the conscription advertisements include hot-blood trend , good discipline, elite troops, good civil-military relations, military heroines, knowledge and youth; and military images shown in the recruitment advertisements include being adept with both the pen and the sword, well-trained, open-minded, perseverance and uprightness, good civil-military relations, internationalization and modernization. The implicit ideology in conscription advertisements calls for the young of the right age to closely connect their ideal ambitions to dreams of building strong military and jointly realize the dreams of building strong military.The implicit ideology in recruitment advertisements is to realize the party’s strong military goals. In summary, the ideology of both advertisements is to realize “dreams of building strong military,” but the differences of the ideology between both advertisements are that the concept of “dreams of building strong military” in conscription advertisements is a rather vague concept; and the idea of “strong military goal” in recruitment advertisements is the concretization of the “dreams.” It has a more explicit concept, which is to build a people’s army that follows the command of the CPC, is capable of winning battles, and has a fine style of work.
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37

Tsan, Chung-Yi, e 詹中一. "The cost benefit analysis and opinion research on military recruitments and conscription of Republic of China". Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/zd6rgx.

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碩士
國立中山大學
人力資源管理研究所
97
ABSTRACT This cost benefit analysis and research are about the joint of military recruitments and conscription concept. The feasibility evaluation has put in consideration of compatriots’ view points and the relative cost benefit of this operation. The analysis and research outcome are relevant to the authorities for decision making. In order to increase the anticipation of society, the plan is put forth on how to encourage the public to adequately express their view points and expectations. Also arrange the interview in depth with public specialists to recognize the diversity of different culture on policy of military construction for the National Defense. The research is based on two phases. (Phase I: To interview with specialists. Phase II: Telephone research of general public). The conclusions are based on the interview with public specialists, telephone research and card vote. 1.When total enrollment reaches to 275 thousand people and the final budget accounting set by law legislature in 2003. The human resource maintenance cost must drop below 45% of national defense budget. The ratio norm of conscription and recruitment is 60% : 40%. Therefore, National defense budge may increase up to 336 billion and human resource maintenance cost may increase up to 151.2 billion. 2.National defense budget should establish the fix percentage above the total government budget GDP ratio by 3% to meet the ratio norm of conscription and recruitment at 60% : 40%. And it only uses annual budget by not spending the special allowance.
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38

Batt, Patricia Mara. "An assessment of the political and social feasibility of a peacetime draft". Thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/22917.

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Approved for public release; distribution unlimited
What is the political feasibility of a peacetime draft? Throughout this nation's history, the military manning debate has focused upon two separate schools of thought. On the one hand, there are those who believe that a "professional" force, comprised of experienced, career military personnel, is needed for national defense. At the same time, others have argued that a force composed of armed citizens is the best expression of democratic, "citizensoldier" ideals. A return to conscription has been proposed as the best means of remedying the deficiencies resulting from a market-based recruiting system. However, the fact is that Americans are quite satisfied with the current system (according to a 1984 survey). This thesis seeks to place the draft revival question within the framework of the philosophical and historical issues that have helped to shape the nation's attitudes toward military service. A major conclusion of the study is that political acceptability of a peacetime draft in the United States is highly questionable.
http://archive.org/details/assessmentofpoli00batt
Lieutenant, United States Navy
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39

Shesko, Elizabeth. "Conscript Nation: Negotiating Authority and Belonging in the Bolivian Barracks, 1900-1950". Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/5841.

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This dissertation examines the trajectory of military conscription in Bolivia from Liberals’ imposition of this obligation after coming to power in 1899 to the eve of revolution in 1952. Conscription is an ideal fulcrum for understanding the changing balance between state and society because it was central to their relationship during this period. The lens of military service thus alters our understandings of methods of rule, practices of authority, and ideas about citizenship in and belonging to the Bolivian nation. In eliminating the possibility of purchasing replacements and exemptions for tribute-paying Indians, Liberals brought into the barracks both literate men who were formal citizens and the non-citizens who made up the vast majority of the population. This study thus grapples with the complexities generated by an institution that bridged the overarching and linked divides of profession, language, literacy, indigeneity, and urbanity.

Venturing inside the barracks, this dissertation shows how experiences of labor, military routines, punishment, teasing, and drinking led to a situation in which many conscripts became increasingly invested in military service, negotiated its terms, and built ties that transcended local power structures. In addition to examining desertion, insubordination, and mutinies, it provides an explanation of the new legal categories created by military service, such as reservist, omiso, remiso, and deserter. It then points to the 1932-1935 Chaco War and its aftermath as the period when conscription became a major force in tying an unequal nation together. The mass mobilization necessitated by the war redefined the meaning and terms of conscription, even as the state resorted to forcible mass impressment throughout the national territory while simultaneously negotiating with various interest groups. A postwar process of reckoning initiated by the state, combined with mobilization from below by those who served, added a new hierarchy of military service that overlaid and sometimes even trumped long-standing hierarchies based on education, language, profession, and heritage.

This study thus explores conscription as a terrain on which Bolivians from across divides converged and negotiated their relationships with each other and with the state. The unique strength of this work lies in its use of unpublished internal military documents, especially court-martial records. These sources are further enriched by extensive use of congressional debates, official correspondence, reports of foreign military attachés, memoirs, and published oral histories. Through an analysis of these sources, this dissertation reveals not only elites’ visions of using the barracks to assimilate a diverse population but also the ways that soldiers and their families came to appropriate military service and invest it with new meanings on a personal, familial, communal, and national level. In the process, a conscript nation would eventually emerge that, while still hierarchical and divided by profound differences, was not merely a project of an assimilationist state but rather constructed in a dialectical process from both above and below.


Dissertation
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40

"Car il y a beaucoup d’appelés, mais peu d’élus: Military Conscription in French Literary Representations of the Algerian War". Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-kte1-c447.

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This dissertation offers readings of novels by Pierre Guyotat, Georges Perec, Patrick Modiano and other lesser-known French authors of the twentieth and twenty-first century, analyzing the representation of the “appelés d’Algérie,” the last citizens of France to be mobilized in a wartime draft. Dating back to the Third Republic, military service played a key role in turning both metropolitan and colonial populations into Frenchmen, though clearly not under the same conditions or in the same way. A historically informed account of military service’s role in citizenship formation can provide a useful analytic frame for clarifying literary engagements with contemporary French “identity-talk,” i.e. political and discursive deployments of identity and identity politics, as well as debates around laïcité, universalist assimilationism, and “communautarisme.” In early literary responses to the Algerian War, the character of the conscript serves to criticize the rising tide of consumerism and Americanization in postwar France. In novels by Daniel Anselme and René-Nicolas Ehni, draftees participate in a homosocial republicanism in which “fraternité” trumps both atomized individualism and the normative heterosexual couple, a locus of consumption. In novels by Perec and Modiano, resistance to conscription enables a critique of universalist citizenship, as the figure of the insubordinate or ambivalent conscript provides an opportunity to reckon with Jewish identity and French anti-Semitism. My analysis addresses the unequal and uneven distribution of political rights based on “identity” factors as well as the asymmetrical deployment of the term “communautarisme.” Certain of Guyotat’s texts are perceived to respond politically and aesthetically to the Algerian War, even though they refuse the conventions of realism, verisimilitude, and even representation. Using Foucault to read Guyotat, my analysis of his work provides an opportunity to address twentieth-century French debates concerning engaged and autonomous art, as well as the relationship of radical politics to radical form. I turn in my last chapter to recent novels by the prize-wining French novelists Alexis Jenni, Laurent Mauvignier, Jérôme Ferrari, and Alice Ferney. Set in part during the Algerian War, these novels draw explicit parallels between colonial violence and race-based violence in France today. These rhetorical parallels can obscure historical contingency and complexity, such as the evolving construction of the concept of “race.” Likewise, these novels contrast a virile, homogenous military and an effeminate, fractured republic and can be read as parables for the rise of the Front National in contemporary France. My analysis shows how these works can both participate in and critique particular racialized and gendered views of the French republic.
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41

Chen, Yi-Ju, e 陳臆如. "The Study of the Taiwan Strait Military Service System –A Comparative Analysis which focus on the Mercenary System and the Conscription". Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/495229.

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碩士
中國文化大學
法律學系碩士在職專班
103
The purpose of this study is to find a military service system most appropriate for Taiwan’s national defense in the years to come. In order to do this, the author takes the following factors into consideration: the ever changing global military strategies, interaction between Taiwan and Communist China, advancement in defense information and technology, and systematization of weapons. In view of the above, it is imperative that all-mercenary military service system be adopted to build a new armed force, through recruiting high-quality professionals, enhancing military soft power, and elevating comprehensive defense smart-power in order that the armed force is built with “appropriate quantity and high-quality combat skills.” In addition, the recruitment systems of more advance countries as well as that of Communist China are compared and analyzed in order that Taiwan can set up an effective military service system that generates military power with limited national defense budget and human resources will be able to face the overwhelming threat of Communist China’s military power. Keywords: military service system; mercenary system; conscription system; Taiwan and Communist China; structure of military power; national defense budget; defense manpower.
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42

Wang, Chen-cheng, e 汪正晟. "“Promote Domestic Affairs Through Military Directives”: The Role of Conscription in the KMT''s Strategies for and Praxis of State Building (1928-1945)". Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/87480106750458083723.

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Phillips, Merran Willis. "The End Conscription Campaign, 1983-1988: a study of white extra-parliamentary opposition to apartheid". Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/590.

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44

Connors, Judith Patricia. "Empowering alternatives : a history of the conscientious objector support group's challenge to military service in South Africa". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8318.

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Conscription of white males to the South African Defence Force between 1969 and 1994 was one of the measures used by the South African government to uphold apartheid and white supremacy. While it appeared that the majority of white males and their families supported the National Party propagated ideologies of the country at the time and felt it was their duty to render military service, there were some for whom this duty provided a conflict of conscience. Giving expression to this conflict and finding constructive ways of dealing with it was almost impossible within the highly restrictive, repressive political, legal and social climate of that time. Limited options seemed available to the young men who had objections to serving in the military, namely exile, evasion or deferment: personal choices that drove people into physical and emotional isolation, and which did not engage the state in the resolution of this conflict. Some young men, however, chose to confront the state and object openly. This began a protracted series of negotiations with ruling authorities, debates within state structures, legislative changes and prosecutions that attempted to prevent and quash the presence of objectors. In the face of this oppression, family and friends formed themselves into solidarity groups around individual objectors to support them in handling the consequences of their objection and in making their stance known and heeded by the government. And so began a movement for change, which over the years learned the skills of nonviolent direct action and constructively challenged the state on issues of conscription and the militarisation of society. This initiative, known as the Conscientious Objector Support Group, although small in scale, ranks as one of the anti-apartheid movements that contributed to South Africa’s peaceful transition to democracy. As such it has invaluable lessons to share with movements for change throughout the world that are presently grappling with situations of human rights’ violations.
Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.
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Chang, Ting-Bing, e 張廷斌. "Study on the Military Management that is under the Current Combination of the Enlistment System and the Conscription System-sampled from army grass-roots troops". Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/08765391320051921845.

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碩士
元智大學
管理研究所
94
The system of military service is the important interface between the society and national defence, it have the double functions of national defence and society concurrently, so we could inspect the developing direction of the national system of military service correctly from the viewpoint of national globality. The setting-up of a national system of military service, is mainly for meet the needs of national defence military affairs. In response to the changed status between Taiwan Strait, the military service system is readjusted from conscription system to the combination of the enlistment system and the conscription system. However, the recruitment of enlisted servicemen produces different period of military service, salary and organization, that compared to the conscripted soldiers, it will cause the managerial unfairness. Under reducing the manpower resource and recruiting battle soldier''s policy, how to organize into groups in the army will influence army''s whole fighting capacity directly. The main basis questionnaire investigation result of this text and interview were taken from officers, enlists and conscripted soldiers to know the mission related organization and identification of leader''s management. We hope to get one best organization in the way by this, and to offer in this reference of going to army''s organizational management of system of military service in the future. According to our statistics and results of study, we conclude some following conclusions: 1. The welfare system of the wages is still the main inducement attracting enlisted soldier to join the army, 2. The way relies mainly on sending the duty in speciality to organize into groups, 3. Generally there exists " equal pay for equal work " in the army , so it needs to have different criteria to manage, 4.The soldier is not highly degree with unit''s leader''s leadership style, 5. Interviewees are generally low to the sense of ownership of the unit. According to the research conclusion of this text, we put forward some following suggestions in order to offer the reference that army''s organization organize into groups in the future : 1. The officer should focus on leadership and decision role ; The sergeant should focus on the administrative system , 2 . Implement sergeant''s system , 3. The new recruit''s training program should be separated to train in enlisted soldiers and conscripted soldiers.
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Hoppe, Dominik. "Povinná vojenská služba v soudobé Evropě - jak a proč jí státy stále využívají?" Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436069.

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This thesis addresses issues regarding military conscription within the European geographic area. It reflects lengthy and complicated evolution of military conscription, as well as its use case and eventual suspension or abolishment as a military recruitment tool in a post- Cold war Europe up until this day. Thesis also addresses academic and non-academic debate related to conscription and its development, typology, use-cases while it tries to uncover and summarize principal reasons, why was the concept of military conscription abandoned. Furthermore, it tries to evaluate those reasons against the current state of security environment in Europe, compare them and based on that, answer the question whether the relevance of those reasons is still valid or not. Especially in relation to the fact, that some of the countries that abolished conscription in the past, are bringing it back in form of mandatory military or civilian service, contrary to above mentioned reasons. Thesis comes to conclusion, that the relevancy of the issues with conscription from the past are less relevant in current European security environment.
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Littlewood, David. "'Should he serve?' : the Military Service Boards' operations in the Wellington Provincial District, 1916-1918 : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in History at Massey University". 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1428.

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Targa, RYAN. "From Governors to Grocers: How Profiteering Changed English-Canadian Perspectives of Liberalism in the Great War of 1914-1918". Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/8299.

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The war against Germany was perceived by the majority of English Canadians as a necessity to defend the British Empire, democracy and justice. However, it became increasingly evident to the public that some individuals were being permitted to prosper, while others — particularly those of the working class — endured immense hardship. These individuals who prospered at a level judged excessive became known as "profiteers." Initial criticisms of profiteering were connected to graft, jobbery and patronage apparent in government military purchases. However, as public sacrifices intensified, the morally acceptable extent to which individuals and businesses could profit came to be more narrowly defined. Criticisms of profiteering expanded to challenge the mainstream liberal notions of private wealth and laissez-faire policies as being inequitable and undemocratic. The federal government's unwillingness to seriously implement measures against profiteering led to rising discontent. Consequently, working-class English Canadians aspired to form a 'new democracy' that was worth the sacrifices of the war.
Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2013-09-19 19:02:13.077
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