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Linebarger, Christopher. "International Learning and the Diffusion of Civil Conflict". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699990/.
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Why does civil conflict spread from country to country? Existing research relies primarily on explanations of rebel mobilization tied to geographic proximity to explain this phenomenon. However, this approach is unable to explain why civil conflict appears to spread across great geographic distances, and also neglects the government’s role in conflict. To explain this phenomenon, this dissertation formulates an informational theory in which individuals contemplating rebellion against their government, or “proto-rebels,” observe the success and failure of rebels throughout the international system. In doing so, proto-rebels and governments learn whether rebellion will be fruitful, which is then manifested in the timing of rebellion and repression. The core of the dissertation is composed of three essays. The first exhorts scholars of the international spread of civil violence to directly measure proto-rebel mobilization. I show that such mobilization is associated with conflicts across the entire international system, while the escalation to actual armed conflict is associated with regional conflicts. The second chapter theorizes that proto-rebels learn from successful rebellions across the international system. This relationship applies globally, although it is attenuated by cultural and regime-type similarity. Finally, the third chapter theorizes that governments are aware of this process and engage in repression in order to thwart it. I further argue that this repression is, in part, a function of the threat posed by those regimes founded by rebels.
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Pepe, Armando. "Conflit civil dans le Midi de l’Italie à l'aube du Risorgimento : le cas de la Terre de Labour (1806-1825)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Grenoble Alpes, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024GRALH017.
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La thèse de doctorat d'Armando Pepe s’intitule « Conflit civil dans le sud de l’Italie à l’aube du Risorgimento : le cas de la Terre de Labour (1806-1825) » et vise à enquêter sur la lutte contre le brigandage tant à l’époque napoléonienne, pendant la Décennie française, qu’au cours de la première Restauration Bourbon.En ce qui concerne la période napoléonienne, apparaissent de nombreux brigands, certains connus, comme Fra’ Diavolo, d’autres moins connus sinon inconnus, comme Vincenzo Matera, de Viticuso, les cousins Saltarelli, de Castelforte, et les frères Giannantonio, originaires de Guardiaregia, dans le Comté du Molise, mais fortement opérationnels des deux côtés des montagnes du Matese.Aux brigands s’opposèrent des hommes tenaces, comme le capitaine Antonio Acciaioli, commandant des gardes civiques provinciales du district de Venafro, tué dans une embuscade avec seize gardes par Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta et d’autres brigands.De nombreux soldats d’origine corse participèrent activement à la lutte contre le brigandage, dont le major Natale Amici, engagé dans les zones montagneuses de la Terre de Labour, notamment dans la chaîne des Mainarde.Les journaux de guerre de 1806 du général français Antoine Girardon, restitués pour la première fois en transcription, constituent la suite de ceux, datant de 1799, déjà publiés par Critelli et Segarini. Le général Girardon contracta le paludisme dans les marais de Minturno et mourut en 1806.On voit explicitement dans la thèse le rôle joué par l’Armée française dans la lutte contre le brigandage et les directives données par le ministre Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, qui a suivi la situation au quotidien.Non moins intéressantes sont les initiatives prises après le retour de la dynastie des Bourbons sur le trône pour réprimer le brigandage, notamment dans les zones frontalières avec l’État pontifical, où opérait la bande de Michele Macaro, connu sous le nom de « Mezzapenta ».La thèse se déroule en six chapitres en plus des conclusions.Par commodité, la division en chapitres est rapportée : 1) Chapitre I, Le Royaume de Naples entre la Révolution et la Restauration (1799-1825) ; 2) Chapitre II, Brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission Militaire de Castellone (Nord de la Terre de Labour, 1806) ; 3) Chapitre III, Les actions de brigandage de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (Sud de la Terre de Labour, 1807-1810) ; 4) Chapitre IV, Une tentative de coordination entre États : extraditions de brigands et enjeux diplomatiques avec l’État pontifical et avec le Premier Empire français (1806-1811) ; 5) Chapitre V, Les bandes de brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (1807-1810) ; 6) Chapitre VI, Le brigandage pendant la deuxième Restauration des Bourbons (1815-1825).Viennent ensuite les conclusions. La thèse est accompagnée de cinq cartes géographiques, de 215 annexes, presque toutes inédites, et d’index des noms de personnes et de lieuxArmando Pepe’s doctoral thesis is entitled «Civil conflict in Southern Italy at the dawn of the Risorgimento: the case of Terra di Lavoro (1806-1825)» and aims to investigate the fight against brigandage both in Napoleonic, during the French Decade, and during the first Bourbon Restoration.As regards the Napoleonic period, numerous brigands appear, some known, such as Fra’ Diavolo, others less known if not unknown, such as Vincenzo Matera, from Viticuso, the Saltarelli cousins, from Castelforte, and the Giannantonio brothers, from Guardiaregia, in Molise earldom, but strongly operational on both sides of the Matese mountains.The brigands were opposed by tenacious men, such as Captain Antonio Acciaioli, commander of the provincial civic guards of the Venafro district, killed in an ambush together with sixteen guards by Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta and other brigands.Many soldiers of Corsican origin actively participated in the fight against banditry, including Major Natale Amici, who were engaged in the mountainous areas of Terra di Lavoro, especially in the Mainarde chain.The war diaries of 1806 of the French general Antoine Girardon are returned in transcription for the first time, which constitute the sequel to those, dating back to 1799, already published by Critelli and Segarini. General Girardon contracted malaria in the Minturno marshes and died in 1806.We can explicitly see the role played by the French army in combating brigandage and the directives given by the minister Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, who monitored the situation daily.No less interesting are the initiatives taken upon the return of the Bourbon dynasty to the throne to repress brigandage, particularly in the border areas with the Papal State, where the group of Michele Macaro, known as «Mezzapenta», operated.The thesis is divided into six chapters in addition to the conclusions.For convenience, the division into chapters is reported: 1) Chapter I, the Kingdom of Naples between the Revolution and the Restoration (1799-1825); 2) Chapter II, Brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Castellone (North of Terra di Lavoro, 1806); 3) Chapter III, The brigandage actions of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (South of Terra di Lavoro, 1807-1810); 4) Chapter IV, An attempt at coordination between states: extraditions of brigands and diplomatic issues with the Papal State and with the First French Empire (1806-1811); 5) Chapter V, The groups of brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (1807-1810); 6) Chapter VI, Brigandage during the second Bourbon Restoration (1815-1825).Then the Conclusions follow. The thesis is accompanied by geographical maps, 215 appendices, almost all unpublished, and indexes of places and names of person
3
Grewal, Ramneek. "Transnational advocacy networks : the case of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9707.
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The purpose of this study is to ascertain and explain the effectiveness of Roma political activism in contesting state oppression in Macedonia and Serbia. More specifically, this thesis seeks to investigate the divergent treatment of Roma communities in the respective states by analyzing the role of state institutions, civil society, political parties and international organizations. The thesis seeks to provide a multi-level analysis of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia by addressing the domestic and international factors that influence Roma political activism, and relies on two main theoretical concepts within the social movement literature: the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model and 'transnational advocacy networks.' The POS model is a comprehensive framework to assess if Roma political activism has been effective in Macedonia and Serbia. This study uses the following components to describe the domestic factors that may facilitate or constrain Romani activism in the respective states: state repression and/or facilitation, institutional access, influential domestic and international allies. This thesis attempts to provide a detailed analysis of movement dynamics by taking into account the inter-relationship between actors and contesting groups. The limitations of the domestic opportunity structure regarding Roma advocacy in Macedonia and Serbia are outlined by describing the political context concerning minority inclusion, institutional mechanisms, and NGO/political party activities. As domestic opportunity structures are 'closed,' Roma activists and NGOs seek international allies to influence and change domestic policy on Roma inclusion. This study, while recognizing the importance of other international initiatives, specifically focuses on various institutions of the European Union as the main international actor influencing Roma inclusion policies in Eastern Europe. The thesis outlines the main EU initiatives on Roma inclusion to provide an overview of the opportunities and challenges in the international arena. Furthermore, it analyzes the interaction between international and civil society organizations assessing the effectiveness of the 'transnational advocacy networks.' Finally, the thesis provides a comparative analysis of Roma political activism in Macedonia and Serbia, indicating coordinated action has not been successful.
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Nedrebo, Oystein. "Transnational dimensions of civil conflict severity". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2123.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In an otherwise broad literature on civil conflict little attention has so far been paid to actual conflict violence and variation in severity. Existing work is also hampered by a reliance on a ‘closed polity’ model of the state, leading to disregard of the transnational dimensions of internal conflict, and by a dependence on over‐aggregated data. The present inquiry expands on the existing explanatory framework for variation in civil conflict severity by including transnational factors and characteristics of sub‐national actors. Data on conflict battle deaths are combined with recently available data on transnational ethnic linkages, transnational support and neighbouring conflict as well as other actor and country characteristics. Results from ordinary least squares regression analysis indicate that support for rebel groups from external non‐state actors increase conflict severity, while rebel presence in other states is associated with less severe conflicts. In addition, severity increases with duration but with a diminishing marginal return. Internal armed conflicts are less severe in democratic and ethnically polarised countries but rebel territorial control increases the level of violence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die andersins omvangryke literatuur oor burgerlike konflik is daar tot op hede min aandag geskenk aan werklike konflikgeweld en variasie in felheid (vernietigende omvang). Bestaande werk word ook belemmer omdat dit staat maak op ’n model van die staat as ‘geslote regering’, wat lei tot verontagsaming van die transnasionale dimensies van interne konflik, en staat maak op oor‐geaggregeerde data. Hierdie ondersoek brei uit op die bestaande verklarende raamwerk vir variasie in felheid van burgerlike konflik deur transnasionale faktore en eienskappe van subnasionale deelnemers in te sluit. Data oor konflikgevegsterftes is gekombineer met onlangse data oor transnasionale etniese koppelings, transnasionale steun en naburige konflik, sowel as ander deelnemer‐ en landeienskappe. Resultate van gewone kleinstekwadrate‐regressie‐analise dui daarop dat steun aan rebellegroepe deur eksterne nie‐staatsdeelnemers konflikfelheid laat toeneem, terwyl rebelleteenwoordigheid in ander lande geassosieer word met minder fel konflikte. Felheid neem ook toe saam met duur maar met ’n afnemende marginale opbrengs. Interne gewapende konflikte is minder fel in demokratiese en etnies gepolariseerde lande, maar rebellebeheer oor grondgebied verhoog die vlak van geweld.
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England, Martha Elizabeth. "Ethnic Conflict and Contemporary Social Mobilization: Exploring Motivation and Political Action in the Sri Lankan Diaspora". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35026.
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Members of the diaspora are conflict actors with an agency that is important to include in conflict theories and analysis of international relationships. Scholarship suggests its origins, and thereafter changes in the conflict cycle effect decision-making and mobilization in the diaspora, but the conditions and mechanisms that inform these processes are undertherorized. The Sri Lankan conflict and its Toronto based diasporas are used to explore processes of diasporization and mobilization in the context a changed political landscape. A series of semi-structured interviews and a short survey asks respondents to assess their motivations for mobilization. The comparative work is within and between ethnic groups. New Institutionalism underscores this project. Butler’s (2001) epistemology, Brinkerhoff’s (2005) identity-mobilization framework, the political process model and insights from the New Social Movement literature are used to situate politicized identities and political activism directed toward the homeland. Attention is paid to factor processes.
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Thyne, Clayton Lynn. "Cheap Signals, Costly Consequences: How International Relations Affect Civil Conflict". Diss., University of Iowa, 2007. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/144.
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Given the appalling consequences of civil wars, why are the competing actors within a state unable to come to a settlement to avoid the costs of conflict? How might external parties affect the likelihood that a civil war begins? How do their actions affect the duration and outcome of civil conflicts that are already underway? This project draws on three main approaches--bargaining theory, signaling theory, and rational expectations--to examine how external actors might affect the onset, duration and outcome of civil wars.
Signals from external actors are important because they represent a potential increase (or decrease) in fighting capabilities for the government or the opposition if a war were to begin. Costly signals should not affect the probability of civil war onset because they are readily observable ex ante, which allows the government and opposition to peacefully adjust their bargaining positions based on changes in relative capabilities. In contrast, cheap hostile signals make civil war more likely by increasing the risk that an opposition group overestimates its ability to stage a successful rebellion with external support. Cheap supportive signals work in the opposite manner because they represent increased fighting capabilities for the government.
Furthermore, signals sent in the pre-war period have important implications for the duration and outcome of civil conflicts because competing intrastate actors develop expectations for future interventions prior to deciding to fight. Expected interventions should have little consequence for the duration and outcome of the conflict because they are endogenous to the pre-war bargaining positions. In contrast, unexpected interventions should drastically reduce the fighting time as one side finds itself far weaker than expected when the war began.
This theory is tested by examining the likelihood of civil war onset, the duration and the outcome of all civil wars since 1945. Empirical tests provide strong support for each component of this theory. I conclude by offering specific advice to US policy-makers to prevent the outbreak of civil conflict in states most at-risk for civil war, and to help end those that are currently underway.
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Krusell, Joshua. "Executive Constraints and Civil Conflict Onset". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-420328.
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Do institutional constraints on a regime's executive decrease the likelihood of civil conflict onset? An unconstrained executive is free to loot state resources undermining the state's capacity to effectively deal with nascent rebellions, and may be more likely to engage in violent repression, especially in the form of indiscriminate violence. This can encourage political grievances, lead to a loss of legitimacy for the regime, and provide the opportunity for would be rebel groups to attract new members by offering protection against government violence. Furthermore, the lack of guaranteed checks to executive power may incentivise actors to avoid bargained solutions if they fear future extralegal retributions. Taken together, where there is a lack of effective constraints against the executive there may be an increased risk for the onset of civil conflict. To test this proposition I employ a bayesian latent variable model which estimates executive constraint as a latent factor derived from several manifest variables and relate it to a binary measure of civil conflict onset through a logistic regression. The primary finding is that there is a negative relationship such that the predicted probability for civil conflict is lower where there exists higher levels of executive constraints. However, this is conditional on the level of GDP per capita; for low-income country-years the relationship between executive constraints and civil conflict onset is indeterminate possibly because it is easier to recruit and mobilize fighters in such settings regardless of the overall level of executive constraints. The model, however, is a poor fit to the data meaning that the presented results should be considered tentative at best. Nonetheless, this study helps to further the work on examining specific political institutions as potential risk factors for the onset of civil conflict.
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Black, Nathan Wolcott. "The spread of violent civil conflict : rare state-driven, and preventable". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/74274.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
This dissertation advances and tests an explanation for the spread of violent civil conflict from one state to another. The fear of such "substate conflict contagion" is frequently invoked by American policymakers as a justification for military intervention in ongoing substate conflicts -- the argument these policymakers often make is that conflicts left uncontained now will spread and become a more pertinent security threat later. My State Action Explanation is that substate conflict contagion is not the sole product of nonstate factors such as transnational rebel networks and arms flows, nor of the structural factors such as poverty that make internal conflict more likely in general. Rather, at least one of three deliberate state government actions is generally required for a conflict to spread, making substate conflict contagion both less common and more state-driven -- and hence more preventable -- than is often believed. These state actions include Evangelization, the deliberate encouragement of conflict abroad by former rebel groups that have taken over their home government; Expulsion, the deliberate movement of combatants across borders by state governments in conflict; and Meddling with Overt Partiality, the deliberate interference in another state's conflict by a state government that subsequently leads to conflict in the interfering state. After introducing this State Action Explanation, I probe its empirical plausibility by identifying 84 cases of substate conflict contagion between 1946 and 2007, and showing that at least one of these three state actions was present and involved in most of these 84 cases. I then conduct two regional tests of the explanation, in Central America (1978-1996) and Southeast Asia (1959-1980). I argue that state actions appear to have been necessary for most of the contagion cases in both of these regions, and that the absence of state actions appears to best explain the cases in which conflicts did not spread.
by Nathan Wolcott Black.
Ph.D.
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Coetzee, Wouter Hugo. "The New War in Darfur : ethnic mobilization within the disintegrating state". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1537.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the context of the present conflict in Darfur, and in the years preceding it, the distinction between so-called African and Arab tribes has come to the forefront, and the tribal identity of individuals has increased in significance. These distinctions were never as clear cut and definite as they are today. The ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ distinction that was always more of a passive characteristic in the past has now become the reason for standing on different sides of the political divide. What then are the main factors which contributed to this new violent distinction between Arab and African? How is it possible for people and communities who have a positive history of cooperation and tolerance to suddenly plunge into a situation of such cruelty and hate towards one another. The thesis uses the New War framework to look at the current situation in Darfur. The most definitive version of this new framework is presented by scholars such as Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin van Creveld (1991) and Helfried Münkler (2005). The thesis then shows how the war in Darfur, exactly in line with the new war argument, has political goals with the political mobilization occurring on the basis of identity. Kaldor (2006) argues that the political goals in the new wars are about the claim to power based on seemingly traditional identities, such as Arab or African. Defining identity politics as “movements which mobilize around ethnic, racial or religious identity for the purpose of claiming state power” (Kaldor, 2006: 80), it becomes apparent that Darfur has become subject to this these kind of new war politics. The study therefore questions the popular argument that ethnic conflict arises out of an “ancient hatred” or “tribal warfare”. Chapters three and four illustrates how this new distinction between Arab and African should rather be seen as the cumulative effects of marginalization, competing economic interests and, more recently, from the political polarization which has engulfed the region. Most of the factors leading to the current Arab/African antagonism were traced to contemporary phenomena. The study also looks at factors such as loss of physical coercion on behalf of the state, loss of popular legitimacy and effective leadership, underdevelopment, poverty, inequality, and privatization of force. The study then concludes that politics of identity should more often be seen as a result of individuals, groups or politician reacting to the effects of these conditions then as the result of ethnic hatred.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die konteks van die huidige konflik in Darfur, en die jare wat dit voorafgaan, het die verskille tussen sogenaamde ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ stamme na vore gekom. So ook het die stamverband van individue kenmerkend toegeneem. Hierdie onderskeid was nooit so noukeurig afgebaken en bepalend soos wat dit vandag is nie. Die ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ onderskeid wat in die verlede meer van ’n passiewe kenmerk was, het ontaard in die rede waarom beide kante hulself vandag in ’n politieke skeiding bevind. Wat dan is die hoof faktore wat bydra tot hierdie nuwe gewelddadige onderskeid tussen ‘Afrikane’ en ‘Arabiere’? Hoe is dit moontlik vir mense en gemeenskappe met ’n positiewe geskiedenis van samewerking en verdraagsaamheid om skielik ’n toestand van soveel onmenslikheid en haat teenoor mekaar te ervaar? Die tesis maak gebruik van die Nuwe oorlog denkrigting in ’n poging om die huidige oorlog in Darfur te beskryf. Die mees bepalende weergawe van hierdie denkrigting word voorsien deur akademici soos Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin Creveld (1991) en Helfried Münkler (2005). Die tesis fokus op hoe die oorlog in Darfur (in lyn met die Nuwe Oorlog denkrigting) politieke doelwitte aan die dag lê, met die gepaardgaande politieke mobilisering wat geskied op grond van identiteit. Kaldor (2006) argumenteer dat die politieke doelwitte in die nuwe oorloë berus op die aanspraak tot mag op grond van skynbare tradisionele identiteite of stamwese, soos ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’. As ’n mens identiteitspolitiek definieër as ’n beweging wat mobiliseer rondom etnisiteit, ras of geloof, met die doel om aanspraak te maak op staatsmag, dan blyk dit of die konflik in Darfur wel onderhewig is aan hierdie nuwe vorm van Nuwe Oorlog politiek. Die studie bevraagteken dus ook die gewilde aanname dat etniese oorloë ontstaan uit ‘stamoorloë’ of ‘antieke vyandskap’. Hoofstuk drie en vier verduidelik hoekom hierdie nuwe onderskeiding tussen ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ eerder beskou moet word as die kumulatiewe effek van marginalisasie, kompeterende ekonomiese belange en die politieke polarisasie wat die streek in twee skeur. Meeste van die faktore wat gelei het tot die etniese polarisasie van die streek word hier beskou as kontemporêre verskynsels. Die studie kyk ook na faktore soos: die verlies van populêre legitimiteit en effektiewe leierskap, onderontwikkeling, armoede, ongelykheid en die privatisering van mag. Die studie sluit af met die gedagte dat identiteitspolitiek in Darfur beskou moet word as die uitkoms van individue, groepe of politieke leiers wat reageer op die bogenoemde omstandighede, eerder as die resultaat van ‘antieke vyandskap’ of aggresiewe ‘stamoorloë’.
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Ari, Baris. "Uncrossing the rubicon : transitions from violent civil conflict to peace". Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22371/.
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What are the impediments to and stimuluses for transitions from violent civil conflict to peace? This dissertation investigates factors that influence civil conflict resolution. There are four key findings. First, democratisation reforms are likely to prompt peace talks with rebel groups. There are costs associated with recognising internal armed challengers as legitimate bargaining partners that deter governments from initiating peace talks. Democratic reform periods provide a window of opportunity for peace negotiations because factors that make institutional reform more likely also encourage peaceful resolution of conflict. The emergence of democratic institu- tions changes the state preferences by increasing the influence of the median citizen vis-`a-vis the authoritarian elite. Second, fragmented conflicts are harder to resolve because they are likely to be over a multidimensional issue space. Multiparty decision making that involves two or more salient issues are likely to have cyclic collective preferences, which render armed conflict a viable instrument for pursuing political goals. Third, involvement of the United Nations (UN) mitigates the adverse impact of conflict fragmentation over peaceful resolution. UN involvement changes the incentives and opportunities of actors to founder a possible bargain. The UN fa- cilitates a path-dependent peace process and brings institutions that induce an equilibrium by overcoming the problems that arise due to cyclic collective preferences. Finally, the military manpower supply system of a state influences its civil conflict processes. How a state recruits rank-and-file members of the military forces is a central institutional arrangement that influences the incentives and opportunities of relevant actors. Compared to all-volunteer forces (AVFs), conscription is an impediment to conflict termination because the cost some individuals incur by being subject to conscription decreases the opportunity cost of rebellion, increases grievances and insulates influential sections of the population from the cost of conflict. As a result, conflict termination becomes less likely.
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Fortou, Reyes Jose Antonio. "Political Participation After Civil Conflict: Nationalization, Militant Groups, and Subnational Democracy". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1555427761071329.
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Haring-Smith, Whitney. ""All conflict is local" : an empirical analysis of local factors in violent civil conflict". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:05603826-f731-4817-a6a7-965e8056b62f.
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Previous civil war analyses have approached conflict as a single category with limited exceptions, and this thesis project assesses whether differentiating conflicts by their type and intensity using a local-level geo-referenced analytical approach produces differing results for sub-groups of conflicts. The conflicts are divided into 1) governmental hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture the state, and 2) territorial hostilities, where the aim of the armed non-state group is to capture increased autonomy or secession for a territorial claim. The conflicts are also differentiated by intensity into 1) low-intensity conflicts, with fewer than 1000 battle-related deaths per year, and 2) civil wars, with 1000 or more battle-related deaths per year. The results demonstrate that conflicts with differing insurgent goals and intensities of battle are correlated with markedly different factors. There are three factors – local population density, change in local rainfall, and statewide GDP growth – that are significant to both governmental and territorial hostilities but have opposite signs for the two sets. Only one variable – Polity IV scores – showed a consistently significant correlation for governmental and territorial hostilities. There are no factors that are significant to both low-intensity conflict and higher-intensity civil war. These findings suggest that approaching all conflicts as a single class, particularly at the local level, may not reveal significant differences in factors correlated with conflict. Modeling of local conflict will require differentiation of conflicts into salient sub-groups. For policymakers and practitioners, this research suggests that there is not a one-size-fits-all approach for conflict prevention but that strategies need to be targeted to specific types of conflict.
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Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. "Catalysts of conflict : how refugee crises lead to the spread of civil war". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8175.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002.Includes bibliographical references (p. 328-364).
The spread of civil war due to refugee crises has occurred repeatedly throughout history. In some refugee crises, the sending state pursues the refugees, subjecting them to military attack. In other cases, militant exiles use the refugee camps as rear bases in their attacks on the sending state. As the cross-border attacks escalate, the risk of international war grows. The refugee crisis spawned by the 1994 genocide in Rwanda provides the most extreme example of this phenomenon. The militant actions of the Rwandan Hutu refugees in Zaire eventually sparked two international wars that led to further massive population displacement in the region. The recurring pattern of violent refugee crises, prompts the following three questions: 1) How widespread is the phenomenon of political violence involving refugees? 2) Under what conditions do refugee crises cause a civil war to spread across borders? 3) What role can international actors, such as the United Nations or the United States government, play in preventing the spread of violence? To answer the above questions, this dissertation presents new time series data on refugee-related political violence and also systematically compares violent and non-violent crises involving Rwandan, Bosnian, and Afghan refugees. This dissertation advances a political explanation for the spread of civil war in refugee crises and tests it against the prevailing socioeconomic explanation. According to the political explanation, three factors combine to cause the spread of civil war. 1) Strong political cohesion among the group before exile determines initial refugee militancy.
(cont.) 2) A refugee hosting state that lacks the capability and/or willingness to secure borders and demilitarize refugees facilitates the spread of war. 3) Third party states and non-state actors that intentionally or inadvertently contribute resources to combatants expand the conflict. The humanitarian assistance literature and the policy community routinely offer socioeconomic explanations that ignore the political context of the crisis. According to those explanations, camps near the border, large populations in camps, the presence of bored young men, and poor living conditions cause cross-border violence. This dissertation finds that none of those four socioeconomic propositions satisfactorily explain the spread of civil war.
by Sarah Kenyon Lischer.
Ph.D.
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Hazlett, Chad J., e Jens Hainmueller. "Inference in tough places : essays on modeling and matching with applications to civil conflict". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/92080.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2014.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 153-156).
This dissertation focuses on the challenges of making inferences from observational data in the social sciences, with particular application to situations of violent conflict. The first essay utilizes quasi-experimental conditions to examine the effects of violence against civilians in Darfur, Sudan on attitudes towards peace and reconciliation. The second and third essays both address a common but overlooked challenge to making inferences from observational data: even when unobserved confounding can be ruled out, correctly "conditioning on" or "adjusting for" covariates remains a challenge. In all but the simplest cases, existing methods ensure unbiased estimation only when the investigator can correctly specify the functional relationship between covariates and the outcome. The second essay (with Jens Hainmueller) introduces Kernel Regularized Least Sqaures (KRLS), a flexible modelling approach that provides investigators with a powerful tool to estimate marginal effects, without linearity or additivity assumptions, and at low risk of misspecification bias. The third essay introduces Kernel Balancing (KBAL), a weighting method that mitigates the risk of misspecification bias by establishing high-order balance between treated and control samples without balance testing or a specification search.
by Chad Hazlett.
Ph. D.
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MOULTA-ALI, UMAR ABDULLAH. "Energy / Mineral Rentierism And Global Civil Conflict, 1991-1999". The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1218712470.
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Maher, David John. "Civil war and uncivil development: neo-Liberalism, globalisation and political violence in Colombia". Thesis, University of Kent, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.594275.
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Henshaw, Alexis Leanna. "Why Women Rebel: Understanding Female Participation in Intrastate Conflict". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/293429.
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Studies indicating that women as leaders and negotiators have a pacifying effect on interstate conflict stand in contrast to the reality of women's active involvement in civil conflict through armed rebel groups and insurgencies. This dissertation seeks to provide insight into this apparent paradox by analyzing how and why women become involved in rebel groups, drawing on insights from feminist and IR theories to create a gendered theory of rebellion. Hypotheses developed from this theory are examined using new data on women's participation in rebel groups from 1990-2008. These tests are supplemented with qualitative analysis focusing on the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) in El Salvador. Among the findings, data on rebel organizations in the post-Cold War era show that women are active in over half of all armed insurgencies, a level of activity much greater than what is recognized by current scholarship in international relations. The analysis also indicates that economic and ethnic- or religious-based grievance motivates women's participation, but disputes theories that portray rebels as profit- or power-seekers.
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Meldgaard, Kristensen Henriette Pia. "Uyghur mobilization in Xinjiang since 1990 : what are the causes? : a social movement theory approach /". Aarhus : Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, 2009. http://www.niaslinc.dk/gateway_to_asia/nordic_webpublications/x506056324.pdf.
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Yates, Tyler. "Institutionalizing Atrocity: An Analysis of Civil War Legacy, Post-Conflict Governance, and State Behavior". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1703315/.
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This dissertation examines the behavior of post-civil war governments and explores how the aftermath of civil war not only influences state behavior but how the previous conflict becomes institutionalized through a state's governance decisions. While post-civil war states will each have different governance needs as they endure the post-conflict environment, this dissertation contends that the governance decisions a state chooses are key to understanding, and potentially predicting, future government behavior. Further, it is important to recognize the role that the previous civil war plays towards shaping a state's governance decisions and the opportunities available.
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Martin, Michelle E. "The Political Power of Diaspora as External Actors in Armed Civil Conflict: Ethnonationalist Conflict-Generated Diaspora Use of Social Media in Transnational Political Engagement in Homeland Conflict: The Case of Rwanda". Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6417.
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This study explores the power of ethnonationalist conflict-generated diasporas
(CGD) as external actors in homeland conflict by exploring the nature of their
political engagement on a transnational level using Internet Communication
technologies (ICTs), with Rwanda as a case study. Virtual ethnography was
chosen as the research methodology to explore the online activities of
Rwandan CGD using social media (social networking sites) to form virtual
transnational networks for political purposes. Diasporic online formations and
activities were mapped in order to gain increased insights into ways that CGD
use social media to engage in homeland conflict, and the effect their
engagement has on the conflict cycle in the home country. Results of the
study revealed that Rwandan CGDs demonstrate attitudes and motivations to
act in ways that are consistent with other case studies of CGD, including
exhibiting an enduring commitment and loyalty to co-ethnics, a romanticized
conceptualization of homeland and a myth of return home. The results also
revealed Rwandan CGDs¿ strong propensity to use social media to engage in
homeland conflict on a political level through the development of a large and
dense transnational network used for a range of political purposes, including
the dissemination of genocide denial and propaganda consistent with the pre-genocide
propaganda campaign. Implications for peace-building and conflict
analysis are discussed.
21
Joao, da Costa Cabral Andresen Guimaraes Fernando. "The origins of the Angolan civil war : international politics and domestic political conflict 1961-1976". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2414/.
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This thesis views the Angolan civil war as a conflict that resulted from both internal and external political factors. The war, fought in the period 1975-1976 between the MPLA and the FNLA-UNITA coalition to succeed Portuguese colonialism in Angola, involved the intervention of external powers on behalf of both sides. This study examines, in part, the relationships that were established between these international powers and the Angolan movements. Due to the way in which these external relationships modified the nature of the internal political dispute, they became an intricate part of the origins of the conflict itself. The internationalization of the Angolan civil war was predicated, however, on an internal political conflict that emerged from a dynamic interaction of the effects of both Portuguese colonialism and divergent currents of Angolan anti-colonialism. While the particularities of Portuguese colonialism and the Salazarist regime played their part in establishing some of the conditions within which Angolan anti-colonialism emerged, the latter was also a product of specific political choices on the part of the movements involved. In this interaction there can also be found the roots of the conflict between the Angolan movements. This internal conflict was further exacerbated when the parties to it hoped to bolster their respective positions by establishing relationships with external powers. The establishment of these relationships was in part achieved by appealing to external rivalries, in particular to that of the competition between the superpowers, but also to regional rivalries, such as that between Congo and Zaire and wider continental divisions. The interaction between the internal conflict and these external rivalries is shown to have contributed significantly to the origins of the civil war. This thesis maintains its focus tightly on the specific question of the origins of the Angolan civil war. Those developments that led to the war, rather than the conflict itself are its main concern.
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Reilly, Paul John. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland". Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Alminas, Ruth. "Transnational Civil Society or Marketplace? An Empirical Examination of Inter-NGO Collaboration in Post-Conflict Environments". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/255194.
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Do NGOs tend to operate more like activists in a transnational civil society or more like competitors in a transnational marketplace? This dissertation represents a preliminary attempt to understand the extent to which NGOs interact with one another through transnational networks in their efforts to assist and protect internally displaced persons (IDPs) in conflict and post-conflict settings. So far, the concept of the transnational advocacy network has served largely as a metaphor. This dissertation represents a significant contribution to our understanding of transnational relations by offering the first empirical examination of the structure of these networks. By applying the theoretical framework offered by resource dependence theory to the question of NGO interaction, this dissertation offers an alternative view of transnational relations. I first present original network data representing the transnational advocacy network of NGOs along with the state agencies, UN agencies and other organizations involved in providing assistance and protection to IDPs in Azerbaijan in 2010. These data will demonstrate that (1) transnational actors do network around specific campaigns, but (2) this does not necessarily mean that NGOs are collaborating with one another or acting as the central actors in these networks. I next analyze original network data modeling the extent to which inter-NGO collaboration exists among NGOs responding to 29 separate cases of protracted internal displacement. These data will provide support for my argument that NGOs tend to follow a strategy of resource dependence rather than resource mobilization in their strategic networking behaviors. Finally, I will examine the variation in the cohesion among these 29 potential inter-NGO networks and suggest conditions which underlie greater inter-NGO collaboration. I find that only in cases of a real or perceived threat to the NGO-sector as a whole, specifically a legal environment that is not conducive to the functioning of the nonprofit sector, is extensive inter-NGO collaboration likely to occur. The data suggest that a hostile legal environment is necessary and sufficient for extensive inter-NGO collaboration.
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Martin, Michelle Elaine. "The political power of diaspora as external actors in armed civil conflict : ethnonationalist conflict-generated diaspora use of social media in transnational political engagement in homeland conflict : the case of Rwanda". Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6417.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This study explores the power of ethnonationalist conflict-generated diasporas (CGD) as external actors in homeland conflict by exploring the nature of their political engagement on a transnational level using Internet Communication technologies (ICTs), with Rwanda as a case study. Virtual ethnography was chosen as the research methodology to explore the online activities of Rwandan CGD using social media (social networking sites) to form virtual transnational networks for political purposes. Diasporic online formations and activities were mapped in order to gain increased insights into ways that CGD use social media to engage in homeland conflict, and the effect their engagement has on the conflict cycle in the home country. Results of the study revealed that Rwandan CGDs demonstrate attitudes and motivations to act in ways that are consistent with other case studies of CGD, including exhibiting an enduring commitment and loyalty to co-ethnics, a romanticized conceptualization of homeland and a myth of return home. The results also revealed Rwandan CGDs' strong propensity to use social media to engage in homeland conflict on a political level through the development of a large and dense transnational network used for a range of political purposes, including the dissemination of genocide denial and propaganda consistent with the pre-genocide propaganda campaign. Implications for peace-building and conflict analysis are discussed.
25
Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Reed, Erin Rachel. "Domestic Capacities for Building Post-Conflict Peace". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/22.
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The existing democratization and peacebuilding literature often neglects the important role the domestic realm plays in post-conflict peacebuilding. To explain why some post-conflict peacebuilding operations have a greater likelihood of success than others, some scholars have examined the impact of factors such as international coordination, external donor interest, democratic sequencing, and hostility levels. This analysis focuses on domestic capacities for building peace in the aftermath of civil conflict in order to systematically explore the relationship between the domestic sphere and peacebuilding success. Using Sambanis and Doyle’s (2006) peacebuilding triangle model, new local capacities indexes will be created and tested.
27
Tosaka, Rumi Morishima. "Is "identity-based conflict" a valid or banal concept? Event history analysis of civil war onset, 1960-2000". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1212613719.
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Reilly, Paul. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.
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This thesis explores the ways in which civil and uncivil groups in Northern Ireland use the Internet to generate soft power. This research assesses whether the Internet creates a critical multiplier effect for marginal groups, such as terrorists and interface communities. A coding scheme, adapted from previous studies of political part websites, is used to determine whether these groups have realised the potential of the Internet as a tool for political mobilisation. The dissertation considers whether there are any qualitative differences between the online framing of terrorist-linked parties and the constitutional parties in the region. The phenomenon of amateur terrorism is also analysed through the lens of Loyalist and Republican solidarity actors. The analysis determines whether solidarity actors were more likely to justify political violence on their websites than their respective political fronts. In addition, the websites of rival residents’ groups are examined to determine whether the Internet can help generate social capital across sectarian interfaces. The analysis determines whether residents’ groups use the Web to strengthen in-group identities, or to engage in dialogue with rival interface communities. In doing so, the research tests the cyberoptimist assertion that the Internet will facilitate forms of communication that undermine unequal power relations within nation-states. The online audience for Northern Irish terrorists is modelled using Internet usage patterns and the ranking systems used by Internet search engines. Internet usage patterns are examined to define the potential audience available to Northern Irish terrorists via their websites. The study suggests that there is little to differentiate between the websites of terrorist-linked groups, such as Sinn Fein, and the websites of constitutional parties, such as the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). In contrast, Loyalist and Republican amateurs often use paramilitary insignias on their websites to demonstrate their opposition to the peace process. However, these websites do not constitute a new dimension of terrorist threat to the peace process. Analysis of residents’ group websites suggests that they further the competition of ‘victimhoods’ between Loyalist and Republican interface communities. Both sides use their web presence to claim that they were constantly under threat of attack from the community situated at the other side of the ‘peaceline.’ Moreover, the thesis suggests that there will be a limited online audience for both civil and uncivil actors in Northern Ireland. The online audience for these actors is likely to consist of Internet users who use the Web for political research and Loyalist and Republican supporters in the ‘offline’ world.
29
Hutchison, Marc Lawrence. "THE CONTEXTUAL ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL TOLERANCE: A MULTILEVEL ANALYSIS OF THE EFFECTS OF THREAT ENVIRONMENT AND DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS ON POLITICAL TOLERANCE LEVELS". Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2007. http://lib.uky.edu/ETD/ukyposc2007d00596/Hutchison.pdf.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2007.Title from document title page (viewed on June 29, 2007). Document formatted into pages; contains: viii, 198 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 158-170).
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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "Fanatics, mercenaries, brigands ... and politicians : militia decision-making and civil conflict resolution". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36742.
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When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally.Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militia leaders at the negotiating table. Militia institutions also change the decision-making context. Institutions unleash three dynamics that decrease a militia's ability to withstand fluctuations in the military balance of forces. Institutions can lead to factionalism, increased visibility (and hence vulnerability to attack), and strains in relations with patrons.
Using the logic of two-level games, I argue that leaders evaluate peace settlements with an eye on two boards. Externally, they evaluate their position vis-a-vis other protagonists in the conflict. Internally, leaders are concerned with their positions in power. Institutionalization results in a tension between "raison de la revolution" (ideological motivations) and "raison d'institution" (institutional preservation). Embattled leaders who increasingly find it difficult to withstand changes in the balance of forces find that their institutional interests are better preserved by peace. They agree to compromise on their ideological preferences thus opening a window of opportunity for the attainment of sustainable peace settlements.
Employing the comparative case-study method, the dissertation examines the attitudes of the Lebanese Forces and the Bosnian Serbs respectively toward conflict-resolution schemes that sought to bring the Lebanese and Bosnian civil wars to an end.
By focusing on leaders' incentives to settle, the research allows us to predict a priori which settlements are more sustainable. Theoretically, it refines the concept of "ripeness" for negotiations by specifying both its intra-communal and its extra-communal dimensions. In terms of practical policy implications, the research argues that militias are prime candidates for the role of spoilers. Thus, it is important not only to understand their incentives to settle but also to craft peace agreements that give even such radical factions a vested interest in peace.
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Yaylaci, Sule. "Trust in civil wars : the implications of conflict character and threat on political and social trust". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/64069.
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My research investigates the repercussions of protracted civil wars on bystanders’ political and social trust. The literature is fraught with inconsistent findings on how violence impacts trust. I argue that civil wars have distinct effects on trust primarily because wartime trust formations vary by the character of the conflict (ethnic vs. ideological) and the macro historical dynamics of the country, which together shape collective threat framing. Ethnic wars should induce a higher political trust for politically represented ethnic group via the state discourse’s emphasis on collective threat, even in the presence of personal threat. In ideological wars, a similar discourse on collective threat forwarded by the state is less likely, and in the absence of a higher national threat framing, personal insecurities extending from the war should diminish people’s trust in governing political institutions. Regarding social trust, ethnic violence renders in- and out-group distinctions visible and decreases out-group trust. Alternatively, ideological violence diminishes general trust (trust in unknown others).
I deploy mixed-methods, combining case studies and cross-national quantitative data analysis. The two cases are the territorial Kurdish insurgency in Turkey (1984-) and the Maoist insurgency in Peru (1980-1992). I spent six months in each country and conducted archival work, comparative historical analysis, and numerous interviews and focus groups in 2013–2014. To see whether the theoretical predictions and empirical findings from Turkey and Peru can travel beyond their boundaries, I analyzed a pooled time-series cross sectional dataset (1981-2015), using multi-level models.
As well as being one of the first qualitative studies of trust in conflict settings, my work is also original in distinguishing between the effects of different types of civil wars on trust, disentangling the impact of collective and personal threat, and showing that the effects vary in the society along ethnic and political lines. My empirical findings also shed light on the generation of collective threat framing using a macro historical lens, and suggest that state-building conditions both the nature of the insurgency, national and ethnic identities, and how the conflict will be framed by the state via the official discourse.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
32
Kiel, Christina. "Private Diplomats, Mediation Professionals, and Peace Activists: Can Non-governmental Actors Bring Peace to Civil Wars?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1956.
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This dissertation investigates how actors without the means of state power can affect the behavior of warring parties in order to end civil conflicts. Drawing on the intervention and mediation literature, I propose a theoretical framework that presents causal mechanisms for various forms of non-state conflict management to contribute to conflict resolution. The research distinguishes between direct mediation, capacity-building, and problem-solving approaches, and analyzes the approaches’ potential contributions to shorter wars and more sustainable peace.
On the one hand, non-state actors can be substitutes for governmental or inter-governmental mediators. They derive legitimacy from long-standing relations with the conflict parties, and their claims to neutrality are more believable than those of powerful states with strong national interests. Further, a confidential and deliberate process can lead to more stable agreements. On the other hand, NGOs and others can prepare or enhance ongoing high-level negotiations by giving parties the tools they need to engage with each other constructively, and by improving attitudes and changing perceptions.
The data collected for this dissertation allows me to test hypotheses for the sample of African internal conflicts (1990-2010) with econometric means. Results confirm that non-state conflict management is a significant precursor to high-level mediation. I find further that conflict dyads that experience non-state conflict management in one year are significantly more likely to end in the following year. Unofficial diplomacy is significantly related to lower conflict severity, as well as to a more stable post-conflict peace.
The findings challenge the common assumption that governments are the only actors in international relations that matter. In fact, non-state actors make important contributions to conflict resolution, and conflict parties as well as governmental mediators should consider cooperating with them in their search for peace.
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Rafizadeh, Majid. "The Syrian Civil War: Four Concentric Forces of Tensions". Scholar Commons, 2014. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5812.
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The ongoing Syrian conflict has been subject to considerable amount of political polemics. Nevertheless, little scholarly work has been conducted in order to comprehend the complexities as well as underlying reasons behind the intensity, scope, and duration of the conflict in Syria. Through qualitative methodology, this research examines the character of the Syrian conflict, by conducting an in-depth and nuanced case study of the Syrian civil war. While some theories of intrastate conflict and civil wars, concentrate on the domestic character of internal conflicts within states, transnational theories focus on external factors in examining intrastate conflicts. Both theoretical framework fail to take into account the broader picture of intrastate conflict and civil war. This study makes a contribution to the intrastate and civil war theories by introducing an expanded model for analyzing intrastate conflicts and civil wars. With respect to the Syrian conflict, utilizing this approach is instrumental in order to more efficiently and thoroughly comprehend the character of the Syrian conflict. Secondly, this study determines that states, which are multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural, and geostrategically and geopolitically significant, tend to have protracted civil war and intrastate conflict. This research concludes that the unrecognized character of the Syrian conflict is unique due to the notion that it is operating, and being influenced, by four concentric forces of tensions, which are occurring simultaneously. In addition, it is critical to understand the interactions, contradictions, and excesses created by these four concentric circles of tensions. These interactions, contradictions and excesses shape the nature, scope, intensity, violence, death toll, and duration of the conflict and civil war in Syria.
34
Hamilton, David R. "Opportunity to Rebel: The Effects of Unemployment Coupled with Ethnic Divided on the Onset of Civil Conflict". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/32.
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The effects of unemployment on the genesis of civil conflict are examined as both a social and economic factor, with particular emphasis on civil conflict in ethnically heterogeneous nations. A logit statistical analysis of a data set indicates that increased unemployment rates do contribute to the onset of civil conflict.
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Holst, Joshua. "Resources, Realpolitik, and Rebellion: Rethinking Grievance in Aceh, Indonesia". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193255.
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This paper engages operationalized discourses from economics and political science on resources and conflict using anthropological theory and ethnographic techniques. Current trends among civil war scholars locate grievances as ubiquitous constructs or rhetorical tools, irrelevant in causal analysis. This de-emphasis generates an unsavory menu of options for governments seeking to eliminate domestic conflict in resource-rich regions rationalizing grievance-generating human rights abuses.In "developing" resource-rich regions the historical trajectory of indigenous populations is placed in conflict with a development agenda that serves state interests. Grievances are central to the conflict over identity within the affected communities in a struggle for national affiliation or disaffiliation. In the absence of a pluralistic political system grievance-motivated political imperatives combine with political isolation to generate political unrest. As grievances are central to understanding cultural change and social unrest, pluralistic institutions and human rights protections have "realpolitikal" value in securing stability in resource-rich regions.
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Upadhyay, Ashish Prasad. "Post-conflict realities and the future of stability in Nepal". Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/52945.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedReissued 30 May 2017 with correction to degree on title page.
The thesis argues that the Maoist-led government in post-insurgency Nepal has failed to deliver on the promises of reform that brought it to power. The long-enduring social and economic grievances based on the Nepali Hindu social structure persist. Starting in 1996, the Maoists successfully capitalized on such grievances, and with the promise of radical reforms, led a decade-long successful insurgency. A political negotiation incorporating major Maoist demands ended the insurgency in 2006. The electoral victory right after the end of the insurgency provided the Maoists with the mandate and opportunity to reform traditional socio-economic and political structure. Unfortunately, the post-2006 period is seeing an emergence of political instability akin to the post-1991 era. This thesis examines the state of reforms in post-insurgency Nepal to identify the gaps between the promises made and the reforms implemented that are causing ongoing grievances. The thesis also highlights the importance of the coalition culture in producing political stability to eliminate persistent grievances and implement reforms for the future stability of Nepal.
Lieutenant Colonel, Nepalese Army
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Sims, Bryan M. "Conflict in perpetuity? Examining Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict through the lens of land reform". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96932.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation analyses the relationship between civil society and political leadership within the context of Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict, particularly through the lens of land policy. Through the use of strategic informants, it yields important insights into the origins, form and impact of political leadership and civil society in a way that will expose the dynamics of elite and grassroots mobilisation and the political context in which land policy is either made or obstructed. Specifically, this dissertation examines two research questions. First, if political leadership is not representative of the citizenry, is land policy more likely to engender overt conflict? Second, if civil society has an autonomous role in the public sphere, is land policy more likely to benefit citizens? This dissertation also confronts an emerging empirical problem: the absence of descriptive data in regards to how civil society and political leadership have engaged in reforming land policy in Zimbabwe during the period of transition from 2008 to 2013. By measuring representation and autonomy – indicators of human needs satisfaction– this dissertation traced each phase of the protracted social conflict as it both helped to create the conditions for a liberation model of representation while simultaneously further exacerbating protracted social conflict within Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed die verhouding tussen die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap veral deur die lens van grondbeleid, binne die konteks van Zimbabwe se uitgerekte sosiale konflik. Dit het ten doel om belangrike insigte op te lewer in die oorsprong, vorm en impak van politieke leierskap en die burgerlike samelewing. Die word blootgestel in 'n manier wat die dinamika van die elite en mobilisering op grondvlak in ag neem soweel as die politieke konteks waarin grondbeleid óf gemaak is of belemmer word. Hierdie tesis konfronteer ook 'n opkomende empiriese probleem: die afwesigheid van beskrywende data met betrekking tot die betrokkenheod van die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap tydens die grondhervorming proses in Zimbabwe gedurende die tydperk van oorgang tussen 2008 en 2013. Deur die meting van verteenwoordiging en outonomie - aanwysers van menslike behoeftes bevrediging - word elke fase van die uitgerekte sosiale konflik ondersoek met betrekking tot hoe ‘n bevryding model van verteenwoordigheid beide gehelp het om die voorwaardes te skepvir die eindeiging van die PSC; maar terselfdertyd het dit ook die sosiale konflik in Zimbabwe verder uitgerek. !
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Codjo, Juste E. W. "The logic of strategic consensus: state environment and civil war". Diss., Kansas State University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/35493.
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Doctor of PhilosophySecurity Studies
Emizet F. Kisangani
Why are states sometimes unable to avoid the occurrence of civil war? Most existing theories of civil war focus on rebels’ motivation and capabilities, while taking government’s actions as givens. Not only is the government a key player in the process leading up to civil war, but it is also a non-unitary actor composed of individuals and groups with diverging aspirations. Thus, understanding civil war requires an explanation of the conditions that facilitate or impede what governments do to provide political order. To fill this gap, this dissertation proposes a state-centered theory that explains civil war as an indirect function of state environment, defined in terms of structural and institutional conditions under which governments operate. The argument is that state environment determines the scope of leaders’ consensus on accommodation and coercion, two strategies that governments rely on to provide political order. Specifically, harsh socioeconomic conditions reduce leaders’ strategic consensus. Moreover, leaders’ divisions in socioeconomically poor societies is further exacerbated by democratic institutions. In turn, the lack of consensus on accommodation and coercion increases the risks of civil war. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used to test the theory. The quantitative analysis relies on mediation techniques and on a cross-sectional time series of 162 countries from 1960 to 2007. The results support the theoretical argument. Socioeconomic development is indirectly and inversely related to civil war. About two-thirds of its effect is transmitted through accommodation, while one-third occurs through coercion. Moreover, democratic institutions are positively associated with civil war. When socioeconomic development is low, states with open institutions are the least accommodative and the most coercive. The qualitative methods of “structured, focused comparison” and “process tracing” are used to investigate three cases (Côte d’Ivoire, Romania, and Benin). The findings show that the emergence of sociopolitical dissidence often results from changes in the structure of the state’s socioeconomic or political environment. However, the risks of escalation into civil war are highest when leaders lack consensus about a strategy to resolve the issue at stake. In turn, leaders’ disunity about a bargaining strategy is found to be a product of calculations for political survival.
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Gowen, Claire D. "IMF Conditionality and Armed Civil Conflict: An Analysis of Sub-Saharan Africa". unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08062007-155735/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. Carrie L. Manning, committee chair; Scott E. Graves, Charles R. Hankla, committee members. Electronic text (49 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 3, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-49).
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Hendrix, Cullen Stevenson. "Leviathan in the Tropics? environment, state capacity, and civil conflict in the developing world /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307529.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 22, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 203-220).
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Clary, Caitlin B. "The Initiation and Effectiveness of Multi-Coalition Peace Operations". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1546417569038513.
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Widmeier, Michael W. "Rebels, from the Beginning to the End: Rebel Origins and the Dynamics of Civil Conflicts". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1703382/.
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This dissertation addresses the puzzle of whether rebel group origins have an effect on rebel wartime behavior and the broader dynamics of civil conflict. Using a quantitative approach over three empirical chapters I study the relationship between rebel origins and conflict onset, duration and intensity, and wartime group capacity. Two qualitative cases examine the relationship between rebel origins, wartime group capacity, and adaptation during war, further unpacking the theoretical mechanisms linking group origins and conflict dynamics. I posit that rebel groups emerge from pre-existing organizations and networks that vary along military and civilian dimensions and condition the development of military and mobilization capacity of their successor insurgent groups. Groups with more developed militarization and mobilization mechanisms prior to conflict are likely to enter into civil conflict earlier in their existence and fight in longer and bloodier conflicts. I also find a strong relationship between origins characteristics and the development of military and civilian wartime capacity. Origins exert a strong legacy effect on the type and strength of intra-war capability, indicating that significant rebel adaptation is difficult.
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Bradshaw, Aisha. "The Flip Side of the COIN: Insurgent-Provided Social Services and Civil Conflict Outcomes". The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1531005517569593.
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Gross, de Almeida Daniela. "The Darfur conflict : beyond ethnic hatred explanations". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2185.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 4 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic.
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Johnson, Jade Nichole. "Corporate warriors : scourge or solution in African conflict resolution". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5178.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) are fast becoming a permanent structure in international security. PMSCs are made up of two groups, namely Private Military Companies (PMCs) and Private Security Companies (PSCs). Antagonism towards their existence and involvement in African civil wars is the result of some damaging effects of PMSCs- more specifically PMCs- including misconceptions. Both PMCs and PSCs are compared to mercenaries and definitional issues plague the private security industry. Private Military and Security Companies however are legal entities, different to mercenaries. This is why PMCs are sometimes referred to as "corporate warriors". As private companies PMCs often fill the security gaps left by international responses to African civil wars. Their contracts with legitimate governments offer a cheap and effective end to the violence of civil war. In recent years the use of PMSCs has increased among both weak and strong states. Antipathy however remains the prominent attitude in the international community, thus challenging the use of PMSCs. From this point of view, they are a ¡°scourge¡± because PMCs are not only likened to mercenaries of old who fight for private gain, but the arguments are also that they undermine the sovereignty of weak states, that they are unaccountable to the citizens of these states, that they violate human rights, that they don't solve root causes and that they contribute to militarization. The increase of civil conflicts in Africa and the surplus of military professionals after the Second World War meant that mercenaries became involved in African liberation struggles. By the end of the Cold War however- in an era that favours liberal economic practices and privatisation- professional legal Private Military and Security Companies were established to supplement the security gap left at the end of the Cold War. As mentioned, these are legal companies that don.t breach international conventions; are accountable to some home state legislation's and brought peace to Angola and Sierra Leone. International responses to security concerns- especially those in Africa- are burdened by the plethora of complex civil conflicts that simultaneously demand attention from the United Nations. PMCs may be equipped to execute Chapter VII mandates of the UN Charter, as these deal with robust enforcement functions at a time when the West is reluctant to intervene. What is perhaps required is more accountability (also to host state legislation) and oversight. The services of PMCs are beneficial to a number of stakeholders. These include the states in which they are registered, the states in which they operate, the citizenry that they protect, and they are profitable to the shareholders of the PMCs and diamond and oil companies they are contracted to. It is thus the conclusion of this thesis that Private Military Companies provide a faster and more cost- effective option for peacemaking in Africa. As private companies they are not bound by protocols and conventions but they must satisfy the company and its shareholders. And although the use of Private Military Companies is not dependent on the regulation of the industry, the PMSC industry would benefit from more self- regulation in the market place. Thus with relevant and more effective regulation, PMCs could become Africa's solution to her civil conflicts. Unlike in the Ballesteros report, the UN has to recognise this role.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Private Militere- en Sekuriteitsmaatskappye (PMSMe) is vinnig besig om 'n permanente struktuur in privaatsekuriteit te word. Skadelike uitwerkings van hierdie PMSMe, wanpersepsies ingesluit, is 'n gevolg van die antagonisme teenoor die maatskappye en hul betrokkenheid in burgeroorloë. PMSMe word met huursoldate vergelyk en gevolglik word die privaatsekuriteitsindustrie met kwessies rondom definiering gekwel. PMSMe, anders as huursoldate, is egter wettige entiteite. Om hierdie rede word PMSMe dikwels as "korporatiewe krygsmanne" (corporate warriors) beskryf. PMSMe, as private maatksappye, vul dikwels die sekuriteitsgapings wat deur die internasionale reaksies tot burgeroorloë in Afrika gelaat is. Hul kontrakte met legitieme regerings bied 'n goedkoop en effektiewe middel om die geweld van burgeroorloë te beëindig. Die gebruik van PMSMe het, gedurende die afgelope jare, in beide swak- en sterk state toegeneem. Antipatie dien steeds as in vername afkeur in die internasionale gemeenskap. Dit daag dus die gebruik van PMSMe uit. Hulle word steeds met huursoldate in die internasionale gemeenskap verwar. Terselfdertyd word geargumenteer dat PMSMe die soewereiniteit van swak regerings ondermyn, dat hulle nie verantwoordbaar aan die burgers van hierdie state is nie, dat hulle inbreuk maak op menseregte, dat hulle nie die kernoorsake van konflik oplos nie, en dat hulle tot militarisering bydra. Die toename in burgerlike konflikte in Afrika, tesame met die oorskot militêre vakkundiges na die Tweede Wereldoorlog, het gemaak dat huursoldate in Afrika se vryheidstryde betrokke geraak het. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog - gedurende 'n tydperk waar liberale ekonomiese praktyke en privatisering voorrang geniet het - was professionele wettige PMSMe byderhand om die sekuriteitsgaping aan te vul. Hierdie is dus wettige maatskappye wat nie internasionale konvensies skend nie, wat verantwoordbaar is aan sekere tuisstaatwetgewing, en wat vrede in Angola en Sierra Leone meegebring het. Internasionale reaksies tot sekuriteitskwessies - veral die sigbaar in Afrika - word deur 'n oormaat van komplekse burgerlike konflikte, wat gelyktydig aandag van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) verg, belas. Hiervolgens is dit moontlik dat PMSMe wel toegerus mag wees om Hoofstuk II-mandate van die VN Handves uit te voer. Die rede hiervoor is dat die PMSMe wel toegerus is om robuuste toepassings funksies te verrig. Dit het veral vorendag gekom gedurende 'n tydperk toe die Weste huiwerig was om by sekuriteitskwessies in te meng. Hoer vlakke van verantwoordbaarheid en oorsig word moontlik meer vereis. Die dienste van PMSMe is voordelig vir vele belanghebbendes. Hierdie sluit die state in waar hul gekontrakteer het, die state waarin hulle optree, die burgers wat hulle beskerm, die winsgewendherd vir aandeelhouers van die PMSMe en die diamant- en oliemaatskappye deur wie hul gekontrakteer mag wees om installasies te beskerm. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie tesis is dus dat PMSMe 'n vinniger en meer koste-effektiewe opsie vir vredemaking in Afrika bied. Al is die gebruik van PMSMe nie afhanklik van die regulering van die industrie nie, sal die PMSMe-industrie by 'n verhoging in self-regulering in daardie sektore baat vind. Met relevante en meer effektiewe markregulering, kan PMSMe dus as 'n oplossing in Afrika se burgerlike konflik dien. Anders as in die Ballesteros verslag, sal die VN dit moet erken.
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MEIER, Larissa Daria. "Micro-Mobilization Processes during Civil Wars: The Case of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/91166.
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Holst, Joshua. "Development and Conflict at the Ecological Margins: Grassroots Approaches to Democracy and Natural Resources". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/581409.
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How can politically and ecologically vulnerable groups come to productively govern the development process? The current environmental crisis is felt most intensely by marginalized groups whose livelihoods, food security, and health are threatened as development-driven environmental problems increase. This study looks at the intersection between the state, the economy, and the grassroots as key decision-makers shape the development trajectory: environmental factions of the rebels-turned-politicians in Aceh, Indonesia, the pro-autonomy indigenous movement in the Ecuadorian Amazon, and pro-democracy insurgents in the United States. The subsequent chapters track and analyze the varied fates of insurgents in each site as they attempt to democratize the state and acquire control over local ecologies. The conclusion explores these movements as the tip of a much deeper iceberg of conflict between extractive development and anti-colonialism.
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Righi, Graziane Ortiz. "Leonel Brizola : o deputado federal da Guanabara e o golpe civil-militar (1962-1964)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/134196.
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No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular.In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).
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Shepard, Anna. "Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Champeta: The Colombian Conflict as Case Study in Sovereignty". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1712.
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I will argue that a discussion of sovereignty as it relates to internal conflict deepens our understanding of the Colombian conflict, and in turn, the Colombian conflict deepens the ongoing discussion on sovereignty. Internal armed conflict is a tool to free and dominate populations, to save and kill individuals, and to destroy and build institutions. Thomas Hobbes and John Locke set an initial framework for understanding sovereignty. Armed actors use violence to create a sphere of influence that overlaps with the state’s legal jurisdiction: armed actors use violence as a strategy of hegemonic state building. Overlapping territorial claims challenge the integrity of Colombian sovereignty. I will argue in this thesis that the Colombian example demonstrates that a government’s sovereignty can be threatened by an ideological competitor (FARC), outlaws -- whether state created (AUC) or independent of the state (drug cartels) -- and by foreign nations (US). If the collective actions of these actors can effectively contest the state’s legitimacy, comparative advantage in violence, and territorial claims, armed actors can effectively undermine the state’s sovereignty. In this way, the Colombian example is a rich case study in domestic sovereignty.
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Roberts, Ruth. "The role of military companies in African conflicts". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2187.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.Private military companies (PMCs)are increasing becoming involved in modern conflicts providing specialised skills such as combat services, planning, intelligence, training, support and technical assistance. They provide an alternative to weak state governments as Western governments have become increasingly reluctant to commit their troops to be involved in the civil conflicts of the developing world. Supporters of the employment of private forces see them as an effective solution to this combination of need from conflict-ridden weak states and reluctance of Western governments and international organisations to intervene in these conflicts ...