Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Christian women – religious life – england"

One of the tendencies of modern transformations in the religious sphere, in particular in the world of Protestantism, is the desire for gender equality. The problem of "woman and religion" has become extremely urgent over the last decades, especially on the issue of women's priesthood. There is evidence that the proportion of women in the religious life of only Christian denominations has increased from 10 percent in the early twentieth century. to 40 at the beginning of the XXI century. The theological justification for the idea of ​​women's participation in organizing and conducting worship services was first formulated at the beginning of the 20th century in the Church of England. And it was the discussion around this provision that went beyond the Anglican Church that led to a radical revision of the traditional position of some Protestant churches, both as a motive and a reflection of profound changes in Christianity.

Much evidence has been brought to light recently to demonstrate the vitality of religious life among the English laity on the eve of the Reformation. Attention has been drawn to the fact that, in the period before the advent of Protestantism, lay men and women evinced a high degree of commitment to their church. The religious changes of the sixteenth century are as pressing a historical problem as ever; moreover, they provide a valuable litmus with which to test the qualities of the late-medieval church. Nevertheless, there is a danger that the fascination of the Reformation question, together with the bias of documentary sources on lay religion towards the latter end of the medieval period, may impoverish our appreciation of the ways in which, for a thousand years, Christians in Britain had been shaping their religious lives. To take a long view of religious voluntarism may help to put the developments of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in a proper perspective. There has also been a tendency, in discussion of lay religious life in the late middle ages, to accept the institutional framework as given. Yet in practice that framework was both adjustable and expressive of a wide range of lay initiatives in religion. That men and women were prepared to lend material support to a variety of religious institutions is apparent from any medieval collection of wills or set of churchwardens' accounts. But what, exactly, was expressed by such support? This is not an easy question to answer. Any assessment calls for an understanding of the medieval parish, not as a legal abstraction, nor yet as a supposedly ‘natural’ community of inhabitants, but as a more or less adaptable framework shaped by, and in turn shaping, the lives of the members. The evidence of religious activity, from processions to church-building, is, so far as it goes, not hard to find. But what of the parochial structure which gave meaning to these gestures, and which could in turn be modified by them?

[I]t is not enough to make the Jew respected, but to have JUDAISM rightly reverenced; and to do this, there must be a JEWISH LITERATURE, or the Jewish people will not advance one step. — Grace Aguilar, The Jewish Faith (1846)THE ESSAYS COLLECTED in this issue of Victorian Literature and Culture seek to introduce Victorianists to some of the many Anglo-Jewish writers of nineteenth-century England. What differentiates this moment in Anglo-Jewish scholarship from most previous considerations is that we do not purport to fill a falsely constructed “void” of Anglo-Jewish literary silence; on the contrary, this collection seeks to amplify the fullness of nineteenth century Anglo-Jewish literary life. In 1846, Grace Aguilar, the important Anglo-Jewish writer and theologian, called out for the production of a “Jewish literature” that would aid the “right reverence[e] of Judaism,” and “advance” the Jewish people in Victorian England. All too aware of the way exclusion from Hebrew literary and religious texts often precipitated assimilation, conversion, and more generalized alienation from Jewish religious life, Aguilar sought new tools to combat Jewish religious apathy. Detailing the subtle conversionary and theological assumptions that so-called secular — yet clearly Christian — literature often performed, Aguilar reasoned that a Jewish literature could provide Jewish readers — and especially Jewish women — with literary pleasure and a simultaneous sense of Jewish values and ethics; likewise, such a literature could recast the generally negative images of Jewish people and Judaism which pervade the long history of English literature.1 With her emphasis on a Jewish literature, then, Aguilar sought to claim the cultural and ideological power literature held in Victorian England for specifically Jewish uses. Significantly, Aguilar’s tone in the statement above suggests that she saw no such Jewish literature in past moments of Anglo-Jewish history; Aguilar’s intensive production of such a literature in a variety of genres was her own response to this desire for Jewish literature.

This contribution evaluates the transmission and appropriation of the vita of the ‘independent’ holy woman Christina Mirabilis from the diocese of Liège by Carthusians in England. Hers and other vitae were witness to the new Christ-centred spirituality and were mainly transmitted and adapted by members of continental reform-minded religious orders. New findings concerning the English manuscripts with the vita of Christina show that in England, Carthusians were the leading agents in the process of transmission of this hagiography. Taken together, these findings raise questions about 1) the models these vitae provided for Carthusians, 2) the interaction between Carthusians and other religious orders regarding text exchange, and 3) their interaction with laypeople and readers of vernacular translations. Why did English Carthusians transmit and appropriate the vitae of relatively unknown Liège saints? The answer lies in the spiritual models these vitae provided, stressing the importance of asceticism and a virtuous inner life.

RÉSUMÉLe principal objectif de cet article est d’encourager une approche plus large, supraconfessionnelle, du mariage et de la famille à l’époque moderne. La conjugalité a été “désacralisée” par les réformateurs protestants du 16e siècle. Martin Luther, parmi d’autres, a refusé le statut de sacrement au mariage, tout en valorisant celui-ci comme une arme contre le péché. En réaction, le concile de Trente a réaffirmé avec force que le mariage est bien un des sept sacrements chrétiens. Mais, promouvant la supériorité du célibat, l’Église catholique n’a jamais beaucoup insisté sur les vertus de la vie et de la piété familiales avant le 19e siècle. En parallèle, les historiens décèlent des signes de “sacralisation” de la famille protestante à partir du 16e siècle. Leurs conclusions doivent être relativisées à la lumière de recherches plus récentes et plus critiques, centrées sur les rapports et les représentations de genre. Elles peuvent néanmoins inspirer une étude élargie et comparative, inexistante dans l’historiographie traditionnelle, des réalités et des perceptions de la famille chrétienne au-delà des frontières confessionnelles.MOTS-CLÉ: Époque Moderne, mariage, famille, protestantisme, Concile de TrenteABSTRACTThe main purpose of this paper is to encourage a broader supra-confessional approach to the history of marriage and the family in the Early Modern era. Wedlock was “desacralized” by the Protestant reformers of the 16th century. Martin Luther, among others, denied the sacramental status of marriage but valued it as a weapon against sin. In reaction, the Council of Trent reinforced marriage as one of the seven sacraments. But the Catholic Church, which promoted the superiority of celibacy, did little to defend the virtues of family life and piety before the 19th century. In parallel, historians have identified signs of a “sacralization” of the Protestant family since the 16th century. These findings must be relativized in the light of newer and more critical studies on gender relations and representations. But they can still inspire a broader comparative study, non-existent in traditional confessional historiography, of the realities and perceptions of the Christian family beyond denominational borders.KEY WORDS: Early Modern Christianity, marriage, family, Protestantism, Council of Trent BIBLIOGRAPHIEAdair, R., Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1996.Beaulande-Barraud, V., “Sexualité, mariage et procréation. Discours et pratiques dans l’Église médiévale (XIIIe-XVe siècles)”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017, pp. 19-29.Bels, P., Le mariage des protestants français jusqu’en 1685. 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According to an order of Joan, Countess of Kent, for preaching Christianity in England of the 14th century, Geoffrey Chaucer wrote his poems “House of Fame” and “The Legend of Good Women”. In these poems, Chaucer showed himself a maker of an ideology of gender equality. He revised the ancient philosophy of love and gender conflict in new Christian sense, drawing parallels with Ovid’s “Heroides” and female social statuses in England of the 14th century. He offered a new ideological story on the basis of the Christian reinvention of Ovid. He also reconsidered several ancient Greek myths about the female sufferers, in his ideological Christian stories.

Community lies at the heart of both church and school life in the Church of England. In some areas, church communities are sustained by families who choose to attend a particular church based on the quality of the church school in its parish. Many Voluntary Aided Church of England schools (church schools) give priority admission to parents on the basis of faith in the oversubscription criteria of their admission arrangements. While the Church stresses inclusiveness in its recommendations regarding admissions policies to church schools, where a church school is very popular and oversubscribed arguably priority must be given to parents of the faith in the school's catchment area. Otherwise parishioner children whose families regularly attend church could fail to be admitted to their local church school because of competition for places.

Borrowing books was a privilege introduced for women by several academic institutions and libraries in England in the 19th century. Cambridge University accepted women on equal terms with men in 1948. Various objectors before that feared that higher education would have untoward effects on women's bodies and minds. The eminent 19th-century psychiatrist Henry Maudsley was convinced it would make them infertile (Robinson, 2009). Yet women played an important role in the founding of many Islamic educational institutions from the first millennium, and Christian religious orders fostered education for girls and women in Europe before the modern era.

The article examines the importance of the religious factor in the life of the poet. The anti-Catholic politics of England is seen as the historical context that influenced Pope’s life and personality. Alexander Pope appears as a man who was able to use his extremely unprofitable religious affiliation in forming a career as a professional writer. The author examines the function of Catholicism, the combination of deism, concepts of natural religion, and Christian ideas in Pope’s enlightenment consciousness.

One of the most striking features of the first decades of open Jewish resettlement in England is the speed with which Jews managed to integrate themselves into so many different spheres of English life. From the first appointment of a Jew as a broker on the Exchange in 1657 to the first Jewish knighthood in 1700, the story is one of a dramatic rise in the acquisition of rights, privileges and special consideration. So, too, had Jews long been a part of English intellectual and academic life, but before Cromwell's tacit permission of Jewish residence in 1656 only Jewish converts to Christianity dared to make their appearance at English universities. This pattern was broken with the Abendana brothers, Jacob (d. 1685) and Isaac (d. 1699), Hebrew scholars and bibliophiles who came to London from Holland after the Restoration. Jacob Abendana, in the last four years of his life, was rabbi of the Sephardic community in London; Isaac, from at least 1663, taught Hebrew at Oxford and Cambridge. Both men were very much in demand by English scholars, who turned to them to solve Hebraic problems of various kinds and to procure Hebrew books for themselves and for university libraries. Both brothers worked on the first translations of the Mishnah into European languages and thus helped make available to Christian scholars this central core of the Talmud, the Jewish ‘oral’ law. Finally, it was Isaac Abendana who invented the Oxford diary and thereby made a permanent mark on the social habits of the university in which he laboured.

Bibliography: pages 151-157.
The intention of this thesis is to offer a perspective on the current debate over women's place in Western religious institutions, i.e. the Judaeo-Christian tradition; and to provide a way of thinking about those issues which will lead to a positive, progressive and realistic vision of co-humanity, and a method of achieving it. The thorny battleground of the "women's debate", as it is inaccurately named, was not my original choice of thesis topic. A lifelong commitment to feminist principles has been matched with an equally lengthy wariness regarding society's attitude towards such matters. Also, the understandable obsession of South African religious studies departments, and journals, with the issue of racism has had the inevitable result of trivializing the related issue of sexism as secondary. The narrowness of such thinking has led to strange distortions, including the belief that evil can somehow be 'ranked' and that there can be a 'hierarchy' of oppression. My intentions changed during a search of religious publications and journals while completing a post-graduate assignment. It was abundantly apparent that the scale of the debate on women's place in religion was fast outstripping most other debates. However, it was not an area which had been treated locally with seriousness. It had unfolded into a comprehensive and highly contentious debate in North American and British campuses and religious institutions, and the proliferation of books and articles on the subject by not only theologians but also sociologists, anthropologists and linguists had greatly extended the platform and the level on which the debate was to be fought. It appeared that women working in many fields were laying claim to religion, and were engaging issues which had previously been left to the handful of articulate women working at least nominally within orthodox structures.

This thesis examines the spiritual lives of eighteenth-century English women through an analysis of their personal writings. It explores the manuscripts of religious women who practised their faith by writing letters, diaries, poetry, and other highly personal texts—texts that give unique access to the interior, spiritual lives of their authors. Concerned not only with the individual meaning of those writings but with their communal meanings, it argues that women’s informal writing, written within personal relationships, acted to undergird, guide, and indeed shape religious communities in vital and unexplored ways. Through an exploration of various significant personal relationships, both intra- and inter-generationally, this thesis demonstrates the multiple ways in which women were active in ‘writing religious communities’. The women discussed here belonged to communities that habitually communicated through personal writing. At the same time, their acts of writing were creative acts, powerful to build and shape religious communities: these women wrote religious community. A series of interweaving case studies guide my analysis and discussion. The thesis focuses on Catherine Talbot (1721–70), Anne Steele (1717–78), and Ann Bolton (1743–1822), and on their literary interactions with friends and family. Considered together, these subjects and sources allow comparison across denomination, for Talbot was Anglican, Steele Baptist, and Bolton Methodist. After an introductory chapter, Chapter Two focuses on spiritual friendship, showing how women used personal writings within peer relationships to think through religious ideas and encourage faith commitments. Chapter Three considers older women as spiritual elders, arguing that elderly women sometimes achieved honoured status in religious communities and were turned to for spiritual direction. Chapter Four explores the ways in which women offered religious instruction to spiritual children through the creative use of informal writings, including diaries and poetry. And Chapter Five considers women’s personal writings as spiritual legacy, as they were preserved by family and friends and continued to function in religious communities after the death of their authors.

The purpose of this project is to gain an understanding of the daily lives of nuns in an English nunnery by examining a particular prominent abbey. This study also attempts to update the history of the abbey by incorporating methods and theories used by recent historians of women's monasticism, as well as recent archaeological evidence found at the abbey site. By including specific examinations of Barking Abbey's last nuns, as well as the nuns' artistic and cultural pursuits, this thesis expands the scholarship of the abbey's history into areas previously unexplored. This thesis begins with a look at the nuns of Barking Abbey. the social status of their secular families, and how that status may have defined life in the abbey. It also looks at how Barking fit into the larger context of English women's monasticism based on the social provenance of its nuns. The analysis then turns to the nuns' daily temporal and spiritual responsibilities, focusing on the nuns' liturgical lives as well as the work required for the efficient maintenance of the house. Also covered is the relationship the abbey and its nuns had with their local lay community. This is followed by an examination of cultural activity at the abbey with discussion of books and manuscripts, music, singing, procession, and various other art forms. The final chapter examines the abbey's dissolution in 1539 under Henry VIII's religious reforms, including the dissolution's effect on some of the abbey's last nuns.

This thesis is concerned broadly with purported mystics and how the Roman Catholic Church conceives of them theologically, and treats them in practicality. In exploring the dynamics of power at work when an individual claims to have dialogue with God, I identify a very particular process that occurs, namely active abjection, and illustrate this using examples taken from the writings of various purported mystics. I argue that there is a collection of people - the actively abjected - who occupy a very specific role within the Roman Catholic Church, and that this role has not been recognized. I go on to suggest a way in which they can be understood and respected for the role they play. To do this, I draw upon particular philosophical models of understanding from Hannah Arendt and Julia Kristeva. I aspire to encourage a deeper and more complicated understanding of the nature of institutionalized oppression, and to offer a reconstructive model for how those who encounter potentially problematic individuals within communities might work and interact with them in a non-oppressive manner. This thesis is a work of Catholic theology in that it offers a theological and philosophical argument for the recognition of a particular role certain individuals play in maintaining the structure and definition of the Catholic Church. But it is also intended as a work of political philosophy. Both Arendt and Kristeva, whose writing I use as a lens to examine a particular phenomenon found in religious communities are theorists in the tradition of political philosophy and my intention is to expand the application of their models.

The Order of Fontevraud, founded in 1100 by the hermit/preacher Robert of Arbrisssel was the only twelfth-century women's order incorporating into its structure a group of chaplains and lay brothers whose specific role was to serve the nuns. This thesis examines the origins of the order and demonstrates that the English foundations were a stage in its development, closely linked to its Angevin connections. Each of the two houses established in England c.l 150 was founded and patronised by supporters of Henry Plantagenet. Westwood, founded by the de Say family, lesser barons from Herefordshire, received a modest endowment. Nuneaton, founded by the magnate Robert, earl of Leicester, was richly endowed. Twenty years later Henry II expelled the Benedictine community from Amesbury replacing it with a group from Fontevraud, thus founding the third house. A fourth, Grovebury, is not treated; it was never a foundation for women. I have studied the process of endowment and shown that the wealth and status of the founder in no small measure determined the future prosperity of the foundation. The internal organisation of the Fontevraud houses has been explored, in particular the balance between local autonomy and dependence on the mother house. As well, I have examined recruitment and shown that this, too, reflected on the circumstances of foundation. My main focus has been on the economy of these three houses, their income and expenditure and the exploitation of their assets. The nuns are seen as a group of women who were dynamic and creative in managing their affairs. This has not precluded an investigation into the spiritual, and in particular, the liturgical dimension of life in the English foundations. Fundamentally the Order of Fontevraud is presented as an opportunity for noble women of England in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to live religious life in a new order, one renowned for its strict interpretation of the Rule of St Benedict and for the prayerfumess of its members, and one in which women were manifestly in control of their own destinies.

Although seventeenth-century New England has been one of the most heavily studied subjects in American history, women's lived experience of Puritan church membership has been incompletely understood. Histories of New England's Puritan churches have often assumed membership to have had universal implications, and studies of New England women either have focused on dissenting women or have neglected women's religious lives altogether despite the centrality of religion to the structure of New England society and culture. This thesis uses pamphlets, sermons, and church records to demonstrate that women's church membership in Massachusetts's Puritan churches differed from men's because women were prohibited from speaking in church or from voting in church government. Despite the Puritan emphasis on spiritual equality, women experienced a modified form of membership stemming from their subordinate place in the social hierarchy.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.
Degree awarded 2005, thesis submitted 2004. Title from title screen (viewed July 3, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Studies in Religion, Faculty of Arts. Includes bliographical references. Also available in print form.

AbstractThis chapter argues that the religious ideal of purity could only be maintained in the long run if there were spaces where it held true in an exemplary fashion. Therefore, the Basel missionaries aspired to create pure spaces in the form of Christian villages, domestic safe havens and sobriety societies. A central policy of the Basel Mission consisted of establishing separate Christian settlements for their parishioners within rural contexts, referred to as “salems” in West Africa. The Pietist family model formed the core of the civilising project, in which women and domesticity ultimately guaranteed the perpetuation of cleanliness and purity. The struggle for what missionaries perceived as the reinvigoration of the Christian family among the poor at home and the heathens abroad was a transregional expression of Pietist purity efforts. The temperance movement offers another example of how born-again Christians in both Europe and West Africa aspired to create pure spaces, where the people they sought to protect would find shelter from the seemingly harmful consequences of modern life.

Abstract By the 1660s English men and women were aware of a decline of religious piety, giving rise to such works as Richard Allestree’s The Causes of the Decay of Christian Piety (1667). With at least fourteen editions before the end of the century, this was one of the best-selling books of the Restoration period. Allestree’s “causes” are all moral and meant to discredit the impious. We have seen them complained of before: ignorance, theological disputes, sensuality, self interest, pride, misplaced zeal, excessive curiosity. Nothing in modern life was presented as creating a new situation with regard to belief. In Allestree’s view the Gospel only had to contend with the same moral flaws as always. And yet the latter seemed to be gaining ground.

Abstract The monastic boom started, in the years around 670, at a critical point in the development of the English Church and its culture. If the Synod of Whitby (664) was largely of symbolic importance, few areas of religious life can have been left untouched by the plague which struck England in the same year, and remained a feature of life for some decades. Yet that disaster (which could, like the fourteenth-century plague, have given survivors access to higher material standards) accompanied an extraordinary economic and cultural expansion. As the first, essentially foreign, generations of religious mentors passed from the scene, their place was taken by English-born men and women trained from youth in Christian doctrine and scholarship. The really momentous change was not the triumph of ‘Roman’ over ‘Irish’, but the formation of an indigenous ecclesiastical establishment which could stand on its own feet.

This chapter examines the dynamic and affective quality of Phillis Wheatley’s extant letters to Obour Tanner between 1772 and 1779. It argues for a reading of their letters that examines the affective possibilities and religious experiences of Black women, living in New England during the Revolutionary War. For Wheatley, these letters share a deep and abiding faith in a Christian God whose ability to love, create, and author her life inspires this epistolary space of mutual language and exchange. When both women receive letters and presumably read them or have them read, this chapter argues that each access what Audre Lorde calls an “erotic” power upon which their friendship grows. What results on the space of the page is a writerly community. It is a friendship among women who are, quite simply, pleased to hear from the other.

Chapter 3 explores the relationship between women’s war making in the northeastern borderlands and propaganda. It argues that political and religious leaders used accounts of women’s martial activities to improve morale and influence policy at local, colonial, and imperial levels. Images of Amazons and other mythical and historical women warriors often appeared in this propaganda, establishing a precedent for women’s actions in North America and adding excitement and familiar literary figures that resonated with readers. In New France, Jesuit missionaries used the figure of the Amazon to positively portray Native female combatants as well as brave nuns who traveled to Canada. They also used their published reports, the Jesuit Relations, to urge wealthy French women to be brave like Canada’s Amazon-nuns and donate to the mission. In New England, officials held up women who made war (such as Hannah Dustan) as positive, Christian role models when morale was low, and writers such as the Rev. Cotton Mather sent accounts of women’s war making to England in attempts to shape imperial policy.

This introductory chapter provides an overview of Christian legal activism. In a rapidly changing religious landscape, Protestant Christianity — although it remains both legally and culturally established — has become relativised. This relativisation is, in many ways, the product of centuries' worth of political dispute and interreligious negotiation, as the legal privileges associated with established religion have been diluted. Yet it has taken on a particular salience in recent years, one which can be dated to a seismic shift in England's regulation of religion: English law's transition from viewing 'religious freedom' as a negative civil liberty to ensuring it as a positive human right. While many English Christians have responded to these changes with resignation, some have embraced modes of legal and political engagement born of very different church–state paradigms, including a litigiousness more often associated with the United States. Armed with law degrees, evangelical conviction, and 'a passion to see the United Kingdom return to the Christian faith', these activists lobby and litigate to contest what they see as Christianity's ousting from the public square. This book argues that a willingness to take on legal challenges to protect Christian values risks those same values' marginalisation, as moralities previously woven into the fabric of national life are filtered out from their quotidian context and rebranded as 'religion' or 'religiously motivated'.

Abstract The religious landscape of the Greco-Roman city was rich, varied, and exciting. Almost every aspect of life, from sports to shopping to taking a bath, from eating to cleaning the house, was made part of a whole system of hopes, practices, and beliefs that involved divine forces (the gods and goddesses) with the minute details of everyday activity. Religion was a fully functional dimension of public life (reflected by rites that all city members were expected to share), as well as an intellectual space for reflection on the most deeply held personal concerns (reflected by private, voluntary worships of a staggering variety). Many of these activities were shared by women and men, but there were some very important worships that both genders felt it was important to separate.

Abstract Irish and British women religious faced many challenges between 1746 and 1829, including the refugee migration of English religious orders from the Continent to England, the development of Irish congregations across Ireland, and the continued struggles of the Irish and English convents yet remaining in France, the Low Countries, and Portugal. The French Revolution’s dismantling of religious life had devastating impacts on the religious communities located in its pathway. English and Irish communities abroad contended with anti-Catholic legislation within both the country of exile and the country of refuge. Upon arrival in England, refugee communities encountered various receptions within local communities and moved about England seeking the best situation for their particular needs. Opening schools and secretly recruiting novices, Catholic nuns living and working in England were tolerated but remained controversial, particularly with the failed proposal of the Monastic Institutions Bill of 1800 which brought attention to both foreign and English nuns seeking safe asylum in England. Irish congregations gained in numbers in the late eighteenth century alongside the traditional contemplative orders. While Catholic emancipation of 1829 had no direct impact on religious orders, women religious were duplicating and growing congregations and convents across Ireland, recruiting significant numbers of novices across Ireland and England, and determining the long-term viability of the convents yet in exile abroad.

This chapter contains letters from the correspondence between religious writer Elizabeth Berkeley Burnet and her friend the English philosopher John Locke. It includes a selection of fifteen letters, spanning the period from 1696 to 1702. The main topic of their exchange is the Locke-Stillingfleet debate, a protracted religious controversy that began when Edward Stillingfleet, the Bishop of Worcester, highlighted the sceptical implications of Locke’s empiricism for significant articles of the Christian faith. This chapter begins with an introductory essay by the editor, situating Burnet’s critique of Locke’s Reply to Stillingfleet in relation to the themes of Burnet’s sole published work. It is argued that in this work Burnet puts forward a moral ideal of philosophical disputation, an ideal that is first developed in her letters to Locke. The correspondence includes editorial annotations, to assist the reader’s understanding of early modern words and ideas.