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1

Čobeljić, M., D. Mel, B. Arsić, Lj Krstić, B. Sokolovski, B. Nikolovski, E. Šopovski, M. Kulauzov e S. Kalenić. "The association of enterotoxigenic and enteropathogenicEscherichia coliand other enteric pathogens with childhood diarrhoea in Yugoslavia". Epidemiology and Infection 103, n.º 1 (agosto de 1989): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268800030351.

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SUMMARYThe presence of enterotoxigenic and enteropathogenicEscherichia coli(ETEC and EPEC, respectively) was investigated in stool specimens of 1082 preschool children with diarrhoea and in stools of 335 healthy controls in localities in southern Yugoslavia, as well as in 566 children with diarrhoea and in 231 controls living in northern part of the country, during the seasonal peak (August— November) of enteric diseases in 1986.ETEC were found in 114 (10·5%) children with diarrhoea and in 14 (4·2%) controls (P < 0·001) in the southern part, and in 26 (4·6%) ill children and one (0·4%) well child (P < 0·005) in the northern part of Yugoslavia. EPEC were isolated from stools of 85 (7·9%) children with diarrhoea and of 14 (4·2%) well children (P < 0·05) in localities of southern Yugoslavia, and from 22 (3·9%) ill children and from 10 (4·3%) controls in northern Yugoslavia. Nineteen EPEC strains expressed localized adherence to HEp-2 tissue culture cells; all were isolated from stools of ill children.In southern Yugoslavia, where other enteropathogens were sought, the most commonly found agents in ill children were shigellae (17·5%), rotavirus (11·8%), ETEC, and EPEC. Potential pathogens were detected in 44·5 % cases of sporadic diarrhoea and in 15·8% controls.This study revealed that ETEC were associated with acute diarrhoeal disease in Yugoslav preschool children. On the other hand, the diagnosis of EPEC-diarrhoea by routine determination of serogroup established the association of these agents with sporadic diarrhoea only in the 0-2 years age categories in all investigated localities. In the less developed southern part of Yugoslavia bacteria were the predominant causative agents of enteric illness during the seasonal peak of this disease.
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Lazarević Radak, Sanja. "Tito and Children in Political Folklore 1980: Wishes for Tito's Speedy Recovery". ISSUES IN ETHNOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 16, n.º 2 (19 de julho de 2021): 509–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v16i2.8.

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In 1980 Tito's health deteriorated. The citizens of Yugoslavia followed the news about the course of his illness with apprehension and anticipation. From January to May 1980, citizens sent more than four hundred thousand messages wishing Tito a speedy recovery. Among the most numerous were children. Starting from the assumption of the closeness between political socialization, folklore and political culture in Yugoslav society, in this paper I analyze some of the basic motives present in the messages that children sent to Tito. Insight into the messages that the editors of the publication "Tito. Messages, wishes - the children of Yugoslavia" call a "vow", and in the sense of the promise that children will preserve the achievements of Yugoslav socialism, it enables the reconstruction of Yugoslav political myths and Tito's representation within children's political culture. The reconstruction of the narrative enables the recognition of the following motives: Tito as a hero and a fighter against all evil; 2. Tito as a solar deity; 3. Tito as an (imaginary) friend and protector of all the children of the world. For the purposes of this paper, wishes for a speedy recovery are understood as a folklore genre, and some of the specifics of Yugoslav children's political folklore.
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Niskač, Barbara Turk. "The Ambiguous Nature of Children's Work in Socialist Yugoslavia: An Analysis Based on Children's Magazine Pionirski List". Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 16, n.º 3 (setembro de 2023): 456–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcy.2023.a909990.

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Abstract: Drawing on the educational role ascribed to work in children's upbringing, the article analyzes children's work and its many ambiguities as presented in children's magazine Pionirski list [Pioneers magazine ] in socialist Yugoslavia. The magazine featured content for children, about children, as well as contributions produced by children themselves, telling how they experienced different forms of work in their everyday lives. Most notably, Pionirski list addressed children as self-managing pioneers actively participating in shaping social reality, and at the same time it was only yet building and reproducing a construct of the child as a self-managing pioneer and future self-managing worker in line with Yugoslavia's third way of socialism. Although Yugoslavia was consolidating schooling as the child's main obligation and breaking with exploitative child labor, it promoted a social organization centered on productive and socially useful work that included children as well. It built on Marxist notions of self-determined work, yet the understanding of work as inseparable from life also related to the ethos of the agricultural society's domestic economy. After breaking with the USSR, Yugoslavia embraced worker self-management as a so-called third way to socialism. All these various aspects of work fed into the educational value ascribed to work in childhood and placed it in a mutually constructive relationship with play and leisure rather than as their opposite.
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Ilić, Simo M. "Pravni položaj žene u Predosnovi građanskog Zakonika za Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju". Vesnik pravne istorije 1, n.º 2/2020 (15 de junho de 2021): 194–247. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/hlh_20208a.

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The paper examines the legal position of women in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, with emphasis on the reforms proposed in the Draft Civil Code for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The legal system of Yugoslavia was not unified and therefore the position of women differed from one legal territory to another. The paper briefly reviews legislation in the six Yugoslav legal territories with emphasis on unfavourable norms which required reforms. The Draft is analysed in detail. It enacted complete legal capacity for married women, equal inheritance rights for male and female children and improved inheritance position of widowed spouses. Adoption of a modified separate property system and diminished parental rights of mothers are considered as drawbacks of the Draft. Special rules for inheritance in rural areas and Sharia law (mandatory for the Muslim minority) are analysed as exceptions from the Draft Civil Code. Legal theory opinions on the legal position of women that were presented during the public debate on the future Civil Code are also reviewed. The conclusion analyses the appropriateness of the Draft in the context of social and political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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Petrović Todosijević, Sanja. "Pionirski grad u Zagrebu pedesetih godina 20. veka: laboratorija socijalističkog detinjstva". Tokovi istorije 29, n.º 1 (29 de abril de 2021): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.pet.191-214.

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This paper attempts to underline the role that the Pioneer Town in Zagreb played in the process of establishing a new educational policy in Yugoslavia proclaimed at the Third Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in December 1949. This reform was carried out during the following decade, culminating in the General Law on Education in 1958. The Pioneer Town in Zagreb, with its elementary school as the central object, “simulated” a school of the future which was supposed to become not only a role model for the standard Yugoslav school, but also the initiator of the important social processes with the aim of placing children - one of the most numerous social groups - at the center of political and social attention.
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Pavlica, Branko. "Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany: Migrants, emigrants, refugees and asylum-seekers". Medjunarodni problemi 57, n.º 1-2 (2005): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0502121p.

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Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany have a long tradition. There have been various economic and social causes, and in some periods even political ones for that phenomenon. Taking into consideration the historical aspect and also the contemporary migration flows, the dynamics of migrations of the Yugoslav population to Germany has the following stages in its development. The first stage had begun in late XIX century and ended with the World War I. Although the overseas migration flows prevailed, yet the German agriculture and its mine industry attracted a part of the Yugoslav population. Between the two world wars mostly "Westfahl Slovenes" and Croats and Serbs from Bosnia-Herzegovina got "temporary employed" in the Rhine-Westfahl industrial area, along with several thousand Serb-Croat-Slovene agricultural seasonal workers per year. The second stage began immediately after the Second World War when most of about 200,000 citizens from the former Yugoslavia, being mostly refugees, moved from the West European to overseas countries, but some of them stayed in Germany. Involuntary migrants and refugees, however, returned in great number from Germany to Yugoslavia. At that stage non-extradition of war criminals on the part of the West occupying powers on German territory, then disregard of West German Governments of the anti-Yugoslav activities of the part of extreme Yugoslav emigration, and different interpretation of the bilateral agreement on extradition, became the essential problem in relations between SFR Yugoslavia and FR Germany. The third stage in development of migrations commenced in early 1960s. At that time, Germany and other Western countries became prominently immigrational, while since mid-1960s till 1973 economic emigrants from Yugoslavia became more and more important in the German economic space. From 1954 to 1967 migration of Yugoslav citizens had not yet been intensive and their intention was mostly to work abroad. Illegal employment was, however, prominent at that time. Due to the normalisation of political relations, re-establishment of diplomatic relations and conclusion of bilateral agreements that legally defined employment of foreign workers, since 1968 till 1973 a great number of Yugoslavs got employed in FR Germany. The contemporary migrations from FR Yugoslavia to Germany resulted from the economic and political crisis in the former SFRY as well as from the civil wars that were waged in the Yugoslav territory. FR Germany became the most important destination country of Yugoslav migrants - workers, refugees, false asylum-seekers and political emigrants. Different categories of migrants from Yugoslavia to Germany enjoy the treatment that is in accordance with the immigration policies of the German governments as well as with the degree of development of the German-Yugoslav political and economic relations, and the degree of the established co-operation in the field of legal assistance and social welfare. Migrant workers, who have legally regulated their employment and residence status, could in the future expect to gain assistance from their mother country in getting efficient protection of their rights and interests in all stages of the migration process. Numerous migrants asylum-seekers, in spite of the proclaimed international protection, share, however, the fate resulting from the politically motivated measures and actions taken by the German authorities within the arbitrary decision-making of the right and/or abuse of the right to asylum. This is the reason why as early as in late 1994 the Government of FRG announced that it would expel foreigners from the country. The remaining refugees, or actually the so-called false asylum-seekers in FR Germany, share the fate of forced repatriation. Within this category special emphasis should be placed on the attitude of the German government to the Albanians and Roma from Kosovo. At first, the Germans treated the Albanians from Kosovo as politically persecuted persons, offering them refuge. Then they declared them (and Roma also) to be false asylum-seekers and insisted on readmission - their gradual repatriation to Kosovo. Considering both positive and negative implications of the migration process, the key issue for the citizens from Serbia and Montenegro who live in Germany remains the following: maintenance of their national identity, cherishing of their mother tongue and culture, keeping up relations with their mother country, social gathering - in various associations, clubs and organisations, education in their mother tongue, what particularly includes comprehensive additional teaching for children in Serbian, as well as better information dissemination.
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Šušnjara, Snježana. "Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Communist Regime: an Outlook on Educational Policy". Historia scholastica 7, n.º 1 (novembro de 2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-006.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the nine republics of Yugoslavia was always among the poorest republics in the former state. However, the school system, as it was the case in the totalitarian regimes, was under direct control of the state. The state had the power to influence school programs and to decide who could apply for school profession. After World War II, education became compulsory for all children and the state could have influenced easily all aspects of education. The state conception how to educate a new society and how to produce a common Yugoslav identity was in focus of the new ideology and those who did not agree with this concept were exposed to negative connotations and even to persecution. Human rights of an individual were openly proclaimed but not respected. Totalitarian societies commonly expect the system of education to operate as a main transformational force that will facilitate the creation of the new man in the social order they have proclaimed. After the split of the Soviet model of pedagogy (1945–1949), the changes occurred in education when the communists established a new regime with universal characteristics of the Yugoslavian education which differentiated among the republics in accordance with their own specificities. Bosnia and Herzegovina with its multi-ethnic nature occupied a special place inside the common state as a model that served as a creation of possible, multiethnic, socialist Yugoslavia.
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Drnovšek Zorko, Špela. "Cultures of risk: On generative uncertainty and intergenerational memory in post-Yugoslav migrant narratives". Sociological Review 68, n.º 6 (2 de junho de 2020): 1322–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026120928881.

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The disintegration of Yugoslavia not only marked the end of a decades-long socialist multinational project, but also reorganised former Yugoslavs’ possibilities for imagining certain futures. This article examines intergenerational narratives of rupture amongst migrant families living in Britain, showing how uncertain pasts produce distinctly diasporic post-Yugoslav cultures of risk. Unlike sociological accounts of risk that foreground the conditions of late Western modernity, this approach to risk is grounded in collective experiences of late socialism, violent state collapse, and unexpected migration, as well as intergenerational experiences of migration and settlement in Britain. The article puts forth two main arguments. On the one hand, British-born children of former Yugoslav migrants ‘inherit’ and re-narrate their families’ stories of rupture, which transform the specific events of the 1990s into narratives of potentially universal existential uncertainty. While future uncertainty cannot be avoided, it can be partly mitigated by focusing on the present. On the other hand, both parents and children invoke the more positive aspects of risk when they imagine optimistic mobile futures for the younger generation. Here young people’s diasporic hybridity, another inheritance of post-Yugoslav migrations, is favourably contrasted with the postsocialist ‘stuckedness’ that characterises much of the post-Yugoslav space. By focusing on the multi-temporal and generative qualities of narrative uncertainty, the article proposes that intergenerational stories of rupture can contribute valuable interpretive resources for dealing with open-ended futures, both within and beyond migrant communities.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Bosna i Hercegovina i konstituisanje Avnojske Jugoslavije (1943-1945)". Historijski pogledi 6, n.º 10 (15 de novembro de 2023): 148–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.148.

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Many states, like Yugoslavia, emerged from conflicting historical currents. A critical examination of the socio-historical multi-directional flows after the chaotic April War of 1941 and the rapid disintegration of monarchical Yugoslavia also encompasses rational knowledge of opposing political and national perspectives dating back to 1918 when it was established, with its problematic events between the two World Wars, their causes, and consequences. The turbulent interwar legacy and the failure to address acute problems within the state influenced the dramatic situation and conflicts in occupied Yugoslavia, leading to polarization, collaboration, and alignments. The state of war is a complex crisis situation. The breakup of Yugoslavia was met with divided opinions on whether (and if so, how and on what basis) to reestablish the state. Each Yugoslavia (the „old” and the „new”) also represented a „new constitutional concept of the relationship between its major nations/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The successful antifascist liberation struggle from 1941 to 1945 was primarily led by the partisan movement, with the dominant role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). Vladimir Dedijer wrote that in 1941, a revolutionary war began, and „no one dreamed what its nature would be.” It was a civil war, destroying the idea that this state could be rebuilt in the form it took in 1918. It was a complex war („a war of all against all”) with numerous burdens (national, religious, social, historical). Anti-Yugoslav forces were long more numerous than pro-Yugoslav forces, which eventually triumphed. The speech of Yugoslav antifascism is most symbolically recognizable by the phrase: „Death to fascism – freedom to the people,” and „brotherhood and unity.” By the decision on the federal organization of the state at the Second Session of the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ) in Jajce in 1943, the foundational pillar of the previous Yugoslavia—state and national unitarism—was denied. AVNOJ's decisions were of a framework and principle nature. The federation was established, but until the end, the forms of all its units related to their borders and the structure of alliance members („unitary or complex”) were not fully defined. The emergence of the federal Bosnia and Herzegovina was accompanied by harmonization at the top of the CPY and the People's Liberation Movement. The specificity of the „AVNOJ formula” was also reflected in the fact that in 1943, a federal state was formed, and in 1944, the members of the federation (republics). At that time, their provincial antifascist councils were constituted as the highest legislative and executive representative bodies. Many accompanying issues addressed in the decisions in Jajce on the structure of Yugoslavia remained under detailed consideration and clarification by the state-party leadership and AVNOJ in 1945. These issues have continued to be the subject of more detailed review and analysis in the context of the developments in historiography and have been exposed to considerations in a broader context. They have been reinterpreted, their facts have been analyzed, and there have been „in-depth” searches for more complete, multiperspective answers. The development of historiography is „marked by controversy.” Research into the formation of the „new” Yugoslavia should not be conducted with ideological biases and prejudices but should consider new experiences present in the flow of time and in the minds of contemporaries, including historians, as „children of their time.” Relevant historical contents must be separated from „declarative proclamations, pathos statements, ceremonial-protocol stances.” In a simplified understanding of the past, „everything appears simple and linear.” It is necessary to interpret historical phenomena and processes in a multidimensional, layered, and grounded manner.
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KIRCHENGAST, SYLVIA, e EDITH SCHOBER. "TO BE AN IMMIGRANT: A RISK FACTOR FOR DEVELOPING OVERWEIGHT AND OBESITY DURING CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE?" Journal of Biosocial Science 38, n.º 5 (11 de julho de 2005): 695–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932005027094.

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Childhood overweight and obesity, especially among migrant children, are current health problems in several European countries. In the present study the prevalence of overweight and obesity among migrant children from Turkey and the former Yugoslavia was documented and compared with that of Austrian children in Vienna. Anthropometric data from 1786 children were collected at the ages of 6, 10 and 15 years. Body mass was estimated by means of the body mass index and percentile curves were used to determine weight status. The prevalence of overweight and obesity was found to be significantly higher among migrant children. Children and adolescents from the former Yugoslavia and Turkish girls exhibited especially high rates of overweight and obesity. Biosocial and cultural factors are discussed as causes of these observations.
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Spaskovska, Ljubica. "The “Children of Crisis”: Making Sense of (Post)socialism and the End of Yugoslavia". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, n.º 3 (21 de julho de 2017): 500–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417692862.

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This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak The article traces certain mnemonic patterns in the ways individuals who belonged to the late-socialist Yugoslav youth elite articulated their values in the wake of Yugoslavia’s demise and the ways they make sense of the Yugoslav socialist past and their generational role a quarter of a century later. It detects narratives of loss, betrayed hopes, and a general disillusionment with politics and the state of post-socialist democracy that appear to be particularly frequent in the testimonies of the media and cultural elites. They convey a sense of discontent with the state of post-Yugoslav democracy and with the politicians—some belonging to the same generation—who embraced conservative values and a semi-authoritarian political culture. The article argues that an emerging new authoritarianism and the very process of progressive disillusionment with post-socialist politics allowed for the emergence and articulation of such alternative, noninstitutionalized individual memories that, whilst not uncritical of the Yugoslav past, tend to highlight its positive aspects.
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Myers-Bowman, Karen S., Kathleen Walker e Judith A. Myers-Walls. "A Cross-Cultural Examination of Children's Understanding of “The Enemy”". Psychological Reports 93, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2003): 779–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2003.93.3.779.

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Despite the apparent ease and regularity with which adults label individuals and groups as “the enemy,” little is known regarding how children understand this concept. The current qualitative study examined the concept of enemy as understood by 105 3- to 12-yr.-old children from two sides of an international conflict—Yugoslavia and the United States. This article provides an analysis of the children's answers during a structured interview regarding their understanding of enemies, specifically the perceptions of children in a war zone and the perceptions of children living in relative safety. Children of all ages could discuss the concept of enemy. They described both interpersonal and group conflict. A common theme in both Yugoslavian and U.S. children's descriptions was that an enemy is someone who is bad or does bad things. The children recognized the importance of at least two “sides” and discussed reciprocal or mutual feelings. In general, the children showed great optimism that one's enemies can become one's friends. These findings are interpreted in terms of developmental issues and sociopolitical context.
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Carpenter, R. Charli. "‘Women and Children First’: Gender, Norms, and Humanitarian Evacuation in the Balkans 1991–95". International Organization 57, n.º 4 (2003): 661–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830357401x.

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AbstractOf all noncombatants in the former Yugoslavia, adult civilian men were most likely to be massacred by enemy forces. Why, therefore, did international agencies mandated with the “protection of civilians” evacuate women and children, but not military-age men, from besieged areas? This article reviews the operational dilemmas faced by protection workers in the former Yugoslavia when negotiating access to civilian populations. I argue that a social constructivist approach incorporating gender analysis is required to explain both the civilian protection community's discourse and its operational behavior. First, gender beliefs constitute the discursive strategies on which civilian protection advocacy is based. Second, gender norms operate in practice to constrain the options available to protection workers in assisting civilians. These two causal pathways converged in the former Yugoslavia to produce effects disastrous to civilians, particularly adult men and male adolescents.
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Efremov, G. "Thalassemias and Other Hemoglobinopathies in Former Yugoslavia". Balkan Journal of Medical Genetics 11, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2008): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10034-008-0013-1.

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Thalassemias and Other Hemoglobinopathies in Former YugoslaviaThis review summarizes our results on the epidemiology and molecular basis of thalassemias and other hemoglobinopathies in the republics and provinces of the Former Yugoslavia. Over the past 40 years, surveys of more than 37,000 school children and more than 1,600 adults, from all over Former Yugoslavia, except Slovenia, have shown an average incidence of β-thalassemia (β-thal) trait of 1.2%, ranging from 2.9% in the south (Macedonia) to 0.8% in the northwest (Croatia). The frequency of δβ-thal was 0.2%, while that of Swiss type hereditary persistence of fetal hemoglobin (HPFH) was 0.4%. Screening of 12,680 newborns has shown that the frequency of α-thal trait was 1.5%. The molecular basis of the thalassemias in the populations of Former Yugoslavia has been completely defined. More than 700 β-thal chromosomes have been studied and their molecular defect was determined. In the Macedonian population, 16 different β-thal mutations were detected, four of which (IVS-I-110, G→A; IVS-I-6, T>C; IVS-I-1, G>A and codon 39, C>T) accounted for 85% of all β-thal chromosomes. In the Croatian population, 18 different β-thal alleles were detected. Four new mutations [nucleotide (nt) -87, C>A; IVS-II-850, G>C; initiation codon mutation T>C; polyadenylation signal (poly A), AATAAA>AATGAA)] and one new deletion (1605 bp), were characterized. Molecular analyses of DNA from over 50 unrelated cases with δβ-thal have shown that this condition was mainly caused by a 13 kb deletion (Sicilian type); in one family, a deletion of >18 to 23 kb (Macedonian-Turkish type), and in another, a deletion of 148 kb (Yugoslavian type of εγδβ-thal) of the β-globin gene complex, were discovered. Molecular analyses of α-thal from Former Yugoslavia revealed the following defects: the -20.5, -17.5 and -3.7 kb deletions, a 5 nt deletion, and Hb Icaria [α142, Term→Lys (TAA>TCA in α2)]. The incidence of abnormal hemoglobins (Hbs) in Former Yugoslavia was 0.3%. Five different α chain variants in 16 families, 16 different β chain variants in 61 families, one δ chain variant in one family, two types of Hb Lepore in 122 families and two γ chain variants, have been characterized.
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Mandic, Biljana. "The idea of Yugoslavdom in the music culture syllabi and curricula between two world wars". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n.º 176 (2020): 561–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2076561m.

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Starting from the fact that the school system of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was shaped and conditioned by specific educational components, the paper discusses and presents the modalities on the basis of which, through the Music culture course, the idea of Yugoslavdom was implemented, and the awareness of primary school children about the existence of one nation having three different names was created. The focus of the research in the paper are the curricula and the syllabi, organization of the elementary school system and a striking teaching content - genre-different songs, by which the educational authorities sought to form a spirit of community among elementary school children in Yugoslavia. Based on the research on the specificities and organizational differences, as well as differences in the progression of primary education in different areas of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the paper applied synthetic and inductive and deductive methodological approach, with the aim of defining common premises that contributed to the implementation of the idea of Yugoslavdom in teaching Music culture.
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Ressler, Everett M. "Considerations in the evacuation of children from the former Yugoslavia". International Journal of Children's Rights 1, n.º 3-4 (1993): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181893x00197.

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Peruzovic, M., e L. Cikes. "War in former Yugoslavia. Disabled children in the pink zone." BMJ 307, n.º 6908 (2 de outubro de 1993): 872. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6908.872-b.

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Pirjevec, Jože. "Slovenes and Yugoslavia 1918–1991". Nationalities Papers 21, n.º 1 (1993): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408260.

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On December 1, 1918, as Regent Alexander proclaimed the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the latter entered the new state under pressure from manifold motives. Besides the desire for Slavonic solidarity, there was also a more prosaic need that made them take that step. Following the disintegration of the Habsburg monarchy, in which they had lived for centuries, they emerged in the international political arena completely alone and inexperienced “as political children.” They had no borders confirmed by history, and no army apart from a handful of volunteers. For a neighbor, they had victorious Italy with the London Treaty in its pocket, in which the Great Powers promised it a large portion of Slovene territory for its participation in the war. The only power which it was possible to rely upon at that moment was Serbia, which, in turn, dictated its own conditions for the unification. The future state was to become a monarchy under a Karadjordjevich dynasty and was to be centrally structured, irrespective of the ethnic and historical distinctions among various “tribes” making up the new state. The fact that the three constituent entities of the Kingdom were lowered to the level of tribes is clearly indicative: it proclaimed the belief in the existence of a single South-Slavic nation which, although cleft into three branches by events in the past, was to reach its initial unity again, in line with the principle: one state, one nation.
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Bobic, Mirjana. "Modern rural family and household in Yugoslavia". Stanovnistvo 37, n.º 1-4 (1999): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9904093b.

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The paper analyzes modern rural household in Yugoslavia, both by region and at the level of the country as a whole. The author begins by providing a statistical and sociological definition of basic terms, and proceeds with a combination of social and demographic analysis. The basic criterion used is the residential status of the population (permanent residence) based on the administrative distribution of settlements with the non-city ("other") population treated as part of rural population. The descriptive basis was formed on the basis of two types of sources: population census data and relevant studies, on the one hand, and comprehensive researches of rural family in the 1990s, on the other. The modernization theory has provided the basic framework for the analysis of the state and movement in rural households in Yugoslavia since the beginning of the 20th century, but the paper deals mainly with social and economic developments following the Second World War. The following components of the rural households are analyzed: dynamics and average size, as well as composition of households. With reference to the level of the social change they had undergone and some demographic special features, rural households are classified into four main types: 1) purely agricultural; 2) mixed (with income earned from agricultural and non-agricultural activities); 3) non-agricultural; and 4) households of elderly people. The appearance and growth of mixed households during the pest-war period, following adoption of the socialistic command economy, came as a result of objective contradictions in transformation of an individual agricultural household into a modern market-oriented holding, and its cooperation with the state-owned cooperative sector. Since early 1980s, however, with deterioration in its position, agricultural production is gradually given up or maintained at the subsistence level, while most family members earn their living from the non-agricultural sector. These tendencies were most rapidly observed in Vojvodina, which is the most fertile region of the country, and most slowly in central Serbia. As a result of the above social and economic transformation the village was also exposed to a strong demographic transformation, which was most readily observed in ageing and feminization of population and its labor force and narrowing down of family structure to conjugal family united through marriage, which is made up of aged parents without an heir. The rural household and/or family have undergone crucial changes in respect of three main segments: 1) size; 2) structure; and 3) position and role of family members. This last aspect has been the subject of numerous comprehensive studies into the way of life in villages. The analysis of family relations in a village was conducted in two segments: intra-generation (between spouses and between children, especially of different gender) and inter-generation (parent - children relations). Segregation of roles by gender is still characterized by male domination, husband - head of the family, and son - the heir. Housework, parenthood, and the homestead itself (due to the increased engagement of the husband in non-agricultural activities) are the main sources of self-realization of women. Marriage and bearing children (especially male children) represent the main social promotion channel for young girls in a village environment, while education and earning income from work outside the village do not ensure a significant role in making decisions on family life in general, children's future or even personal destiny. Incidence of conflict in marriage is rare. Satisfaction with a twofold role of the mother and housekeeper is very high as well as understanding for tl1e difficulties of the social position of a man - the "bread winner" in the current social crisis and disintegration. The author points to the lack of data on rural households in Kosovo and Metohia caused by the boycott of the latest census by the majority, ethnic Albanian population. An attempt was hence made to compensate for the lack of quantitative information by presenting results of representative investigation of Albanian zadrugas in Kosovo and Metohia.
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Kobolt, Katja. "Artistic Work for Children between Productive and Social Reproductive Work". Libri et liberi 12, n.º 2 (19 de fevereiro de 2024): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21066/carcl.libri.12.2.2.

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Drawing on professional discourses, the organisation, and status of artistic production in publishing for children in socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991) and by the conceptual bridging of social reproduction theory, this article turns to artistic work for children as productive and social reproductive work and to the social construction of its value in order to reflect on the reasons of the relative feminisation of this work.
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Babić, Strahinja, Aleksandra Marjanović, Gordana Stanković-Babić, Nevena Babić e Rade Babić. "Primarijus Dr. Milun Mitrović (1901-1978): The first children's surgeon in Niš". Medicinska rec 3, n.º 3 (2022): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/medrec2201026b.

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Primarius Dr. Milun Mitrović (1901, Trnanje, Serbia - 1978, Niš, SFR Yugoslavia) was the first pediatric surgeon in Niš, and the fifth in Yugoslavia. He graduated from the Medical Faculty in Graz in 1928. He received the title of primarius in 1959. He won the award of the Liberation of the City of Niš for merits in the work and development of health care for the population of Niš (1960). He spoke German fluently. He worked in the Department of Pediatric Surgery at the Orthopedic Department of the General State Hospital in Belgrade until January 1, 1945, when he moved to the Surgical Department of the State Hospital in Niš, where on March 9, 1953. formed the Department of Pediatric Surgery and Orthopedics, which has two rooms and 16 beds and became the first head of this institution. The creative and visionary spirit of Primarius Dr. Milun Mitrović is reflected in the creation of the Institute for Bone and Joint Diseases of Children in Sokobanja (30 beds; October 20, 1959), the formation of the Department of Pediatric Surgery of the Serbian Medical Association (1966), the Association of Children's surgeon of Yugoslavia, formulates the magazine "Children's Surgery" (printed in Niš) and others. Primarius Dr. Milun Mitrović remained "remembered by the people of this region as a great expert, a great friend of children and a great bohemian" - according to the record of prof. Dr. Radoslav Živić in the book "Greats of Niš Medicine".
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Stevanovic, Ivana. "Some issues of sexual violence against children". Temida 5, n.º 3 (2002): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0203041s.

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The paper considers the situation of children-victims of severe sexual violence in the criminal substantive and proceedings law of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia. Through the analysis of specific incriminations sanctioning the worst forms of sexual violence against children as well as the analysis of their proceedings situation, the paper presents necessary amendments in this domain and compliance of our criminal legal system with the contemporary comparative law solutions. At the same time, the paper offers suggestions of possible new solutions in this domain, in accordance with the right of the child to comprehensive protection of his/her sexual integrity.
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23

Jajčević, Jasmin. "“With Tito and the Party”. Activity of the women’s Anti-fascist front Bosnia and Herzegovina and their reactions on the Informbiro propanganda during 1948 and 1949". Historijski pogledi 4, n.º 5 (31 de maio de 2021): 102–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.102.

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During the Second World War, the Anti-Fascist Women's Front (AFŽ) was formed in 1942 in Bosanski Petrovac. The outcome of the formation is an attempt at long-term mobilization and organization of women within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The women's anti-fascist front was organizationally on the path of anti-fascism and sacrifice in achieving the military, political and other goals of the revolution. At the First Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, which was held in 1945 in Belgrade, Josip Broz Tito stated the tasks of women, which were crucial for the new state. These were the preservation of brotherhood and unity, the continuation of the fight against the enemies of the new state, preparations for the constitution elections, work on rebuilding the country, enlightening women, humanitarian work with soldiers killed in the war, parents of children killed orphaned and raising children in in the spirit of the People's Liberation Struggle. Also, after the Second World War, the International Democratic Federation of Women was established, which was founded on the initiative of women from the Federation of French Women, and which dealt exclusively with women's issues and issues of interest to women. The women of Yugoslavia, who participated in the congresses in Paris and Budapest, also played a significant role in the establishment and operation of the International Democratic Federation of Women. With the outbreak of open conflict between the countries of Informbiro and Yugoslavia in 1948, and the action of Informbiro's propaganda, it also affected the Bureau of the French Women's Union, which prevented women from Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina from attending the 1949 plenary session of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. This attitude led to women's organizations in cities, villages, peasant labor cooperatives, labor collectives and institutions throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina holding meetings, rallies and conferences, where they openly criticized and protested through letters against the decision and the revocation of calls for women's presence. Of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. The women of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina also had their position after the publication of the Informbiro Resolution on the situation in the CPY in 1948, where they rejected the resolution and sent and expressed their commitment to the CPY and Tito. In this regard, the paper, based on first-rate sources and relevant literature, seeks to present the activities of the Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the years after World War II, both domestically and internationally (preparation of the International Women's Exhibition, signature collection, with the support of the proposal of the Soviet Alliance on Arms Reduction, etc.), as well as the views on the Informbiro Resolution of 1948 and the reactions of women's organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Informbiro's propaganda during 1949, due to the impossibility of women's attendance at the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow.
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Nikolic, T. "Teaching a Foreign Language in Schools for Blind and Visually Impaired Children". Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 81, n.º 2 (fevereiro de 1987): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x8708100207.

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Blind and visually impaired children can be taught to speak, read, and write foreign languages if the techniques and materials are adapted to capitalize on their strengths, including excellent memory and good hearing. In this article, the author draws on the scant literature, his experience as a blind teacher in a school for the blind in Yugoslavia, and his tour of British schools for the blind to extrapolate general principles for successful teaching and the application of appropriate methods and approaches.
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25

Mihic-Lisul, Ivana, e Petronila Kapor-Stanulovic. "Cultural influence on aims of inclusion of mothers in pre-school children's play". Psihologija 35, n.º 1-2 (2002): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0201049l.

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Child is introduced with the contents of culture at first through numerous influences culture has on family life, especially on defining parenting roles. Patriarchal culture, still strong in Yugoslavia, is full of norms that clearly define roles of elders and men, and excellently demarcates differences between father's and mother's role in bringing up their children, defined by the level of responsibility attached to parents in upbringing and educating a child. Research conducted in Novi Sad, Yugoslavia in January 2002, with the primary aim of diagnosing differences in frequency and quality of parent-pre-school children play concerning many relevant correlates, most important of which is the sex of the parent. Data show high distinctive quality difference in types and approaches to play in regard of the parent in question. Differences show that patriarchal culture's influence is still very strong. The results show that mothers are burdened with the higher level of responsibility, inevitably leading to higher parenting stress. The level of parenting stress can then influence the quality of meeting the requests put to parents, as well as raising level of general anxiety in all the activities concerning the child, therefore the play itself as well.
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Gläser-Ammann, Patricia, Adrian Lussi, Walter Bürgin e Teresa Leisebach. "Dental knowledge and attitude toward school dental-health programs among parents of kindergarten children in Winterthur". SWISS DENTAL JOURNAL SSO – Science and Clinical Topics 124, n.º 7/8 (28 de julho de 2014): 770–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.61872/sdj-2014-07-08-01.

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The current study investigated the attitudes and knowledge regarding diet and oral hygiene of parents with kindergarten children. The parents' statements were evaluated in terms of their socioeconomic background and were compared with the annual clinical examination of the children. The objective of the study was to assess the effectiveness of the school dental-health program and adapt it to today's societal needs. Of those who participated in the interview, 61% were Swiss, 16% were from former Yugoslavia or Turkey, and 12% each from the EU or other countries. Of the children examined, 39% already had caries, and 18% of those showed more than two lesions. The parents' knowledge correlated with the severity of the child's caries as well as with the parents' income, country of origin, and education. There was a correlation between the child's dental decay and lower income, as well as lower education and non-Swiss nationality of the parents. Parents with higher income and better education more often participated in the preschool's preventive program. Parents from former Yugoslavia or Turkey participated less frequently than parents from other countries. The study demonstrated that parents who especially needed instruction and prophylaxis are contacted too late or not at all through the dental-health program at kindergarten and that new approaches to prevention should be implemented to more effectively reach the parents.
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Dobanovacki, Dusanka, Zelimir Mikic e Nada Vuckovic. "Chronicle of the "Anglo-Yugoslav Children’s Hospital" in Sremska Kamenica". Medical review 68, n.º 7-8 (2015): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/mpns1508277d.

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As a peacetime work of Katherine S. Macphail (Glasgow, 1887- St. Andrews, 1974) MB ChB (Bachelor of Medicine and Surgery), the Anglo-Serbian Children?s Hospital in Belgrade was established after World War I, and the English-Yugoslav Children?s Hospital for Treatment of Osteoarticular Tuberculosis was founded in Sremska Kamenica in 1934. Situated on the Fruska Gora slope, the hospital-sanatorium was a well-equipped medical institution with an operating theatre and x-ray machine providing very advanced therapy, comparable to those in Switzerland and England: aero and heliotherapy, good quality nourishment, etc. In addition, school lessons were organized as well as several types of handwork as the work-therapy. It was a privately owned hospital but almost all the children were treated free of cost. The age for admission was up to 14. During the period from 1934 to 1937, around 458 children underwent hospital treatment, most of them with successful results. During the war years the Sanatorium was closed but after the war it was reactivated. In 1948 by the act of final nationalization of all medical institutions in the communist Yugoslavia, the hospital was transformed into a ward of orthopedic surgery under the supervision of the referent departments in Belgrade and Novi Sad. Today, hospital is out of work and deprived of its humanitarian mission. The building is neglected and in ruins although it has been proclaimed the national treasure by the Regional Institute for Protection of Monuments of Culture.
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Wasserman, G. A., X. Liu, N. J. Lolacono, P. Factor-Litvak, J. K. Kline, D. Popovac, N. Morina et al. "Lead exposure and intelligence in 7-year-old children: the Yugoslavia Prospective Study." Environmental Health Perspectives 105, n.º 9 (setembro de 1997): 956–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1289/ehp.97105956.

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Zafer, Zeynep. "Against the Barriers. The Unusual Story of the Usual Yusein Mashev". Balkanistic Forum 30, n.º 3 (5 de outubro de 2021): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i3.1.

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In the context of the repressions of the Pomaks the unusual story of the miner worker Yusein Mashev from village of Ribnovo, which started in 1979 and finished in 1980, give us an idea of the time of the communist regime in Bulgaria. He succeeded to escape form the concentration camp in Belene, crossing during the night the Danube river. He was able to reach the town of Kyustendil and to cross illegally the Bulgarian – Yugoslav border. In the emigration camp in Italy he decided to depart illegally for Turkey, boarded the ship to Istanbul without documents, without any roblems he reached his acquaintances and relatives in the town of Saray, Takirdag district. After five years he turned back to Bulgaria with false identity reached Ribnovo and smuggled his wife and two children into Yugoslavia. Yusein Mishev bravely resisted the change of the names of the Pomaks, the following repressions did not discourage him, he overcame all the barriers, caring a letter send to him in order to voice the protests in village of Kornitsa during March – April 1973. Makes important events available to the Bulgarian and world public, events which were hidden very carefully by the Bulgarian authorities. On the radio in Yugoslavia he told of the repression of innocent citizens and informed about the concentration camp in Belene, announcing the names of imprisoned in the II section Pomaks. The aim of this research, based on field researches in Bulgaria and Turkey and many interviews, is to preserve for the history and science the unusual story of Yusein Mahev – a man of freedom loving spirit and rich vision.
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30

Cakirpaloglu, Panajotis, e Tomáš Radil. "Correlations between Symbolic Motor Performance and Achievement in School for Children with Minimal Brain Dysfunction". Perceptual and Motor Skills 73, n.º 3 (dezembro de 1991): 952–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1991.73.3.952.

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Significant correlations were found between grades for reading, writing, and calculating and each child's individual mean reaction time for symbolic motor performance tasks with letters and numbers as stimuli for 240 elementary school boys with minimal brain dysfunction and in first to fourth classes in Prague (Czechoslovakia) and Skopje (Yugoslavia) For age(class)-matched groups of 382 healthy boys the correlations disappeared by the age of ten years. Similar results were noted for groups of boys in both cities.
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31

Lovec, Vesna, Miroslav Premrov e Vesna Žegarac Leskovar. "Thermal Comfort and Indoor Air Quality after a Partially Energy-efficient Renovation of a Prefabricated Concrete Kindergarten Constructed in 1980’s in Slovenia". Prostor 28, n.º 2 (60) (22 de dezembro de 2020): 346–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31522/p.28.2(60).10.

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The majority of kindergartens situated in the territory of former Yugoslavia need renovation. Apart from their enhanced energy efficiency, renovated buildings will presumably offer better indoor environmental quality. According to the current case study, children using a classroom with new windows installed are exposed to substantially poorer indoor air quality due to airtightness and improper ventilation, which calls attention to a vital technical issue of the current renovation process.
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Vižintin, Marijanca Ajša. "Where Do Immigrant Children Come From and Why?" Monitor ISH 16, n.º 2 (16 de dezembro de 2014): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.16.2.101-126(2014).

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The early 21st century continues the trend from the later 20th century: the first-generation immigrant children who move to Slovenia most often come from the states established after the disintegration of former Yugoslavia – from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, as well as from Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro. There are few arrivals from other states and continents, such as Bulgaria, Ukraine, or the United States of America. This article presents certain experiences that vary for each immigrant family, although they may hail from the same country. We quote some of the reasons for immigration as represented by the migrant children and parents themselves, comparing them to the findings of migrant theories. In 2011, semi-structured interviews with immigrant children were conducted in three Slovenian primary schools, and it was ascertained that most of them had come to Slovenia for the sake of family reunion.
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Mirčevska, Katerina. "The Children Evacuated from Greece in 1948: to the Eastern-European Countries and Yugoslavia". Politeja 11, n.º 30 (2014): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.11.2014.30.08.

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34

Wasserman, Gail A., Aida Musabegovic, Xinhua Liu, Jennie Kline, Pam Factor-Litvak e Joseph H. Graziano. "Lead exposure and motor functioning in 4½ -year-old children: The Yugoslavia Prospective Study". Journal of Pediatrics 137, n.º 4 (outubro de 2000): 555–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1067/mpd.2000.109111.

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35

Krel, Aleksandar, e Jadranka Đorđević Crnobrnja. "Sandwiches with Ham and Cheese, Vita Juice and Music from Gramophone Records: Celebrations of Children's Birthdays in Belgrade during The Period of Socialism". ISSUES IN ETHNOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY 16, n.º 2 (19 de julho de 2021): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v16i2.7.

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The paper presents the results of our research on the social and cultural practices of celebrating children’s birthdays in Belgrade, the capital of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Children’s birthday parties are examined as a social construct with functions which are developed and modified according to their social and cultural significance. The research on this cultural and social phenomenon is based on the analysis and interpretation of the narratives (empirical material) of our interlocutors. The chronological frame extends from 1945 until 1991, i.e. over the period of the socialist social system. Since the majority of our interlocutors spoke about the way birthday parties were celebrated in the 70s and the 80s, i.e. at the time of their childhood, the research is focused on that period of time. In Yugoslav and Serbian socialist society this was a social and cultural practice with multiple functions: it served as a substitute for the religious customs related to childbirth and the baptizing of children; it homogenized the family and kinship structure; it was a channel for exteriorizing parental affection towards the children; side by side with the transformation into the consumerist society it became the instrument for creating and consolidating the complex net of social relationships which informed the broader social environment about the level of financial and social power of the organizers.
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Davies, Christine. "Native Children and the Child Welfare System in Canada". Alberta Law Review 30, n.º 4 (1 de abril de 1992): 1200. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr1224.

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This article is comprised of a speech given by Professor Davies at the World Conference of the International Society on Family Law, held in 1991 in Yugoslavia. The professor leads into her discussion by reviewing the dismal statistics that face native people in Canada. The author suggests that the government's past approach, namely that of assimilation, combined with funding squabbles between the federal and provincial governments have been largely responsible for Canada's native child welfare problems. More recently, a new attitude of cooperation has emerged between the government and native leaders. The result has been increased autonomy for native people in the area of child welfare and a greater sensitivity of the government to native concerns and cultural differences. While the author contends these changes are positive, she stresses that the autonomy of the native community must not infringe on the best interests of the child.
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Simic, Marina, e Ivan Simic. "“Who Should Care about Our Children?”: Public Childcare Policy in Yugoslav Socialism and Its Serbian Aftermath". Journal of Family History 44, n.º 2 (18 de fevereiro de 2019): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199019831402.

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This study explores public childcare policies in socialist Yugoslavia and their postsocialist transformation in Serbia. Focusing on gender regimes of the state provided childcare, we examine how they reflect ideology of availability of public childcare facilities—crèches and kindergartens. Basing our work on archival sources, interviews, and ethnographic material, we show that despite the socialist state’s ideology of gender equality, women continued to be primary caregivers, while the female kinship networks acted as an additional safety net due to unavailability of childcare facilities. This article reveals long-term patterns of childcare practices, only slightly altered with the fall of socialism.
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Popović-Uroić, T. "Campylobacter jejuniandCampylobacter colidiarrhoea in rural and urban populations in Yugoslavia". Epidemiology and Infection 102, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 1989): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095026880002968x.

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SUMMARYDuring a 4-month period during the summer of 1985, campylobacters were isolated from 338 (16·3%) of 2080 patients with acute diarrhoea attending the University Hospital of Infectious Diseases in Zagreb. Of these isolates 220 (64·1%) were Campylobacter jejuni and 118 (34·9%) wereC. coli. The patients were drawn from three residential zones in and around Zagreb: inner city, peripheral city and rural. Incidences of campylobacter diarrhoea ranged from 71 per 100 000 per year in inner city residents to 99 per 100 000 per year in the rural residents. Most infections were in young children; the incidence in infants ranged from 800 to 2500 per 100 000 per year in the inner city and rural zones respectively. The isolation rate from faecal specimens of infants from the rural zone was 61%. The ratio of isolation rates in males and females (all ages) was 1·1:1, but in infants it was 0·7:1 and in patients over the age of 65 years it was 0·4:1. The incidence ofC. coliin the rural zone was four times that in the inner city and twice that in the peripheral zone.This survey shows that campylobacter infection in Zagreb has distinctive epidemiological features. The transmission of infection appears to be midway between that found in industrialized and developing countries, and there is an unexplained excess ofC. coliinfection.
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39

Carmack, Elizabeth. "Pula, Croatia: Balkans' Summer Music Camp". Tempo 59, n.º 231 (janeiro de 2005): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004029820523005x.

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The Balkans' Summer Music Camp was first established in 1995. Nigel Osborne's initiative was to address the needs of children who had been victims of trauma caught in conflict and warlocked zones in the former Yugoslavia. Through a professional exchange with Nigel Osborne last year at the Cambridge Music Conference, my sister Catherine Carmack (12.10.57–12.12.03) decided to work as a volunteer at the camp this summer. Owing to her untimely death I went in her place, to observe the creative and curative process of the children's development. About 35 children from the Special School of Mostar, Bosnia Herzegovina came to the Adriatic for a week's vacation on the coast of Croatia. Most of these children live in an orphanage in Mostar, but are receiving music therapy through the Pavarotti Music Centre. Although most of the children were attended by carers, a few of the children were accompanied by their mothers. Many of the children are primarily suffering from exposure to violence and remain traumatized. Some of them have special needs including Down's Syndrome; two were marginally disabled with cerebral palsy.
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Lazarević, Vladan. "Kindergarten in Kruševac from 1929 till 1935". Sinteze, n.º 20 (2021): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sinteze10-35434.

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The work of the Kruševac kindergarten in the period 1929-1935 is described based on statistical information which was sent to Ministry of education of Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It describes how the kindergarten was financed, how much it received funds from the local self-government and Kingdom itself. The structure of children by age, nationality and religion in that period is given. It also reports on children's illnesses, absences, the number of enrolled children in one school year. Data are also given about the entertainer (educator) who was in the kindergarten, her affiliation with various other organizations such as Red Cross. The structure of parents and their occupations are also given. For the school year 1931/32. there are no data.
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Zavrl, Bor, e Ines Osvald. "Sto let formalnega izobraževanja medicinskih sester v Sloveniji (1923–2023) Prva sestrska šola in njene naslednice". Kronika 72, n.º 1 (5 de março de 2024): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.56420/kronika.72.1.09.

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2023 marked the 100th anniversary of formal nursing education in Slovenia. In 1923, the School of Nursing was established under the Institute for the Social and Hygiene Protection of Children in Ljubljana, laying the foundation of continuous education to the forerunners of modern nurses. As one of the four nursing schools in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, provided professional education to workers in the then nursing care. The paper presents the first school of nursing in Slovenia and its successors and follows the development of these schools or, rather, education programmes.
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GORDIEJEW, PAUL. "‘Children of dorćol’: A case for individual agency in preserving jewish tradition in socialist Yugoslavia". East European Jewish Affairs 34, n.º 2 (21 de dezembro de 2004): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350167052000340896.

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Tahirović, Husref, e Brigitte Fuchs. "Kornelija Rakić: A Woman Doctor for Women and Children in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina". Acta Medica Academica 50, n.º 1 (26 de maio de 2021): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/ama2006-124.338.

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<p>This short biography focuses on the life and medical activities of Kornelija Rakić (1879–1952), a Serbian female pioneer of medicine from the then Hungarian province of Vojvodina, who acquired an MD from the University of Budapest in 1905. Rakić came from a humble background, and a Vojvodina Serbian women’s organization enabled her to become a physician and pursue her social medicine mission. After a futile attempt to open a private practice as a “woman doctor for women” in Novi Sad in 1906, she successfully applied to the Austro-Hungarian provincial government in Sarajevo for the position of an official female physician in occupied Bosnia. Rakić began her career as an Austro-Hungarian (AH) official female physician in Bihać (1908–1912) and was transferred to Banja Luka in 1912 and to Mostar in 1917–1918. Kornelija Rakić stayed in Mostar after the monarchy collapsed in 1918 and continued to work as a public health officer in the service of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, founded in 1918. Subsequently, she served as the head of the “dispensary for mothers and children” at the Public Health Centre in Mostar, founded in 1929, where she practiced until her retirement in 1949. After World War II, Rakić served as Vice President of the Red Cross Society in Mostar. She received numerous awards and medals from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. Kornelija Rakić died in Mostar in 1952 and was buried at the local Orthodox cemetery of Bjelušine.</p><p><strong> Conclusion</strong>. Kornelija Rakić (1879–1952) was the first Serbian female physician in Novi Sad, Vojvodina, and she was employed as an AH official female physician in Bihać (1908–1912), Banja Luka (1912–1917) and Mostar (1917–1918). After World War I, she participated in the establishment and expansion of public health institutions in Mostar and Herzegovina from 1918–1949 against the backdrop of the devastation of the two World Wars.</p>
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44

Hodges, Andrew. "Producing and Maintaining Minority “Groupness” through State Effects: Teaching in Croatian in Serbia". Nationalities Papers 47, n.º 1 (27 de novembro de 2018): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.12.

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AbstractThis article ethnographically examines the situation surrounding the teaching of Croatian in Serbia. It analyzes the discourses and efforts of minority activists in promoting Croatian culture and language in various ways, specifically drawing on fieldwork conducted in a school where three mutually intelligible language varieties—Serbian, Croatian, and Bunjevac—were taught. Instruction in Croatian has been offered in Serbia since 2002 through a minority rights framework. However, prior to the wars of Yugoslav succession in the 1990s, those identifying as Croat were not considered a minority in [the] Socialist Yugoslavia, as it was a South Slavic federation. The number of children enrolling in Croatian minority programs in Serbia is small, and of those who attend them, a significant number do not come to identify as Croatian, a fact that many minority activists consider to be a problem. The article is organized in four parts. First, the context and various perspectives are introduced through an ethnographic vignette. Second, the research context and legal and institutional framework are introduced. Activist perspectives are then discussed, including tensions present. Finally, Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s concept of “state effects” is presented and elaborated with respect to the case study, and the various efforts of activists in trying to promote and/or maintain Croatian “groupness” are evaluated.
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45

Burek, V., Ana Baće, Miroslava Kačić, Djurdja Belošević e B. Mravunac. "Prevalence of antibodies to Hepatitis A virus among urban children aged 0–7 years in Yugoslavia". Journal of Infection 10, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1985): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0163-4453(85)80015-3.

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46

Cvejic-Jancic, Olga. "Law on marriage in Vojvodina in the period between two world wars". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n.º 125 (2008): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0825033c.

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The conditions for marriage under the prewar law in Vojvodina were numerous and more complex than in our contemporary law. In the prevailing part of Vojvodina in that time there was in effect the Hungarian Family Law Act from 1894 by which civil marriage was introduced and religious differences were abolished as a marriage impediment. Religious form of marriage was still in effect in Srem and in those parts of Vojvodina which were before unification under Austrian jurisdiction (Military Border). Cohabitation was not recognized and had no family law effects. Legal status of the children born out of wedlock was much worse than the legal status of the children born in wedlock. Discrimination on the ground of sex was a rule, not only in the law of Vojvodina, but also in other parts of The Kingdom of Yugoslavia. For example, women could get married only with the dispensation of the minister of justice, at the age of 16, while men could get married at 18. Woman was subordinate to her husband and could legally represent only her children born out of wedlock. She could exceptionally be the legal representative of her children born in wedlock.
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47

Jovanovic, Ida, Vojislav Parezanovic, Slobodan Ilic, Djordje Hercog, Milan Vucicevic, Milan Djukic, Irena Vulicevic et al. "Treatment of cyanotic heart diseases in children". Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 132, suppl. 1 (2004): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh04s1009j.

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Cyanotic heart diseases are relatively rare, but they are severe and heterogeneous congenital heart diseases, which require complex surgery. Development of different advanced surgical procedures, such as arterial switch operation (ASO), Fontan and its modifications, Norwood etc. operations, as well as better perioperative care significantly improved survival rate and quality of life of these children. The study group included 308 children treated for cyanotic heart disease in Yugoslavia, in the period January 2000 to July 2004. Some of them (239, 77.6%) were treated at the University Children?s Hospital in Belgrade, and others (69, 22.4%) in different institutions abroad. The age of the operated patients varied between 1 day and 19 years (median 12 months). The patients (pts) were divided into four groups, according to the disease and type of the operation. In the whole group of 308 patients treated due to cyanotic heart disease, there were 232 (75.3%) cases with open heart surgery and 76 (24.7%) with closed procedures. The mortality rate was significantly different between disease/operation groups, and age groups. Average mortality rates differed from 11.8% for palliative procedures to 12.5% for complete corrections. Mortality rate and achieved surgical results in treatment of chil?dren with cyanotic heart diseases were significantly worse than those published by leading cardiac surgery centers in the world. However, there is a clear tendency in introducing new surgical procedures, lowering the age at which the operation is done and decreasing the mortality rates.
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48

Ekblad, Solvig. "Psychosocial adaptation of children while housed in a swedish refugee camp: Aftermath of the collapse of Yugoslavia". Stress Medicine 9, n.º 3 (julho de 1993): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/smi.2460090306.

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49

Kovacevic Bielicki, Dragana. "Experiencing forced migration in childhood: the case of refugees from the former Yugoslavia in Norway". Problemy Wczesnej Edukacji 35, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2016): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.7627.

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This article discusses how former child refugees from Yugoslav wars, who have permanently resettled in Norway, narrate their past refugee experiences, and how they negotiate their belonging and integration in the present. The article argues that child refugees are particularly important research subjects in the field of migration and forced migration studies: refugees and forced migrants are the most vulnerable of all migrants, while children are the most vulnerable and powerless among all forced migrants. Turning back to the past experiences and memories of people who went through this type of experience in the not so distant past, might helps us understand what challenges the numerous refugees of today are facing, and help answer what receiving societies can do in response to the arrival of the new refugees.
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50

Pavšič, Zala. "On Oblivion: the Case of Yugoslavian Monopoly". Ars & Humanitas 13, n.º 1 (20 de agosto de 2019): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ah.13.1.111-122.

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This article on the Yugoslavian version of the board game Monopoly is based on the assumption that things make people. In accordance with this a concept, the contribution begins with a historical overview of the development of this game in the United States, from its origins when it spreads around the country as a popular game, to the current day, when Monopoly is marketed a leading corporation in the field of board games, Hasbro. The popularity of the game is also evident from its presence in the public space in the form of metaphors: because of its emphasis on trading, it is sometimes referred to “greed”, and in the Balkans it can also serve as a metaphor for the nation state.In the memories of my interlocutors who helped me with their testimonies, the Yugoslav version of Monopoly is associated with pleasant memories: especially of childhood, youth and relatives or friends with whom they used to play the game. In my interviews I focused on two topics which did not play such a significant role in the testimonies of the interlocutors, but were, however, common in the testimonies of interviewees who got acquainted with the game as children: to the question of the supposed superiority of Slovenia, as Bled and Bohinj were the most expensive properties, and the presumption that Monopoly is a game which can reproduce cultural memory, in this case knowing the geography of the former common state. The thesis on Slovene superiority proved to rely on generations to which my interviewees belonged, since it appeared especially in the answers of the interlocutors who were born in the late 1980s. Hence, I assume that this thesis was more likely a projection of the outside reality of my interlocutors into the game than vice versa.Analysing the answers of my interlocutors more thoroughly, I reached the conclusion that Monopoly often appeared as the first reference through which they heard about a certain resort in the regions of the former Yugoslavia. This means that Monopoly contained traces of cultural memory which other sources of our everyday lives, education and upbringing ceased to transmit.
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