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1
Kessler, Christa. "Obsequies of My Lady Mary (II): A Fragmentary Syriac Palimpsest Manuscript from Deir al-Suryan (BL, Add 14.665, no. 2)". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 19 (17 de outubro de 2022): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v19i.15254.
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This Syriac palimpsest manuscript with four remaining folios bound with others into one volume runs under the shelf mark Add 14.665, no. 2 in the British Library. It displays a well-executed 5th century Estrangela. William Wright in his Contributions to the Apocryphal Literature of 1865 offered only readings of some scanty passages. The text has been neglected ever since. Preserved in it are sections of an early witness for the Obsequies of My Lady Mary in Syriac (S1) covering the final part of the second book, the beginning of book three, and central sections of book five with the apocryphal History of Peter and Paul according to the Ethiopic five-book cycle. The textual diversity is at times considerable in comparison to the other early transmissions in Greek and Christian Palestinian Aramaic, and the much later Ethiopic one. It has been the first Syriac source to attest the central term for the palm tradition ܬܘܠܣܐ ‘palm-shoot’. The new and additional readings intend to fill some lacunae in the only partially preserved transmission of the early Syriac translation of the Dormition of Mary from Upper Mesopotamia.
2
Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "An Early Fragmentary Christian Palestinian Rendition of the Gospels into Arabic from Mār Sābā (MS Vat. Ar. 13, 9th c.)". Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1, n.º 1-2 (2013): 69–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20130105.
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Our aim in the present paper is to show that the translator of the oldest portions of the Gospels preserved in MS Vat. Ar. 13 used at least two texts, Greek and Syriac. Our analysis is based exclusively in the fragment represented by Matthew 11:1–19. According to our analysis of the translation strategies adopted by the Melkite translator the Greek text was used as the base text for the translation into Arabic. At the same time, the Syriac text/s was/were consulted for revising the previous translation made from Greek, a task which may have taken place during the very translation process. As we shall attempt to show in the present paper the revision made through Syriac text/s, together with the exegesis added by the translator, influenced the final Arabic version in some concrete parts of the texts.
3
BHAYRO, SIAM. "Judeo-Syriac in late antiquity and the Middle Ages". Journal of Jewish Studies 75, n.º 1 (3 de abril de 2024): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jjs.2024.75.1.41.
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In 2012 the term ‘Judeo-Syriac’ was coined independently by two scholars to refer to Syriac written in Jewish Aramaic/Hebrew script, in texts from late antiquity, on the one hand, and in medieval texts, on the other. In this article the differences between these two types of Judeo-Syriac are established, particularly in respect of their sociolinguistic contexts. The earlier context involves the Jews of Edessa and its environs, for whom Syriac was their mother tongue, and who, as evidenced by the Peshitta Old Testament, normally used Syriac script; their use of Jewish script in funerary inscriptions was exceptional. The later context involves Jewish scholars, for whom Syriac was not their mother tongue, engaging with Syriac Christian scholarship, initially through direct contact with Christian scholars. The textual products of such collaborations resulted in Judeo-Syriac texts that continued to be copied by Jewish scholars who had little knowledge of Syriac in Syriac script.
4
Posegay, Nick. "An Early Arabic Translation of Exodus 15 from a Palestinian Melkite Psalter in the Cairo Genizah". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 21 (30 de maio de 2024): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v21i.16681.
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This article presents an Arabic translation of Exodus 15 from the Cairo Genizah, preserved in two fragments of a Christian lectionary (MSS CUL T-S NS 305.198 and T-S NS 305.210). The style of the lectionary's Arabic script suggests that it was copied by a well-trained scribe in the late 9th or early 10th century. Such a date makes it the oldest Christian Arabic Bible translation yet found in the Genizah. Linguistic analysis further indicates that its translator had access to the Peshitta and either the Syro-Hexapla or Septuagint of Exodus 15 during their work. Most likely, this translator was a ninth-century Melkite Christian who spoke both Syriac and Arabic.
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Mcconaughy, Daniel L. "The Text of Acts in MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30". Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 24, n.º 1 (1 de outubro de 2021): 453–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2021-240115.
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Abstract This paper extends Andreas Juckel’s important 2009 article, “Research on the Old Syriac Heritage of the Peshitta Gospels: A Collation of MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30” (Hugoye 12.1, 41-115). The research herein is based on collating the text of Acts contained in this noteworthy Syriac Biblical manuscript against the standard Peshitta text and forty-two other Peshitta manuscripts and more than one hundred fifty Syriac patristic sources. The collations show that the text of Acts in BNS30 has approximately 230 non-orthographic variant readings, of which 117 are unique variants not found in other Peshitta, Harklean or Christian Palestinian Aramaic MSS of Acts. There are approximately 51 agreements with the Harklean version. This paper shows that the statistical textual profile of Acts in MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30 is consistent with Juckel’s findings regarding the Gospel text of this manuscript. It also provides analyses of selected readings and a complete collation of the manuscript.
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Joosten, Jan. "The Text of Matthew 13. 21a and Parallels in the Syriac Tradition". New Testament Studies 37, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1991): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500015393.
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Christian Orientalists have always been fascinated by the fact that the Greek text of the canonical Gospels is in some way secondary to a Semitic tradition. Indeed, even if we accept that all four Gospels were written in Greek, we must allow, somewhere in the chain of tradition from the teaching of Jesus to the Gospel-writers, for a transition from Aramaic to Greek. Consequently, a fruitful exegetical approach to the Gospel text has been the attempt to go beyond the Greek text-form to the more original Aramaic wording and to understand this wording in its proper setting in Palestinian Judaism of the 1st century AD. Several methods have been applied within this approach. G. Dalman championed the retroversion of significant New Testament terms into Palestinian Jewish Aramaic (and Hebrew), and investigated the use of the retroverted terms in Jewish texts of the first centuries. J. Wellhausen, and others, searched for anomalies in the Greek Gospel-text which might be explained as mistaken translations of Aramaic expressions. The history of research on this question up to 1946 is discussed and evaluated by M. Black in his Aramaic Approach to the Gospels.
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Pahlitzsch, Johannes. "Some Remarks on the Use of Garšūnī and Other Allographic Writing Systems by the Melkites". Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 7, n.º 2-3 (10 de julho de 2019): 278–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00702004.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to address the question to what extent and for what reasons the Melkites, especially of Southern Syria and Egypt, resorted to allographic writing systems, of which garšūnī, the writing of Arabic with Syriac letters, was only one mode. Indeed, various languages such as Greek, Arabic, Syriac and Christian Palestinian Aramaic (CPA) coexisted in the Melkite community, which is characterized by its linguistic diversity. Melkite garšūnī texts can be dated to between the 11th and the late 13th centuries. While the Melkites were not the first to use garšūnī, this mode of writing was in this period far more widespread among them than in the other oriental Christian communities and not limited to notes and colophons, also including liturgical texts and probably a poem on the Mamluk conquest of Tripoli. Other allographic writing systems were also used by the Melkites, such as writing Arabic in Greek characters, Greek in CPA script or Greek in Syriac script. Consequently a rich, very versatile corpus of allographic writing modes was employed by the Melkites between the 9th and 13th centuries for different kinds of texts. Thus the idea that the use of a specific allographic mode can be attributed to the desire to express a sense of group identity or to the reverence for a specific sacred language seems not generally applicable for the Melkites. At different times and places various Melkite groups had different preferences, because there was no single Melkite prestige language. Therefore it is necessary to establish for each case the respective reasons for the application of a certain allographic writing system.
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Barbati, Chiara. "Ink as a Functional Marker in the Study of the Syriac and Christian Sogdian Manuscript Fragments in the Turfan Collection (Berlin) and in the Krotkov Collection (St. Petersburg)". Manuscripta Orientalia. International Journal for Oriental Manuscript Research 26, n.º 2 (dezembro de 2020): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1238-5018-2020-26-2-12-31.
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The Syriac and Christian Sogdian manuscript fragments in the Turfan Collection (Berlin) and in the Krotkov Collection (St. Petersburg) were written in black ink and, much less frequently, in brown ink. The use of red ink is very limited and not yet studied in detail. By linking the analysis of all the elements that are due or related to the scribal discourse in Christian Medieval Central Asia with a well‑established codicological tradition, this contribution is meant to outline the purposes of the use of different ink in the Syriac and Christian Sogdian manuscript fragments discovered in the early 20th century in Xinjiang (China). A broader perspective that takes into account other Eastern Christian manuscript traditions is also included.
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Brock, Sebastian. "Ktabe Mpassqe: Dismembered and Reconstituted Syriac and Christian Palestinian Aramaic Manuscripts: Some Examples, Ancient and Modern". Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 15, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2012): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2012-150103.
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Weinberg, Joanna. "The Concept of the Victim in Midrashic Literature". European Judaism 49, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2016): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490214.
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AbstractThe creative authors of the Midrashim treated the topic of ‘the persecuted’ or ‘the victim’ in a constellation of fascinating homilies on the lectionary portion for Passover. This short article will examine how the theme of persecution is elaborated in various midrashic texts, and point to similarities between rabbinic exegesis and Jewish Hellenistic and Christian Syriac discussions of the same theme.
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McCollum, Adam Carter. "Greek Literature in the Christian East: Translations into Syriac, Georgian, and Armenian". Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 3, n.º 1-2 (2015): 15–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00301003.
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This article offers a non-exhaustive survey of translation activities for texts, secular and religious, from Greek into Syriac and, to a lesser extent, Georgian, Armenian, and other languages. Some remarks on theoretical and historical considerations surrounding these activities precede the survey itself. Comments on agenda and desiderata conclude the article.
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Forness, Philip Michael. "The First Book of Maccabees in Syriac: Dating and Context". Aramaic Studies 18, n.º 1 (8 de maio de 2020): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10005.
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Abstract Syriac literature exhibits interest in narratives associated with the Maccabees by the fourth century. Seventh-century manuscripts preserve two different Syriac translations of 1 Maccabees. The translation of this book into Syriac is not part of the Peshitta Old Testament translated from the Hebrew Bible in the second century CE. Its dating and the possible context for its production have not yet been the topic of scholarly investigation. This article examines quotations of and allusions to 1 Maccabees in Aphrahat, Ephrem, and the Martyrdom of Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē. The last of these texts, likely produced in the early fifth century, offers the earliest evidence for a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees. The production of a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees in the fourth or perhaps early fifth century reflects efforts of Christian communities around this time to appropriate the Maccabean narrative for their own interests.
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Varsányi, Orsolya. "Ḥurriyya – Freedom, Human ‘Will’, and Related Notions in ‘Ammār al-Baṣrī’s Kitāb al-masāʾil wa-l-aǧwiba". Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 76, n.º 3 (21 de agosto de 2023): 419–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2023.00286.
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The study of ‘Ammār’s understanding of freedom complements previous research on Arabic Christian formulations of the subject. Studies either relate them to the concept of ḥērūṯā in Syriac tradition or the context of Christian-Muslim controversy. I demonstrate that in ‘Ammār’s discussion, on a terminological-lexical level, engagement with Islamic thought is less evident while Syriac influences and Patristic and Greek philosophical parallels can be identified. I reconstruct the meanings of his terms through a close reading of extensive passages and group the occurrences lexically-thematically into the following units: 1. freedom (ḥurriyya, derivations from ḥ-r-r, related or synonymous expressions); 2. capacity, choice (istiṭā‘a, iḫtiyār); 3. acquisition, deserving, necessitating (iktisāb, istiḥqāq, istīğāb); 4. intentions, moral responsibility.
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Popa, Catalin-Stefan. "When Identity Shifts to Violence: Historical and Hagiographical Cases from Syriac Churches in Interaction with Confessional and Religious Rivals". Religions 14, n.º 9 (15 de setembro de 2023): 1179. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14091179.
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This article briefly epitomizes violence in the broad context of Eastern Christianity, and secondly deals with the transfer of this phenomenon in Syriac Christianity, for the reason that this has not been studied as much as in the Byzantine literature. The purpose is to demonstrate that identity-based violence was a feature included in the narratives of antique and medieval Eastern Christian discourses, this being closely linked to the struggle for ecclesiastical primacy and political power. The paper discusses paradigmatic cases, methodologically studied in their context, of Christian individuals and religious characters that suffered or acted against rivals with violence. The main focus is on historical and historiographical sources illustrating: (1) Syriac communities and factions defending their identity through language or acts of violence; and (2) identity-based confrontations within the Syriac family: factions within the same community, or sister Churches that became rivals (Syriac Orthodox against East Syrians) instrumentalizing the language of violence, mostly actions of destruction, against their opponents. The conclusion indicates that perseverance in defending the truth, as part of their identity, made the communities opt for confrontation, and when one endured violence, one accepted this on the models of the martyrs and the imitatio Christi.
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Brodsky, David. "Jesus, Mary, and Akiva ben Joseph". Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, n.º 1 (19 de maio de 2018): 101–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00901006.
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Early parallels to and commentaries on Massekhet Kallah (a rabbinic text from the Talmudic Period) read the story in it about a woman and her ill-conceived son as being about Jesus and Mary. While some modern scholars have shied away from this reading, I argue in this paper that Massekhet Kallah should be read as engaging its cultural context, particularly its Syriac Christian milieu. In the passage under discussion, Rabbi Akiva tricks the woman into revealing the circumstances under which her son was conceived by falsely promising her life in the world-to-come. False oaths, however, are strictly forbidden in rabbinic literature, which leaves scholars scrambling to justify Rabbi Akiva’s behavior. Read as an anti-Christian polemic, this and other anomalies begin to make sense and seem to be crafted to counter Christian ideology. If the narrative is read through this lens, it appears that the author is attempting to establish that Jesus is not the son of God, but the product of adulterous and impure sex; that the “true” revelation is of Jesus’ lowly birth rather than his divine conception; and that rabbis, rather than Jesus, have the power to grant a person eternal life. Typical of polemical literature, certain passages, like the one about the child and his mother, attack central Christian tenets, and the broader themes of Massekhet Kallah do appear to be wrestling with its Christian counterparts over the definitions of holiness and sexual asceticism; however, other passages present stories that can be read as consistent with those proliferating in the Christian monastic literature of the Egyptian desert fathers popular in Syriac Christianity. Taken together, the evidence suggests that Massekhet Kallah is a text that is engaging with its Christian milieu – at times striving with it and at times consonant with it. This article, then, is an experiment in reading Massekhet Kallah in that Christian context.
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Mugler, Joshua. "Eastern Christian and Islamic Manuscripts in Minnesota: Handwritten, Microfilm, and Digital". Manuscript Studies: A Journal of the Schoenberg Institute for Manuscript Studies 8, n.º 2 (setembro de 2023): 376–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mns.2023.a916137.
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Abstract: This article is a brief overview of Eastern Christian and Islamic collections in Minnesota, with a focus on the holdings of the largest such collection, located at the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (HMML) in Collegeville. Minnesota's manuscripts are largely defined by their digital presence and physical absence, as HMML has amassed the world's largest collection of digital manuscript images while the digitized manuscripts remain in libraries around the world. However, HMML holds a (relatively) small collection of physical manuscripts as well, which is the focus of this survey. The collection includes Islamic manuscripts in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, along with Christian manuscripts in Amharic, Arabic, Armenian, Church Slavonic, Coptic, Geʻez, Georgian, Greek, Russian, and Syriac. Highlights include twenty-one Geʻez magic scrolls, three copies of Muḥammad al-Jazūlī's Arabic prayer book Dalāʼil al-khayrāt , late antique Coptic and Greek texts on papyrus and wood, and a Georgian palimpsest fragment with two Syriac undertexts. The article describes the history of the institution and its manuscript holdings and gives an outline of the collection's contents.
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Bischofberger, Aurélie C. "The Rendering of Unclean Birds in an Arabic Translation of Leviticus 11 and Deuteronomy 14". Vetus Testamentum 73, n.º 2 (13 de maio de 2022): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-bja10095.
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Abstract This article examines the lists of unclean birds (Lev 11:13–19; Deut 14:12–18) based on a Christian Arabic translation found in twenty medieval manuscripts. While previous research has discussed the bird lists in the Hebrew and Greek traditions, very few studies have analysed the Syriac and Arabic versions. The present essay first demonstrates that the tradition represented by these manuscripts goes back to a single translation, which is itself a fairly literal rendering of the Peshitta. Since the Arabic list, like the Syriac, omits five prohibited birds, the article then turns to explain their omission by comparing the Syriac list with other late antique and early medieval Jewish sources. Finally, it draws several conclusions for the transmission of the bird lists and more generally for the study of Arabic Bible translations.
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Ashurov, Barakatullo. "Sogdian Christian Texts". Archiv orientální 83, n.º 1 (15 de maio de 2015): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.83.1.53-70.
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Sogdian Christian texts are one of the largest extant Christian bodies of writing in an Iranian language, and were discovered in the early decades of the twentieth century by members of the German Turfan Expeditions. All Sogdian Christian texts known today were discovered at the ruin of Shüi-pang, near the modern-day town of Bulayïq, located 10 km north of Turfan, China, and a small number were found in the Dunhuang area. Considering the ascetically character of the texts it is believed that the site of the finds was probably that of a Christian monastery. This article is concerned with the question of the socio-cultural themes and contexts observed in these texts. Part 1 offers introductory review of the composition of the texts focusing on the issue of orthography as a symbol of identity. Part 2 discusses the theme of multi-ethnicity and multilinguality demonstrated in the texts. Part 3 offers discussion on the theme of continuity and preservation of the East Syriac Christian literature in Sogdian.
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Sadan, Joseph. "In the Eyes of the Christian Writer al-Hārit ibn Sinān Poetics and Eloquence as a Platform of Inter-Cultural Contacts and Contrasts". Arabica 56, n.º 1 (2009): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005809x398645.
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AbstractWhile ostensibly aspects of poetics are best discussed within a purely literary perspective, in fact they can hardly be disconnected from their socio-cultural and religious frameworks. Al-Hārit ibn Sinān was a Christian scholar and writer who lived under Muslim rule towards the end of the ninth and apparently also the beginning of the tenth century, precisely at the time when the first fruits of the idea of the Qur‘ān's stylistic inimitability (i’ğāz) began to ripe. Although this concept played a role also in interfaith polemics throughout the Middle Ages, our author shows his temperance and restraint by praising the style of the Bible (he would appear not to have read the books of the Old Testament in the original Hebrew but demonstrated understanding and a feeling for the text through another Semitic language: Syriac), both because as a Christian living under Muslim rule he was loathe to arouse an overt controversy with the society in which he lived, and also because glorifying the style of Holy Scripture, which he had apparently inherited from the Syriac-Byzantine culture, was an important tendency in and of itself in both Jewish and Christian literature (in England, for example, upsurges of this tendency have occurred even in modern times). Nevertheless, we cannot ignore the fact that our author did compare the poetics of four cultures: that of the Hebrews, that of the Greek (or rather Greek-Byzantine, rūm), that of the Syriac elements and that of the Arabs. He even tries to prove, using somewhat specious arguments, that the Hebrew portions of the Bible contain rhymes. His positions thus deserve to be considered retrospectively also in an interfaith and intercultural context.
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MÜLLER-KESSLER, CHRISTA. "CHRISTIAN-PALESTINIAN ARAMAIC FRAGMENTS IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY". Journal of Semitic Studies XXXVII, n.º 2 (1992): 207–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/xxxvii.2.207.
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An, Daniel. "My Friend the Cross: Cross-Directed Prayer in Seventh-Century Monastic Communities and New Media Studies". Religions 15, n.º 6 (7 de junho de 2024): 708. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15060708.
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While scholars have long recognized the central importance of the cross within Syriac-speaking Christian communities in late antique Mesopotamia, the question of how physical crosses functioned as aids for prayer has only recently begun to be explored. The present article addresses this question with respect to East Syrian monastic communities in seventh-century Mesopotamia, focusing on the context of the monastic cell. Bringing together accounts of cross-directed prayer in Syriac monastic literature with archaeological evidence for crosses from the region, the article concludes that physical crosses played an important role as mediating devices of divine presence that were both always at hand and the frequent objects of monastics’ sensorial attention. These conclusions are subsequently discussed through the lens of recent research from the field of new media studies toward the goal of understanding how cross-directed prayer may have served to bridge monastic spirituality and sociality in Mesopotamia.
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Bockmuehl, Markus. "Creatio ex nihiloin Palestinian Judaism and Early Christianity". Scottish Journal of Theology 65, n.º 3 (27 de julho de 2012): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930612000105.
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AbstractRecent decades have witnessed a near-consensus of critical opinion (1) that the idea of God's creation of matter ‘out of nothing’ is not affirmed in scripture, but instead (2) originated in a second-century Christian reaction against Gnosticism's convictions about matter as evil and creation as the work of an inferior Demiurge. (3) Judaism's interest, by contrast, was generally deemed late and philosophically derivative or epiphenomenal upon Christian ideas. This essay re-examines all three convictions with particular reference to the biblical creation accounts in Palestinian Jewish reception. After highlighting certain interpretative features in the ancient versions of Genesis 1, this study explores the reception of such ideas in texts like the Dead Sea Scrolls and early rabbinic literature. It is clear that the typically cited proof texts from biblical or deutero-canonical books indeed do not yield clear confirmation of the doctrine they have sometimes been said to prove. Genesis was understood even in antiquity to be somewhat ambiguous on this point, and merely to say that creation gave shape to formlessness need not entail anycreatio ex nihilo. This much seems uncontroversial. Nevertheless, closer examination also shows that the Scrolls and the rabbis do consistently affirm Israel's God as the creator ofallthings, explicitly including matter itself. Graeco-Roman antiquity axiomatically accepted that ‘nothing comes from nothing’, which also meant the pre-existence of matter. To be sure, the conceptual terminology of ‘nothingness’ came relatively late to Christians, and even later to Jews. Yet the substantive concern for God's free creation of the world without recourse to pre-existing matter is repeatedly affirmed in pre-Christian Jewish texts, and constitutes perhaps the single most important building block for the emergence of an explicit doctrine of ‘creation out of nothing’. In its Jewish and Christian origins, therefore, the idea ofcreatio ex nihiloaffirms creation's comprehensive contingency on the Creator's sovereignty and freedom. This in fact is a point which has been rightly and repeatedly accented in both historic and modern Christian theology on this subject (e.g. by K. Barth and E. Brunner, J. Moltmann and C. Gunton). Well before its explicit articulation in dialogue with Hellenistic philosophy, the doctrine of God's creation of all matter was rooted in biblical texts and their Jewish interpretation, which in turn came to be refined and enriched through Christian–Jewish dialogue and controversy.
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Terian, Abraham. "Christ as Charioteer: An Expanded Image in Early Armenian Literature". Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 50, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2024): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.50.1.0035.
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ABSTRACT Beginning with the perception of God as warrior in the Hebrew Bible, the article explores the image of God as charioteer in a spectrum of theophanic texts, both biblical and parabiblical, underlying Jewish apocalyptic traditions translated into Christian beliefs surrounding the Cross as means of heavenly ascent. Equating the Cross with the tetramorphic chariot-throne of God in Ezekiel’s visions, an interpretive tradition mediated primarily through Syriac Christianity and rooted in the Christology of the New Testament, Armenian interpreters expanded the tradition. A close reading of early Armenian texts conveying the reception and transmission of the imagery of Christ as charioteer shows an expansion to a point of reordering the chariot’s heavenly ascent to earthly descent, a divine visitation to the land of Armenia, thus driving the tradition to a sort of realized eschatology.
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Müller-Kessler, Christa. "Recent Identifications among the Palimpsests from the Cairo Geniza:". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 20 (31 de julho de 2023): 97–142. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v20i.16096.
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Minov, Sergey. "Hagiographical Narrative and Apocryphal Imagination in the Syriac Story of Pawla the Priest". Scrinium 19, n.º 1 (5 de outubro de 2023): 290–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-bja10084.
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Abstract Taking the newly discovered Syriac composition, entitled Story of Pawla the priest, as an example, the article explores some literary aspects of Christian hagiographical writing in the late antique Syria-Palestine in its relation to the New Testament apocryphal literature. It focuses on the author’s representation of the bathhouse as a heterotopic and liminal space, and his construction of the imaginary community of Herodians, and discusses the shifting and porous divide between apocryphal and hagiographical avenues of cultural memory during Late Antiquity. In Appendix, an English translation of the relevant parts of the Story is offered.
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Dickens, Mark, e Natalia Smelova. "A Rediscovered Syriac Amulet from Turfan in the Collection of the Hermitage Museum". Written Monuments of the Orient 7, n.º 2 (25 de dezembro de 2021): 107–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo65952.
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Item ВДсэ-524 in the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg is an amulet scroll written in Syriac which was discovered by the Second German Turfan Expedition (19041905) and kept afterwards in the Museum of Ethnology (Museum fr Vlkerkunde) in Berlin. The artifact originates in the Turkic-speaking Christian milieu of the Turfan Oasis, probably from the Mongol period. The text, however, reflects a long tradition of magical literature that goes back to ancient Mesopotamia and can be categorised as a piece of apotropaic (protective) magic. The article contains an edition of the Syriac text with translation and a discussion of its place of discovery, its overall composition and specific words and expressions found in the text. The authors point out likely connections between the Hermitage amulet and the Turfan fragments SyrHT 274276 kept in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preuischer Kulturbesitz and briefly discuss its similarity with amulet H彩101 discovered in Qara Qoto by the 19831984 expedition of the Institute of Cultural Relics, Inner Mongolia Academy of Social Sciences.
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Pettipiece, Timothy. "Manichaeism and the Revelation of the Magi: Syriac “Christianities” in Late Antique Mesopotamia". Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 24, n.º 1 (1 de outubro de 2021): 411–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2021-240114.
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Abstract The recently published Syriac Revelation of the Magi has proven to be a remarkable addition to the corpus of early Christian apocryphal literature. This unique amplification of the traditional Nativity narrative recounts the Magi’s encounter with a “star-child” who leads them from their homeland in the far east to the birth of Jesus at Nazareth, where the polymorphic nature of Christ is revealed along with his message of universal salvation. Interestingly, the Revelation of the Magi contains several important points of contact with early Manichaean texts. This paper will examine what those shared motifs might tell us about the common milieu out of which both Manichaeism and the Revelation of the Magi might have emerged.
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Dubovick, Yosaif. "“Oil, which shall not quit my head”: Jewish-Christian Interaction in Eleventh-century Baghdad". Entangled Religions 6 (17 de abril de 2018): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v6.2018.95-123.
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The last influential head of the Pumbadithan Academy in Baghdad, R. Hayya Gaʾon (939–1038), requested his Sicilian student R. Maṣliaḥ ben Eliah al-Baṣaq to inquire with the Nestorian Patriarch (Catholicos) about the Syriac definition of a word in Psalms (141:5). Upon R. Maṣliaḥ’s protests, R. Hayya rebuked his student, saying “our pious forefathers and ancestors would inquire regarding languages and their explanations from members of different religions, even from shepherds”. Despite scholarly treatment since 1855, a new, analytical reading of the text, based upon manuscripts, external sources, and comparative literature, provides fresh approaches towards understanding Jewish-Christian scholarly interaction in Baghdad at the turn of the eleventh century, particularly in comparison to those in Sicily. Additionally presented are new facets in Peshitta studies.
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Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Euzebiusz z Heraklei i jego "Homilia efeska" (CPG 6143) z etiopskiej antologii patrystycznej Qerellos". Vox Patrum 57 (15 de junho de 2012): 807–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4175.
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Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic languages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril of Alexandria and other documents, essentially of the anti-nestorian and monophysite character, in the context of the Council of Ephesus (431). The core of the anthology was compiled in Alexandria and translated into Ge’ez language directly from Greek during the Aksumite period (V-VII century). Ethiopic homily by Eusebius of Heraclea (CPG 6143) is unique preserved version of this document, and also unique noted text of the bishop from V century. Besides the introduction to the Early Christian patristic literature and especially to the Qerəllos anthology, this paper offers a Polish translation of the Eusebius’s Homily with relative commentary.
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Kiperwasser, Reuven. "What Is Hidden in the Small Box? Narratives of Late Antique Roman Palestine in Dialogue". AJS Review 45, n.º 1 (abril de 2021): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009420000422.
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This study is a comparative reading of two distinct narrative traditions with remarkably similar features of plot and content. The first tradition is from the Palestinian midrash Kohelet Rabbah, datable to the fifth to sixth centuries. The second is from John Moschos's Spiritual Meadow (Pratum spirituale), which is very close to Kohelet Rabbah in time and place. Although quite similar, the two narratives differ in certain respects. Pioneers of modern Judaic studies such as Samuel Krauss and Louis Ginzberg had been interested in the question of the relationships between early Christian authors and the rabbis; however, the relationships between John Moschos and Palestinian rabbinic writings have never been systematically treated (aside from one enlightening study by Hillel Newman). Here, in this case study, I ask comparative questions: Did Kohelet Rabbah borrow the tradition from Christian lore; or was the church author impressed by the teachings of Kohelet Rabbah? Alternatively, perhaps, might both have learned the shared story from a common continuum of local narrative tradition? Beyond these questions about literary dependence, I seek to understand the shared narrative in its cultural context.
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Moor, Ed de. "Christelijke Themata in de Moderne Arabische Literatuur". Het Christelijk Oosten 47, n.º 1-2 (29 de novembro de 1995): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-0470102006.
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Themes Related to Christianity in Modern Arabic Literature Although Christians contributed largely to modern Arabic literature, in literary studies Arabic literature is generally considered as the reflexion of Islamic culture. Scholars tend to neglect the Christian aspects of this literature. Nevertheless there are some studies which deal with works by modern writers, Moslims and Christians alike, on themes such as mixed marriage, Church and State, the problem of the minorities and religious questions. Striking themes in modern Arabic prose and poetry, are the presentation of Jesus, the Son of Men, as a prophet of social justice, and motifs such as the Holy Cross and the Resurrection. We find these themes fairly often in the prose written by Jibran Khalil Jibran, a Lebanese Christian, in the poetry by the so-called T ammuzian poets and in the Palestinian Resistance poetry. Modern novels sometimes deal with historical events concerning Christianity, as is shown in some works by Najib Mahfuz and Kamil Husayn.
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Müller-Kessler, Christa. "An Overlooked Christian Palestinian Aramaic Witness of the “Dormition of Mary” in Codex Climaci Rescriptus (CCR IV)". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 16 (18 de julho de 2019): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v16i.14598.
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The Codex Climaci Rescriptus(CCR IV) contains a neglected text witness of the Dormition of Maryfrom the five-book cycle or “palm narrative”. It is one of the very early transmissions of this apocryphal text in Christian Palestinian Aramaic agreeing in closeness with the very late Ethiopic one of the 18th century.
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Fomicheva, Sofia. "The astronomical and calendrical calculations in the 6th Hymn de Crucifixione by Ephrem the Syrian in the old Babylonian, Jewish and Christian context". St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 77 (25 de dezembro de 2023): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202377.107-124.
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The paper is focused on the astronomical and calendrical lore which the Syriac poet-theologian Ephrem the Syrian abundantly uses in his 6th hymn De crucifixione. In this hymn devoted to the interpretation of three days problem of Jesus’ resurrection, the Syriac poet and theologian employs some astronomical data, i.e., the duration of solar and lunar years, the duration of the lunar months, the necessity of the intercalations in the calendars etc. The author analyses this lore in the context of the astronomical knowledge existing to Ephrem’s epoch. On the one hand, the article pays attention to the similar use of the astronomical data in a lot of Jewish and Christian works of the 3rd and 4rd centuries. In this period the astronomical calculations have been used actively both in Christian and Jewish milieux. On the other hand, the calculations by Ephrem mirror the peculiarities of the region of the north Mesopotamia where he lived and created his works. For example, the author demonstrates that Ephrem could be influenced by the old Babylonian astronomical theory and use in his computations the Babylonian “double hour”. In the article is also demonstrated that the calculations by Ephrem are striking similar to the ones in the “Panarion” by Epiphanius of Salamis. Epiphanius seems to be acquainted with Ephrem’s works or to use the similar tradition stretching back to the Babylonian one. The author draws a conclusion that the calculations in the hymns are used to express Ephrem’s self-presentation as the scribe and the sage who obtains the cosmic “secrets”. This picture is deep rooted as in the old Mesopotamian literature as in Jewish Aramaic writings. The author points out that Ephrem uses the astronomical lore in the liturgical context and not in the theological “scientific’’ tractate. Hence, Ephrem constructs a new religious and poetic “myth” about the Crucifixion and feast of Pascha upon the astronomical dimensions it has both in the Christian and in the Jewish traditions.
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Sidarus, Adel. "Notes sur la littérature médiévale chrétienne d’expression arabe". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 17 (20 de julho de 2020): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v17i.14502.
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Spurred by a recent American work offering an overview of the intellectual life and literary output of the Christians in the Land of Islam during the middle ages, we propose to revisit the question from a broader basis and a differently structured perspective.Provided with working instruments of different origins and based on intense personal research, we hinge this presentation on three axes: the Christian Arab studies as such, the Arabic Christian literary movement up to the high middle ages, and the forms and genres of this literature.In this way, we hope, in our turn, to illustrate the extraordinary intellectual convivial spirit that reigned between a rather uniform Moslem majority and the ethno-linguistic Christian communities scattered between the Valley of the Nile and Greater Mesopotamia, passing through the variegated Syro-Palestinian territories. Incidentally, we will recall the impact of this joint Islamic Christian complicity on Medieval Europe.
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Buisch, Pauline Paris. "The Rest of Her Offspring". Novum Testamentum 60, n.º 4 (11 de setembro de 2018): 386–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341614.
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Abstract This paper demonstrates that a number of striking similarities between the expansion of Gen 3:15 found in the Palestinian Targums and the drama of Revelation 12 indicates that both are derived from the same Jewish tradition that interprets Gen 3:15 messianically. The implications of such a study are threefold. First, the primary intertext for Revelation 12 should be understood as Gen 3:15. Second, such a relationship between the New Testament and the Targumic traditions indicates that the Palestinian Targums should not be neglected in New Testament studies, as has been the recent trend. Finally, the so-called protoevangelium is ultimately a Christian adaptation of a Jewish messianic interpretation of Gen 3:15.
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Treiger, Alexander. "Professor Nikolai N. Seleznyov (1971—2021) and His Contributions to Syriac and Christian Arabic Studies". Manuscripta Orientalia. International Journal for Oriental Manuscript Research 27, n.º 1 (2021): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1238-5018-2021-27-1-78-80.
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Witakowski, Witold. "The Magi in Ethiopic Tradition". Aethiopica 2 (6 de agosto de 2013): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.2.1.534.
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The paper traces various extra–biblical strains of tradition concerning the Magi (MT 2,1–12) in Geʿez literature. The Magi (mäsäggǝlan, säbʾa sägäl) are present in various Ethiopic compositions, both translated from other languages and original. The compositions discussed include inter alia apocryphal literature (The life of Adam and Eve, The Miracles of Jesus, The Book of the Birth of Mary, The Miracles of Mary), homiliaries (that for the feasts of Mary, and that for the feasts of the Archangel Raguel), and two commentaries on the Gospel.The tradition, as seen in the texts reviewed, is not consistent, and various stories, sometimes contradicting each other, are told about the Magi. Those strains of tradition which are not of local origin (as are the names of the Magi), come from a number of external sources with roots in early Christian literature. Some elements of this tradition (the Virgin with the Child visible in the star, the origin of the gifts from the Cave of Treasures, Zärädäšt as the ancestor of the Magi, and many thousand men forming their retinue) can be traced back to Syriac apocryphal and exegetical literature.
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Müller-Kessler, Christa. "On the Spellings of the Lexical Items b‘š, b‘šwn’, and mšb‘wn’ in Christian Palestinian Aramaic". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 18 (21 de julho de 2021): 217–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v18i0.1178.
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Christian Palestinian Aramaic has always been a mine for peculiar words and spellings despite being a rather conservative written dialect within the group of Western Aramaic. Three words in this dialect, b‘š, b‘šwn’, and mb‘šwn’, which are variant derivations of b’š, have puzzled scholars for more than a century. In addition to another set of ‘incorrectly spelled’ words, these were considered doubtful in the first dictionary, grammar, and text editions, but they turned out to have sound explanations and etymological origins.
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Müller-Kessler, Christa. "On the Spellings of the Lexical Items b‘š, b‘šwn’, and mšb‘wn’ in Christian Palestinian Aramaic". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 18 (21 de julho de 2021): 217–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v18i.14416.
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Christian Palestinian Aramaic has always been a mine for peculiar words and spellings despite being a rather conservative written dialect within the group of Western Aramaic. Three words in this dialect, b‘š, b‘šwn’, and mb‘šwn’, which are variant derivations of b’š, have puzzled scholars for more than a century. In addition to another set of ‘incorrectly spelled’ words, these were considered doubtful in the first dictionary, grammar, and text editions, but they turned out to have sound explanations and etymological origins.
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Levine, Baruch A. "Scholarly Dictionaries of Two Dialects of Jewish Aramaic". AJS Review 29, n.º 1 (abril de 2005): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000073.
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The two dictionaries under review represent the product of decades of assiduous research and persistent effort on the part of Professor Michael Sokoloff of Bar Ilan University. Previoiusly, he has contributed major works in the Aramaic field in collaboration with other scholars. There is, first of all, A Corpus of Christian Palestinian Aramaic (Gröningen: Styx Publications, 1997), a multivolume edition of texts prepared in collaboration with Christa Müller-Kessler. This was followed by a Hebrew work, [Jewish Palestinian Aramaic Poetry from Late Antiquity] (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of the Sciences and Humanities, 1999), prepared in collaboration with Joseph Yahalom. However, the dictionaries reviewed here, which represent his most ambitious projects, bear his name alone, with only technical and electronic assistance in their actual preparation provided on the part of others. Sokoloff has also published A Dictionary of Judean Aramaic (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University, 2003), covering sources from 150 BCE to 200 CE, which includes the rich material preserved in the Aramaic papyri from the Judean Desert.
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Gardner, I. M. F., e S. N. C. Lieu. "From Narmouthis (Medinet Madi) to Kellis (Ismant El-Kharab): Manichaean Documents from Roman Egypt". Journal of Roman Studies 86 (novembro de 1996): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300427.
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In 1968, Peter Brown read at the Society's Annual General Meeting a paper entitled ‘The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire’. Delivered at a time when little research was being carried out by British scholars either on Manichaeism or on the cultural and religious relationship between the Roman and the Sassanian Empires, it was for many a complete revelation. With consummate skill and vast erudition Brown placed the history of the diffusion of the sect against a background of vigorous and dynamic interchange between the Roman and the Persian Empires. He also mounted a successful challenge on a number of popularly held views on the history of the religion in the Roman Empire. Manichaeism was not to be seen as part of the mirage orientale which fascinated the intellectuals of the High Empire. It was not an Iranian religion which appealed through its foreigness or quaintness. Rather, it was a highly organized and aggressively missionary religion founded by a prophet from South Babylonia who styled himself an ‘Apostle of Jesus Christ’. Brown reminded the audience that ‘the history of Manichaeism is to a large extent a history of the Syriac-speaking belt, that stretched along the Fertile Crescent without interruption from Antioch to Ctesiphon’. Its manner of diffusion bore little or no resemblance to that of Mithraism. It did not rely on a particular profession, as Mithraism did on the army, for its spread throughout the Empire. Instead it developed in the common Syriac culture astride the Romano-Persian frontier which was becoming increasingly Christianized consequent to the regular deportation of whole communities from cities of the Roman East like Antioch to Mesopotamia and adjacent Iran. Manichaeism which originally flourished in this Semitic milieu was not in the strict sense an Iranian religion in the way that Zoroastrianism was at the root of the culture and religion of pre-Islamic Iran. The Judaeo-Christian roots of the religion enabled it to be proclaimed as a new and decisive Christian revelation.
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Weitz, Lev. "Slavery and the Historiography of Non-Muslims in the Medieval Middle East". International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, n.º 1 (20 de janeiro de 2017): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816001185.
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The study of non-Muslims in Islamic societies has long been a robust subfield in the historiography of the medieval Middle East. But its literature has blind spots, a significant example of which concerns slavery as a constitutive institution of non-Muslim communities. Much recent scholarship on medieval non-Muslims has tended to privilege religious affiliation as an explanatory category of social experience, leaving other legal statuses and modes of identification—especially slavery—underanalyzed. This piece will survey this historiographical hole. It will then offer a brief analysis of some Abbasid-era Syriac Christian material in which slavery figures prominently, concubines and concubinage in particular. My goal is to provide an example of how attending to the place of slavery in non-Muslim communities facilitates a much-needed historiographical shift of focus from reified religious identities to the social practices, institutions, and hierarchies upon which those communities were built.
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Geiger, Joseph. "Some Latin authors from the Greek East". Classical Quarterly 49, n.º 2 (dezembro de 1999): 606–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.2.606.
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In a discussion of the spread of Latin in ancient Palestine it has been argued that, apart from Westerners like Jerome who settled in the province and a number of translators from Greek into Latin and from Latin into Greek, three Latin authors whose works are extant may have been, with various degrees of probability, natives of the country. These are Commodian of Gaza, arguably the earliest extant Christian Latin poet; Eutropius, the author of abreviariumof Roman history, who apparently hailed from Caesarea; and the anonymous author of theDescriptio totius mundi et gentium, who certainly was a native of the Syro-Palestinian region, and conceivably of one of the Palestinian cities. Here I wish to discuss another case, which seems to me characteristic of the reluctance of scholars to admit that Latin, and Latin authors, were more prevalent in the East than is usually acknowledged. In fact, it may be not misleading to assert that the invariably adduced exceptions of Ammianus Marcellinus and Claudian as Latin writers from the East are exceptions by virtue of the quality of their work rather than by its very existence.
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Suciu, Alin. "An Addition to The Christian-Palestinian Aramaic Literary Corpus:Logos XVof Abba Isaiah of Scetis". Journal of Semitic Studies 61, n.º 2 (29 de agosto de 2016): 449–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgw024.
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Younes, Munther. "Charging Steeds or Maidens Doing Good Deeds? A Re-Interpretation of Qur'āan 100 (al-‘;ādiyāt)". Arabica 55, n.º 3 (2008): 362–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005808x347453.
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AbstractIn A Challenge to Islam for Reformation, Gunter Lüling (2003) argues that about one-third of the Qur'ānic text is based on ancient Christian Arabic hymns that were reworked and given a new meaning by the Qur'ān editors after the Prophet's death. This was possible because the Uthmanic mushaf lacked dots, which allowed for different readings. In this essay, I reconstruct the first five verses of Koran 100 (wa-l-‘ādiyāt) by changing the dotting scheme of four words. Informed by a close examination of the syntactic structure and vocabulary of these verses and a comparison with cognates in Syriac and Hebrew, two languages with a clear influence on the Qur'ān, this reconstruction results in a narrative that is more coherent semantically and syntactically than the traditional interpretation. Whereas in the traditional interpretation these verses describe steeds charging into battle, in my reconstruction they refer to maidens bringing light to the world.
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Ronis, Sara. "A Seven-Headed Demon in the House of Study: Understanding a Rabbinic Demon in Light of Zoroastrian, Christian, and Babylonian Textual Traditions". AJS Review 43, n.º 01 (7 de março de 2019): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009418000788.
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This article examines a narrative about a seven-headed demon in Bavli Kiddushin 29b as an entry point into a much broader conversation about the Talmud's demonology. I first lay out the interpretive challenges of the story, then argue that B. Kiddushin's demonic discourse has more in common with ancient Near Eastern demonologies that it does with contemporaneous Zoroastrian materials. Two particular aspects of the rabbinic depiction of the demon in B. Kiddushin align with Mesopotamian characterizations of demons: (1) the physical description of the demon as a seven-headed serpent, and (2) his demonic nature. At the same time, the way that the rabbis describe the mode of the demon's defeat strongly parallels contemporaneous Syriac Christian modes of exorcism. This article demonstrates that the talmudic story exists at the intersection of more ancient and contemporary concerns and typifies rabbinic selectivity in adopting and adapting available discourses about demons. To conclude, I discuss some of the broader implications of this observation for our study of the Babylonian Talmud in its Sasanian cultural context.
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Müller-Kessler, Christa. "A Palimpsest Fragment with Unattested Passages of Job 3:11c-4:3b in Christian Palestinian Aramaic under Sinai, Greek NF MG 14". Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 17 (20 de julho de 2020): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v17i.14499.
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This palimpsest fragment with unattested passages of Job 3:11c-4:3b in the Christian Palestinian Aramaic translation has been preserved in a Greek codex registered as Sinai, Greek NF MG 14 in the Monastery of St Catherine. The biblical text is one of the more than 160 palimpsests, which could be identified among the New Finds that were discovered in 1975 in a blocked-up chamber. With the help of the new technology of multispectral digital imaging it was possible to bring out the reading of the lower script for this Bible section. The unpublished text is edited here in transliteration and translation with commentaries on the variant witnesses.
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CHARLES, J. DARYL. "The Use of Tradition-Material in the Epistle of Jude". Bulletin for Biblical Research 4, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1994): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422099.
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Abstract The history of the interpretation of Jude, broadly speaking, is one of omission or misunderstanding. Most commentary on the epistle over the last hundred years, while being highly derivative in nature, has lacked thoughtful inquiry. One factor that has discouraged serious study is the writer's use of OT and extrabiblical tradition-material. Surviving Jewish literature from the last two centuries B.C. and first century A.D. is decisive in helping to explain the religious thought-world reflected in the NT. This is particularly the case in Jude. The use of Jewish tradition-material in the epistle invites the reader to give attention to the writer's exegetical methodology— a methodology owing to a distinctly Palestinian Jewish-Christian cultural milieu. In Jude, significant theological truth is wrapped in literary arguments of the day. Literary sources, all part of a well-calculated literary strategy, are marshalled for the purpose of addressing urgent pastoral need. Lessons from the past bear forcefully on the present as a means of admonishing the Christian community.
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CHARLES, J. DARYL. "The Use of Tradition-Material in the Epistle of Jude". Bulletin for Biblical Research 4, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1994): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.4.1.0001.
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Abstract The history of the interpretation of Jude, broadly speaking, is one of omission or misunderstanding. Most commentary on the epistle over the last hundred years, while being highly derivative in nature, has lacked thoughtful inquiry. One factor that has discouraged serious study is the writer's use of OT and extrabiblical tradition-material. Surviving Jewish literature from the last two centuries B.C. and first century A.D. is decisive in helping to explain the religious thought-world reflected in the NT. This is particularly the case in Jude. The use of Jewish tradition-material in the epistle invites the reader to give attention to the writer's exegetical methodology— a methodology owing to a distinctly Palestinian Jewish-Christian cultural milieu. In Jude, significant theological truth is wrapped in literary arguments of the day. Literary sources, all part of a well-calculated literary strategy, are marshalled for the purpose of addressing urgent pastoral need. Lessons from the past bear forcefully on the present as a means of admonishing the Christian community.
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Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Apokryficzny "Dialogus Iohannis cum Iesu" (CApNT 27) jako gnostycka reinterpretacja dziejów patriarchów i komentarz do Hbr 7, 3". Vox Patrum 50 (15 de junho de 2007): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6692.
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This article contains Polish translation and commentary to an apocryphal Gnostic text known as Dialogus Johannis cum Iesu (CApNT 27). The fragmental Coptic manuscript from the Deir el-Bala’izah collection (IV/V century A.D.) is the unique known testimony of this document. The text has a form of dialog between John the Apostle and the Risen Christ or some celestial messenger on creation and story of antediluvian patriarchs. Document reveals a particular similitude with other Gnostic texts, especially the Apocryphon of John from the Nag Hammadi library. It conserves the fragment of Hebr. 7:3, which probably received a large explanation in original document. The speculation on biblical personages, especially on Melchisedek, appears to be an important element in this text. The placement of Melchisedek’s name immediately after the name of Noah may suggests the identification of Melchisedek with Shem, the Noah’s son. Similar motif is known to us from the Jewish and ancient Christian literature, for instance the targumic elaborations of Genesis and the Syriac apocryphal text called Cave of Treasures (Spelunca thesaurorum).