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1

So, Dominic K. "Stop Talking about Sorrow: Nixon’s Communications Strategy after Lam Son 719". Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/10.

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March 1971 was tough for President Richard Nixon. The American people were tired of the Vietnam War, with many still recovering from the violent anti-war protests of 1970. Congress had just passed an amendment prohibiting U.S. ground troops from operating outside of the borders of South Vietnam. Both the public and secret negotiations with Hanoi were stalled. Confidential channels with Beijing and Moscow about diplomatic initiatives had gone cold. Moreover, Lam Son 719, the joint U.S. and South Vietnamese incursion into Laos that began in February, was turning out to be a failure. The operation, Nixon’s military gamble to prove the success of Vietnamization, would show the opposite—that the South Vietnamese were not ready to take over the fighting from the Americans. Yet, on 7 April 1971, Nixon announced in a television address that “Vietnamization has succeeded,” and that he would accelerate the withdrawal of American troops “because of the achievements of the South Vietnamese operation in Laos.” Many expected Nixon to increase the rate of troop withdrawals no matter the outcome of Lam Son 719. However, instead of being punished at the polls for his lack of credibility, as some in the press were predicting, in 1972, Nixon transfixed the nation with trips to Beijing and Moscow and won re-election by 49 out of 50 states. This thesis mines archival documents from the Nixon Presidential Library, the U.S. media, and television transcripts to explain how and why Nixon re-shaped the story of Lam Son 719 and his Vietnamization policy to persuade a dispirited American people to accept withdrawal from Vietnam. This political comeback, often overshadowed by Watergate, provides unique perspectives on presidential communications.
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2

Sullivan, Nate. "The "Varga Girl" Trials| The struggle between Esquire magazine and the U. S. Post Office, and the appropriation of the pin-up as a cultural symbol". Thesis, University of Nebraska at Kearney, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1542061.

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Between 1943-46 Esquire magazine and the U.S. Post Office Department engaged in an extraordinary legal battle over the publication's content. Postmaster General Frank C. Walker took particular offense to the Varga Girl, Esquire's most popular pin-up illustration. The series of trials quickly turned into a circus-like spectacle as the press covered the testimonies of a host of high-profile witnesses called in to offer their opinion on the morality of the pin-up. Among the witnesses were H. L. Mencken, suffragist Anna Kelton Wiley, Rev. Peter Marshall, and others. After numerous appeals from both sides, in 1946 the Supreme Court ruled unanimously in favor of Esquire in Hannegan vs. Esquire, Inc. The "Varga Girl" Trials are an important event in American cultural history. They provide a glimpse into the social mores of the World War II era, highlighting deep divisions over issues of gender role construction and sexuality. The trials also had profound implications for postwar America. The Supreme Court's decision sanctioned the pin-up as a socially acceptable symbol. In the early postwar era, the pin-up increasingly came to be perceived as a model of domestic womanhood. In this context, she spoke powerfully to both women and men, informing them of their respective gender roles. The decision also spurred an unprecedented increase in pornographic magazines during the 1950s, and was widely regarded as an indicator of society's acceptance of women as sex objects. An examination of the "Varga Girl" Trials provides an opportunity for the pin-up to be understood in historical context. She is a symbol of traditional gender role construction that has had a far-reaching impact on American culture. Although obscure, the "Varga Girl" Trials have much to say about the American way of life.

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3

Krueckeberg, John Christian 1966. "Fighting the fascist option in the Great Depression: Raymond Swing, Dale Carnegie and the cultural history of the specter of fascism in the 1930s' United States". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282368.

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American fascism is an underdeveloped topic in American history and it often rests in the pale of narratives focused upon, respectively, American extremism, protest movements, and assimilation processes. This informal dismissal is due, in part, to an historiographical misunderstanding of the work of Raymond Swing. Swing, an intellectual to whom all historians of "native" American fascism have turned, pioneered studies of the fascist tendencies extant in specific organizations and politicians of the 1930s; yet, no study of Swing's antifascist life exists. Unrecognized by the scholars who have appropriated small amounts of Swing's writings is that he changed his definition of fascism over the decade, placing the locus of fascism in three different discursive formations: economic, political, and then cultural. Perceiving American fascism in the early thirties to be more than simply the nationalistic politics of demagogues and their followers, Swing first defined the phenomenon as economic: a calculus of expenditure that tolerated the death of Americans deemed superfluous or dangerous by those who expunged them. In the middle thirties Swing perceived fascism to be the political phenomenon of a dictatorship that operated within the calculus. Swing moved towards a cultural definition of fascism as the United States experienced a "red scare" and Germany and Italy both expanded their territory and supported dictatorships emerging elsewhere. By the end of the decade, Swing committed himself to a definition of fascism as a "culture of barbarism" and he presented it to his radio audience of millions as the antithesis of American culture. He had moved far from his 1933 conception of American culture being inherently fascist. Swing's thought is understandable when considered in its contexts. To understand Swing's biographical context this dissertation places him in the history of his family of reformers and elicits the "progressive" theme to his life story. To understand the context of the Great Depression that informed Swing's changing definitions, this dissertation studies Swing's work in conjunction with the decade's popular culture. Special emphasis is placed upon Dale Carnegie, political films of 1933, and the Federal Theatre Project's, It Can't Happen Here.
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4

Beaty, Bart H. "Good expectations : adaptation and middlebrow literacy". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=104369.

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The goal of this thesis is to advance understanding of the ways in which discourses of reading, literacy and culture were used to reify class stratification in mid-twentieth-century America. This project uses the examples of The Reader’s Digest magazine and Classics Illustrated comic books to assess the adaptation and the ideologies surrounding textual form. It examines the efforts of self-proclaimed cultural elites to identify and denigrate middlebrow reading habits through dismissive critiques of texts and audiences as one moment in an on-going historical process of domination and exclusion. These avenues of exploration will reveal the complexity and variance of class definition in a pluralist democracy which, it turns out, are still very much a part of contemporary culture. [Pages 101 and 102 are missing.)
Le but de cette thèse est de faire progresser la connaissance des manières dont les contexts discursifs de la lecture, de l’alphabétisation et de la culture étaient utilisés en Amérique, au milieu du vingtième siècle, afin de réifier la stratification sociale. Des exemples tels que la revue The Reader ‘s Digest et la bande dessinée Classics Illustrated seront utilisés, dans ce projet, pour illustrer l’adaptation et les idéologies autour de la forme textuelle. Cet ouvrage examine comment ceux qui proclamés par eux-mêmes élites culturelles, ont tenté d’identifier et de dénigrer les habitudes de lecture du lecteur moyen par des critiques dédaigneuses des textes et du public, en un procédé historique persistant de domination et d’exclusion. Ces voies d’exploration révèleront la complexité et la diversité des définitions du concept de classes à l’intérieur d’une démocratie pluraliste, lesquelles, somme toute, cotinuent de faire partie intégrante de la culture contemporaine. [Il manque de pages 101 et 102.]
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5

Callie, Mary Elizabeth. "In NBC we trust: The public interest, hegemony, and the "Today"show, 1952-1958". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280158.

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This dissertation considers processes of hegemony, or the construction of consent, in network television marketing practices in the 1950s. Specifically, a case study of the Today show, which premiered in 1952, examines how RCA, and subsidiary network NBC, generated consent for continuing domination of the national television airwaves. In the context of post-World War II concern about the place of the multi-national corporations and the media in American democracy, RCA/NBC constructed its company, programming, and the image of its audience within a nexus of anti-trust, good trust (or legal monopolies/public utilities), and free speech/free press regulations. To understand this regulatory context, the study begins by identifying the deep structural contradictions of liberal democratic capitalism and the political economic conditions which demand that power, privilege, and control be legitimated. These conditions shape rhetorics of common interest through which groups and individuals---empowered by the state with delegated authority---seek to establish and maintain consent. This control is constructed as an exception to the rules of free trade and free speech/press. In the end, the study suggests that processes of hegemony construct market control---and consumer free choice---as natural, preordained, and in the best interests of the public as a whole, while downplaying, denying, or discrediting any other real alternatives or possibilities. The particular findings of this deep historical and case study can inform present day broadcast reform efforts and offer core approaches for re-framing hegemonic corporate rationales.
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6

Cobb, Jeremy Eugene. "Letters from the Communications Zone: Lt. Edwin Best in the Second World War". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2235.

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The subject of this paper is the experiences and observations of Lt. Edwin Best of the 618th Ordnance Ammunition Company from 1943 until 1946. This includes time in the United States, England and France. The primary sources for this paper include letters home from Lt. Best and an oral history transcript. Secondary sources have been used to place Lt. Best into the overall context of the war. He made keen observations regarding the level of training before D-Day, comparisons of life in England and the US, from the "communications zone" in Normandy, as a temporary Judge Advocate General officer, and finishing the war in Southern France. Though he may not have been on the front line, or in an HQ, his comments are valuable to the historical record.
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7

Tracy, Jared M. "Perception management in the United States from the great war to the great crash". Diss., Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/13246.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of History
Donald J. Mrozek
This study argues that after World War I, corporate executives continued a strategy of perception management (PM) to control Americans’ choices in the commercial sphere and to shape the economic and cultural landscape of the 1920s. The state used PM on an unprecedented scale in 1917 and 1918 to promote a model of loyal American behavior (as part its effort to manage the mobilized U.S. society), but the use of PM did not end after the Armistice. While many historians have seen wartime propaganda measures as the result of special fears and circumstances tied to a sense of pervasive national emergency, they fail to explain the continuation of comparable methods into the period of peace supposedly characterized by a return to "normalcy." Whereas most historical studies sharply delineate between political propaganda and commercial advertising, this study stresses leaders' continuous use of PM to promote their notions of what constituted typical, normal, even loyal American behavior in times of both war and peace. While not a contemporary term in the early twentieth century, PM offers an appropriate conceptual framework to analyze a deliberate strategy at that time. This study defines it as actions used to convey or deny selected information to audiences to influence their emotions, motives, and objective reasoning, resulting in behaviors and actions favorable to the originators’ objectives. During WWI, policymakers and bureaucrats concealed the state's effort to control people's behavior with claims of defending liberty and democracy. After the war, corporate executives used PM to manufacture consumer demand and encourage Americans to think of themselves foremost as consumers. A cross section of political, economic, and cultural history, Perception Management in the United States from the Great War to the Great Crash offers an original perspective that emphasizes the consistency between the wartime and postwar eras by highlighting leaders' ongoing use of perception management to control Americans' behavior.
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8

McCool, Lauren Zawistowski. "Religion as a Role: Decoding Performances of Mormonism in the Contemporary United States". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1343429819.

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9

Knight, Peter G. "“MacArthur’s Eyes”: reassessing military intelligence operations in the forgotten war, June 1950 - April 1951". The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1148503207.

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10

Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "On the Wings of the Wind: The United States Air Force Security Service and Its Impact on Signals Intelligence in the Cold War". Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1399284818.

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11

Padavich, Andrew J. "Perceptions of an Air Campaign : the 1991 Persian Gulf War as portrayed by major American print media sources". Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/468.

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12

Townsend, Larry A. (Larry Allan). "The Reverend Carl D. McIntire v. the Fairness Doctrine". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500361/.

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This study explored the development of the Federal Communications Commission's Fairness Doctrine policy from its beginnings in the 1920's until the FCC eliminated most of its requirements in 1987. The chapters discuss the Reverend Carl D. McIntire's battle with the FCC concerning the policy's impact on free speech in broadcasting. McIntire lost his battle with the FCC and became the first broadcaster to lose his license for Fairness Doctrine violations. The problem in this study focused on the difficulty of reconciling government regulation of broadcasting with the rights of licensees to speak freely and be heard by their listeners. The study concluded that today the FCC advocates First Amendment protection for broadcasters but it remains questionable whether present policy will continue.
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13

Wright, Adam Michael. "Hauntology Man". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157557/.

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Hauntology Man, a 48-minute documentary, follows former UNT Professor, Dr. Shaun Treat, as he leads a walking ghost tour of downtown Denton, Texas. As the expedition moves from storefront to storefront, each stop elicits a new tale. But, as Dr. Treat points out, the uncertainties of history are the real ghosts. That is, rather than simply presenting a "haunted history" of Denton, it's more accurate to say this movie's center resides at the precipice of a "haunting history." Not all ghost stories need spectres. Sometimes not knowing is ghost enough.
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14

Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "Fighting for Air: Cold War Reorganization and the U.S. Air Force Security Service, 1945-1952". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1461432022.

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15

Remse, Christian. "Vodou and the U.S. Counterculture". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1368710585.

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16

Sparks, Randy Jay. "A mingled yarn: Race and religion in Mississippi, 1800-1876". Thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16188.

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From their inauspicious beginnings in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Mississippi evangelical churches--the Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian-- expanded dramatically and set the moral tone of society. Early churches were founded on egalitarian principles by members of both races. A study of unpublished church records reveals that before 1830, blacks and whites received equal treatment in the churches. White evangelicals welcomed slaves into the churches, often opposed slavery, and defended slaves' religious freedom. The rapid expansion of slavery in the state, the movement of slaveholders into the churches, and the growing wealth of the membership presented evangelicals with a serious moral dilemma. As sectional tensions rose and the debate over slavery intensified after 1830, most evangelicals embraced slavery. Religious leaders articulated the most accepted justification of slavery, one based on Biblical teachings. The Biblical defense of slavery emphasized the spiritual welfare of slaves. After 1830 evangelical efforts to minister to blacks increased, and black church membership grew. As they moved from sect to denomination, churches became more hierarchical and less egalitarian. Ministers sought a higher social position and placed greater emphasis on the ministerial gift. Lay participation in worship services was discouraged. Because of their preference for a different style of worship and because of white discrimination, blacks often preferred segregated services. Some historians have characterized biracial churches as simply another white control device against slaves, but an analysis of approximately 1600 disciplinary actions from 30 churches demonstrates that while whites sometimes used church courts to punish slaves who violated the slave code, most cases against blacks involved the same charges made against white offenders. The coming of the Civil War highlighted the divergent goals held by black and white evangelicals. With varying degrees of enthusiasm, white evangelicals lent their support to sectionalism, secession, and war. War and defeat brought about a crisis in many churches, yet out of that malaise grew a powerful, and heretofore unexamined, revival on the home front. Blacks joined in the revivals. The war disrupted life in the slave community, but many slaves saw the war as an answered prayer for freedom. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
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17

Li, Jing. "Rhetoric and reality: The making of Chinese perceptions of the United States, 1949-1989". Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16847.

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When the people of a given society contemplate the outside world, they do so with inherited but constantly changing values, assumptions, preoccupations, and aspirations. Who they are, one might say, largely determines what they perceive. For a variety of reasons, the Chinese have long had a fascination with the United States--a country which has not only been an active participant in Chinese affairs for well over a century, but which has also served as an idea and an example. Naturally, China's direct and indirect experiences with America, together with the vast cultural and political differences that still separate the two countries, have shaped Chinese perceptions. In China's search for a new political, social and economic order, America, as both a world power and as a concept, has played a major role. This dissertation examines the way images of America were transmitted to China in the twentieth century, and how these images were debated and represented (or misrepresented) by three main social groups of Chinese--the Chinese state, Chinese intellectuals, and the Chinese masses. Although America has unquestionably played a part in shaping modern China, the Chinese, for various reasons and in different ways, have constructed their own distinctive "America."
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18

Thompson, Matthew Andrew. "Information wars: The government, the military, the media and the people, 1941--1991". Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/19559.

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This study examined the tensions between the military and the media; the need for governments to articulate clear war aims, win public, and international support; and the public's power to hold a government accountable in a democracy for actions during wartime in a fifty-year period. The long view of history demonstrated the complex and multidirectional. interactions among the government, the military, the media, and the people of a democracy during wartime. In the past, historians and scholars have focused almost exclusively on the relationship between the military and media during wartime. Talking that approach as a starting point, this thesis expanded upon those earlier studies and moved beyond technical disagreements between officers and journalists to examine the broader context of national unity during times of conflict. By looking at the level of national unity during the major conflicts that the United States was involved between 1941 and 1991---and examining the British experience during the Falkland Islands War---the interaction between government leaders and the public overshadowed the relationship between the military and the media. Government leaders were most successful in building and sustaining public support when they clearly articulated war aims, and maintained those aims throughout the period of the conflict. This study also suggested a correlation between the successful building of domestic support for war and the government's prior acquisition of the international community's support for its actions. These findings showed that the relationships among the government, the military, the media, and people have been very nuanced and complex during times of war between 1941 and 1991. The struggles on the homefront and in the international community have been just as heated as clash of armies on the battlefield. While not always victorious, democratic nations have fought and re-fought battles to build and maintain support for during times of war---an element essential for any hope of victory in modern warfare.
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19

Brooks, Dorcas A. "Situated Architecture in the Digital Age: Adaptation of a Textile Mill in Holyoke, Massachusetts". 2011. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/575.

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The City of Holyoke, Massachusetts is one of many aging, industrial cities striving to revitalize its economy based on the promise of increased digital connectivity and clean energy resources. But how do you renovate 19th century mills to meet the demands of the information age? This architectural study explores the potential impact of sensing technologies and information networks on the definition and function of buildings in the 21st century. It explores the changes that have taken place in industrial architecture since 1850 and argues for an architecture that supports local relationships and environmental awareness. The author explores the industrial history of Holyoke, appraises emerging uses of sensing technologies and presents a thorough narrative of her site analysis and conceptual design of a digital fabrication and incubation center within an existing textile mill.
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