Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Byzantine Empire – Church history"

It is shown that the history of medicine in the Byzantine Empire is characterized by almost complete stagnation of development throughout the entire thousand years of the empire, for which characteristic was the domination of religious and magical practices represented as astrology, magic, occultism, neoplatonism over scientific ones, extremely low levels of education and training of doctors. The article points out that one of the leading causes of stagnation of the development of medical science in the Byzantine Empire was the formation of the civil church, which was completely controlled, both in administrative and doctrinal terms, by imperial government, which led to the secularization of the church and its transformation in a great feudal lord; to introduction of pagan beliefs and provisions to the church; to formation and prosperity of superstitions and rituals characteristic of paganism. It is shown that the state subjugating church lost its necessary spiritual foundation (without which it is impossible to build a healthy and prosperous society) resulting in the formation of extremely backward socio-economic situation of Byzantium, with long persistence of slave relations, pervasive embezzlement, huge bureaucracy, corrupt executive system, sharp stratification of society, low level of science in general and medicine in particular.

In Ukrainian church life, the influence of the Byzantine Empire, which has existed for over eleven centuries, holds a special place. This unique Greek superpower became the first independent state where faith in Jesus Christ became part of the entire state complex. It was this faith that united Byzantium with the Ecumenical Church, whose center of history was rooted in Rome.

Southeastern Europe is a divided region with regards to its Byzantine roots, Byzantine legacy and Byzantine present. Politically and militarily, Byzantium never managed to reestablish the old Roman frontiers in the Balkans. However, it was decisively involved in the economic rise of this region, which in turn benefited the Empire. Byzantium became a model for peoples and states due to its overall political power, cultural legacy, and especially the charisma of the church, as well as the fact that it did not suppress their own national developments and traditions. But in the past and present, Byzantine culture has left lasting traces only in the mentality where the traditions were supported by the Orthodox Church or where they were preserved independently of strict forms of belief through a sense of belonging to an Orthodox cultural community.

The article is devoted to the multifaceted activities of one of the most prominent figures in the Byzantine history of the IX century, a prominent church and political figure, scientist and theologian – Patriarch Photius of Constantinople. The special stages of development of theological thought are analyzed with account of specificity and connection of spiritual knowledge of humanity with state administration. The main attention is paid to those church leaders, theologians who advocated universal human values, creativity, and freedom in the context of the interaction of the state and the church. Church historians call this epoch the era of Patriarch Photius, a prominent theologian, historian, scholar, diplomat, religious figure and church writer. The object of the study is the state and church policies of the Byzantine Empire in the nineth century, as well as the personality of Patriarch Photius and his church activities. Photius’ activities had a huge impact not only on church-state relations in Byzantium, but also identified the nature of relations between the churches of East and West. He reflected the tendency to unite and independence the Byzantine internal forces from Rome. These tendencies were inherent in the state life of the Roman Empire also in the subsequent period.The study of complex and contradictory historical events and phenomena that led to the church schism is based on methodological guidelines and principles of religious studies and historical science, and the research focus of the article is aimed at illustrating the historical and socio-political background, jurisdictional transformations and ecclesiastical transformations, the struggle of the popes and patriarchs of Constantinople for ecclesiastical universalism in Christendom, which eventually led to the proclamation of mutual anathemas and the final split of the Church of Christ. The methodology of the Byzantine missionaries and their usual practice are studied. The problems of chronology and nature of Rus-Byzantine relations in the late tenth century are being revised.

The article establishes that the role of the Rus Archbishop Peter at the First Council of Lyon (1245) was not limited to conveying sensational information about the Tatars, as is usually believed. Peter was willing to resume negotiations between the Apostolic See and the rulers of the Byzantine (Nicene) Empire on the union of Churches, which continued with varying success throughout the thirteenth century. In the mid-1240s the Rus church hierarchs, who headed the Kiev (all Rus) Metropolitanate of the Byzantine Church, played an important, yet underestimated by researchers, role in establishing direct contacts between the Byzantine and Roman Churches and resuming negotiations for church unity.

Introduction. The present research is related to the problem of the image of Other in Byzantine sources, but the focus is on its single aspect, namely the problem of the Byzantine attitude towards “the Latins” and, in particular, Western mercenaries which will be considered on the example of Athanasios I, patriarch of Constantinople’s (1289–1293, 1303–1309) relation to mercenaries of the Catalan Company staying for a long time (1303–1309) on the territory of the empire. It represents source analysis of the patriarch’s correspondence that is, we believe, the most underrated historical sources in this respect. Our goals are to find out the position of the Byzantine church towards the Catalan company and to determine the value of the Athanasios’ epistolary as a source for studying the Byzantine-Catalan conflict. The subject of research is 10 letters of Athanasios somehow reflecting his views on the Catalans’ presence in the empire. Methods and materials. The principles of the hermeneutic method allow us to interpret holistically the letters of the patriarch. Analysis and results. It is concluded that Athanasios who saw the Catalans, representatives of the West, as a threat to the existence of the Byzantine state and church from the very beginning was against their involvement in the empire to defend its eastern boundaries. After the Catalans’ arrival, three main themes can be distinguished in his criticism of them which the patriarch expressed in his letters sent mainly to the emperor: he opposed lawlessness and violence on their part towards the local population; warned the basileus about inadmissibility of the Catalans’ interference in state affairs; feared that their long stay in Byzantium would be harmful to the church and the Orthodox population in the ways that it was at the time of the Fourth Crusade and Latin Domination. These letters contain not much factual information but they allow to confirm and even complement data of other sources, mainly narrative ones, as well as to deepen our knowledge on relations between state and church in Byzantium under conditions of internal crisis in the early 14th century.

The article focuses on the rapprochement between Byzantium and the Mongols from the 1250s which resulted in marriage alliances between Mongol Khans and Byzantine despoinas (princesses). The key issue is a clash of two different approaches. The Byzantine one was focused on the exclusive status of Byzantium as Christian Roman Empire, whose status was unrivalled and whose sovereigns seldom allowed marriages of Byzantine ladies to the foreign rulers, especially if the latter were heathen or Muslim. The Mongol view considered the Mongol state as the only one destined to dominate over other states. Here, the marriages between Mongol rulers and foreign brides have been suggested as one of vital elements of such domination. The compromise between two views seemed to have been made by the Byzantines: while the Byzantine church law refused to recognize interconfessional marriages, the Byzantines began to see these marriages as a Christian mission of sorts as the Greek brides and wives could have served as agents for spreading Greek Orthodox Christianity. Given the fact that some Khans had already converted to Islam prior to the marriage, these were also the first marriages between the Byzantine Imperial dynasty of the Palaiologoi and the Muslim rulers. It seems that special tolerance of the Mongols towards Christianity (even if they were Muslims) played a key role in the change of the principles of the Byzantine marriage policy: it henceforth became possible for the Emperor’s illegitimate daughter to marry a Muslim ruler. This policy affected the marriages of the later period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century between the imperial dynasties of the Palaiologoi and Grand Komnenoi, on the one hand, and the neighboring Turkish rulers, including the Ottomans, on the other.

The juxtaposition of historical and architectural evidence supports the possibility of seclusion practice in the church proper. This hypothesis is valid for both the Byzantine Empire and Old Rus?. Seclusion in a church led to a higher authority and religious status of an ascetic. The structural pair of a cell and a chapel above it was introduced into a number of Middle Byzantine, mediaeval Serbian and Old Russian monuments. Idiosyncratic features of this module suggest its development for the specific needs of recluses imitating the life of a stylite.

This thesis investigates the relationship between Christianity and urban monumental space in the late antique Levant. Through the analysis of both textual and archaeological evidence it seeks to clarify both the motives and the stages of the process of Christian takeover of the urban space of Levantine cities from the 4th to the 7th century AD. In doing so Christians were in essence both projecting their growth as the predominant religion and, at the same time, creating an entirely new monumental landscape. The case studies are presented in three separate groups, selected on the basis of the principal strategy that was chosen in the process of Christianisation of urban space. The first section analyses the cases of Gerasa, Jerusalem, Heliopolis, and Petra to illustrate the first of these strategies: the main method for occupying the symbolic space of the city was the construction of a contrast between the surviving ruins of the earlier, Hellenic, temples and the new Christian churches. The second group of case studies includes Scythopolis, Caesarea Maritima, Gaza, and to a certain extent Heliopolis. This section deals with those cities where the main strategy was the physical demolition of all or at least the most pre-eminent Hellenic buildings and their direct replacement with a new, and often grand, church. The third group, and the last, consists of the cities of Bostra, Gadara, Apamea, where rather than having to engage with a major Hellenic monument the main competitor was the secular state whether local or imperial. This is found to have resulted in a search for integration into the landscape rather than active competition.

Co-tutelle de thèse Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne / Université Libre de Bruxelles, sous la direction conjointe de Michel KAPLAN (Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne) et de Jean-Marie SANSTERRE (Université Libre de Bruxelles)

L’épiscopat constitue un fondement essentiel mais méconnu de l’Église mésobyzantine. Malgré la relative rareté des sources, il est possible d’en retracer l’histoire et les grandes évolutions :une part importante de l’hagiographie de l’iconoclasme et post-iconoclaste concerne en effet métropolites et évêques, témoignant du lien fort existant entre ceux-ci et le peuple des cités dont ils ont la charge, particulièrement quand ils sont considérés saints par la population. De nombreuses sources épistolaires, ecclésiastiques et sigillographiques, émanant des évêques eux-mêmes, permettent d’approcher les réalités du corps épiscopal et celles de la société provinciale qu’il représente auprès des autorités centrales. L’évêque apparaît également comme le relais des volontés impériale et patriarcale dans les provinces de l’Empire. Dans un contexte de compétition de pouvoir avec les autorités locales, l’évêque tente ainsi d’imposer le sien propre, dans ses aspects spatiaux, sociaux, religieux et symboliques.

L’approche collective et les approches individuelles de l’épiscopat doivent permettre de comprendre les réalités sociales d’un Empire de plus en plus centré sur sa capitale et dont sont progressivement détachées, du moins dans les sources, les périphéries. Une histoire décentrée de l’Empire byzantin passe dès lors par des études régionales mais aussi par des études consacrées à des groupes sociaux enracinés dans tout l’Empire, surtout lorsque, comme les évêques, ils revendiquent la spécificité de leur région et leur attachement à une société provinciale qui constitue le socle de l’Empire.

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The episcopate is an essential structure of the middle-Byzantine Church ;however, it remains little known. Although sources are limited, its history and evolution can still be reconstructed, as a large portion of the iconoclastic and post-iconoclastic hagiography deals with metropolitans and bishops. The sources reveal the strong connection between bishops and the inhabitants of the cities under their responsibility, especially when the population considers them as saints. Numerous epistolary, ecclesiastic and sigillographic documents issued by bishops themselves partially unveil the realities of the episcopal group and the provincial society that bishops represent to the central authorities. The bishop also serves as relay of both imperial and patriarchal wills to the provinces of the Empire. Competing with local authorities, the bishop thus tries to impose his own influence in its spatial, social, religious and symbolic dimensions.

Both collective and individual approaches of the episcopate make the social realities of the Empire more understandable, as it becomes more and more focused on its capital city while its peripheries gradually move away, which documentation seems to imply. Regional studies, but also studies focused on social groups established across the whole Empire, are the fundamentals of a decentred history of the Byzantine Empire. This is especially true since social groups such as bishops claim the specificity of their regions and their link to a provincial society that represents the cornerstone of the Empire.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse analyse le développement de l’identité institutionnelle de la papauté pendant l’époque byzantine, c’est-à-dire la représentation de l’Église romaine dans certaines sources officielles entre l’âge de l’empereur Justinien et la première moitié du huitième siècle. Le dossier des sources se concentre sur les actes des conciles œcuméniques et la production officielle du pouvoir impérial et de la papauté. Le propos est de montrer que loin d’être monolithique, l’identité institutionnelle de la papauté était changeante et fluide, et que les éléments qui la composaient se trouvaient modifiés selon le contexte, les nécessités et les enjeux du pouvoir. L’étude se focalise en particulier sur les disputes ecclésiologiques et les conciles destinés à les résoudre : la controverse des Trois Chapitres et le deuxième concile de Constantinople de l’année 553, la dispute monoénergiste et monothélite qui donne lieu au concile du Latran de l’année 649 et au troisième concile de Constantinople des années 680-681, et le concile quinisexte des années 691-692. Elle incorpore aussi d’autres développements liés à la représentation de la place de l’Église romaine, le rôle des papes, et la réception des conciles œcuméniques
This dissertation analyses the development of the institutional identity of the Papacy during the Byzantine period, that is, the representation of the Roman Church in some official sources between the age of Emperor Justinian and the first half of the eighth century. The main sources are the acts of the ecumenical councils, as well as the official production of the imperial power and the papacy. The purpose is to show that, far from being monolithic, the institutional identity of the papacy was changing, dynamic and fluid, and the elements that composed it were modified according to the context, the necessities and the relations of power. The study focuses in particular on ecclesiological disputes and the councils aimed at resolving them : the Three Chapters controversy and the Second Council of Constantinople of 553, the monothelite dispute, including the Lateran Council of 649 and the Third Council of Constantinople of 680-681, and the Quinisext Council of 691-692. It also incorporates other developments related to the representation of the place of the Roman Church, the role of Popes, and the reception of ecumenical councils

Depuis le IXe siècle l’organisation étatique et ecclésiastique ainsi que la culture spirituelle et matérielle des peuples slaves du Sud se sont directement inspirées de Byzance. Durant la seconde moitié du XIVe siècle, la conquête turque bouleverse les États balkaniques dont l’Empire byzantin. Ces changements ont provoqué des transformations dans le fonctionnement et dans les relations entre les Églises mais aussi entre les États. La présente thèse approfondit les enjeux de la relation entre Byzance et les pouvoirs séculiers et ecclésiastiques des pays slaves des Balkans, la manière dont ces enjeux ont transformé la politique byzantine au sein de cette région, et enfin comment, en retour, l'instabilité politique de ces États a modelé la politique de l’Église byzantine. Il s'agit ainsi de comprendre comment l’Église byzantine a assumé un rôle de gardienne des intérêts séculiers de l'Empire Byzantin en voie de disparition, d’abord face à l’expansionnisme serbe, puis face à la disparition de l’État bulgare et aux ambitions russes, seule puissance orthodoxe en croissance à cette date
Since the ninth century, many aspects of the state and of the ecclesiastical organization as well as of the spiritual and material culture of the South Slav peoples have been directly inherited from Byzantium. During the second half of the fourteenth century, the Turkish conquest induced drastic changes in the Balkan states including the Byzantine empire. These changes have led to many shifts in the way of functioning but also in the relationship between not only the churches but also between the states. This thesis examines more deeply the issues at stake between Byzantium and the secular and ecclesiastical powers of the Slavic Balkan countries, the way that these issues have transformed the Byzantine policy in this area, and finally how, in return, political instability of these states has shaped the politics of the Byzantine Church. It will thus be an attempt to understand how the Byzantine Church has endorsed the role of guardian of the secular interests of the endangered Byzantine Empire, first facing the Serbian expansionism and then facing the disappearance of the Bulgarian state and lastly facing the Russian's ambitions considering that they were the only growing orthodox power at the time

This thesis examines the Christian context of the former pagan sanctuary of Zeus Labrandeusin Caria during the Early Byzantine period, ca. 325-730 A.D. The focus is on the church, positioned outside the pagan sanctuary’s temenos area. The architecture of the church has been empirically analysed. It is argued that the church shows strong Syrian influences. The Syrian features are a tripartite sanctuary enclosed by a straight back wall, an interior supported by pilasters and a west part with two towers. The study of the architecture has also been used in an attempt to discuss the liturgy at Labraunda.The finds from the excavations of 1951-2005 have been categorized and examined in order to establish a terminus post quem for the Christian presence at the site of the church. This has been crucial for the dating of the church. Furthermore, the finds illustrate the social and economic conditions that prevailed at Labraunda during the Early Byzantine period. Finally, this study tries to enlighten the process of transition from a pagan sanctuary into a Christian place of worship.

This thesis examines the portrayal of outsiders in Michael Psellos's Chronographia, Anna Komnene's Alexiad, and Niketas Choniates's Narrative - using sociological theories of deviancy. The twofold aim is to "treat texts seriously", localized in Jakobson's speech-event nexus of addresser, context, content, contact, code and addressee; and secondly to understand the texts as statements of the ideology of the dominant elite. Outsiders are defined (using the labelling orientation) as people successfully defined as deviants; deviant behaviour is whatever they do. The dominant elite creates cultural boundaries, and places individuals in outsider roles on the other side of those boundaries. Outsiders can be understood only in terms of who defines them as deviant; there is no material reality to deviancy. Stereotypes, which identify social categories of people by evaluative trait-characteristics, are necessary elements of human cognition; they become prejudice only when they are overgeneralized, based on too limited data, applied too widely and maintained in the face of contrary empirical evidence. The analysis of the three texts in depth allows the identification of those groups labelled as outsiders by these expositors of the dominant ideology. My conclusion is that these authors portray a picture of the Byzantine outsider, which is coherent between this limited sample group, allowing for individual variation. These authors used stereotypes to conceptualize and encode in the linguistic and lexicographical complexities of their texts the outsiders they identified in their societies. Their presentation uses stereotypes, but does not descend to prejudice.

The purpose of this thesis is to further our understanding of the period between the death of Basil II in 1025 and the accession of Alexios I Komnenos in 1081. Modern scholarship has often portrayed these 56 years as an important, transformative period, viewing the empire as standing at the height of its power at its beginning, only to be brought to the brink of collapse by civil wars and foreign invasions following the battle of Manzikert in 1071. Based on three unique and underexploited sources of evidence, namely the letters of Michael Psellos, the judicial handbook commonly known as the Peira and the so-called Consilia et Narrationes of Kekaumenos, it argues that the Byzantine state to a large extent relied on private networks to carry out public administration throughout the empire. Public and private power were thus intimately intertwined and by conveying information, orders and requests, but also by reproducing and enforcing norms of acceptable political behaviour, these networks served to compensate to some extent for the institutional shortcomings of the premodern state. It also challenges the idea that the political dynamic of the eleventh century was centred around the power struggles of 'great families' or clans that effectively functioned as political parties, as well as the idea that the emperors and their officials were apathetic about governing the provinces beyond what was necessary to pacify and extract resources from them. Taken together, the evidence examined consequently appears to suggest that, by the standards of the pre-modern world, the Byzantine empire had a reasonably well-functioning state and a fairly coherent society during the period in question, suggesting that the focus of the scholarly debate on the eleventh-century Byzantine collapse should, to some extent, be shifted from internal to external factors.

AbstractThe importance of Byzantium to the history of global slavery stems from its geographic and historical position. Byzantium boasts a history of more than a millennium, longer than any other Mediterranean empire. As an offspring of the Roman Empire, it inherited the Roman institution of slavery, which was in constant change in view of the changes that the medieval world underwent. The Byzantine Empire offers an ideal historical environment to examine questions about global slavery, questions that pertain to continuity and change, the destiny of ancient slavery in particular, and thanks to its geopolitical position, also to connectivity between different medieval enslaving societies.

The Cypriot Orthodox Church has been recognized as an independent and autocephalous church since 431, by the decision of the Third Ecumenical Council with the 8th canon. The current 76s. the archbishop bears the title: New Justiniana and all of Cyprus. The Holy Synod is the supreme body of the Church of Cyprus and acts according to the Church Constitution. According to Article 138 of the Church Constitution from 1914, it entered into force on the day of publication. Archbishop Macarius the Third proposed a new revision of the Constitution, but from 1955 to 1961 and 1974, this period was characterized by armed struggles for the liberation of Cyprus, so the final drafting of the new Constitution became a priority from 1980. The new Constitution entered into force in 2010, with the consent and presence of the island's political leadership. According to Article 110, Paragraph 1 of the Cyprus State Constitution, the organization and management of the internal affairs of the church and its property is carried out in accordance with the holy canons and the Constitution of the Church of Cyprus since 1914. Legislative authority is recognized to the Church of Cyprus in Article 111, Paragraph 1 of the State Constitution of Cyprus. The establishment of criminal procedure regulations of church law, which actually refer to the proportional application of state criminal procedure legislation, is evaluated as positive and more modern. For the first time in the history of the Constitution of the Church of Cyprus, issues of criminal church law are regulated. As for family law, for the first time since the Byzantine Empire, it is fully aligned with Article 111 of the Cyprus State Constitution. The Church has reserved its right to grant spiritual dissolution of marriage.

THE SEVEN APOSTLES OF THE SLAVS AND THE FORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN “PROTO-NATIONAL” IDENTITY (Summary) Some historians assume that the emergence of national identities in Europe is a result of social changes occurring in the Early Modern era, while others claim that this process was set in motion already in the Later Middle Ages. Similar disputes on the beginnings of the modern Bulgarian nation are also present in historiographic works. The Slavo-Bulgarian History of Paisiy Hilendarski is usually presented as the first clear sign of the emerging Bulgarian nation. The aim of this article is to confirm a proto-national stage in the development of the Bulgarian medieval ethnic community, which was instrumental for the survival and continuation of the Bulgarians as a separate ethnie and, despite the interruptions in the independent existence of the Bulgarian state and church, led to the transformation of this ethnie into a modern nation. The development of the Bulgarian medieval state, founded in 681 (widely accept¬ed date), lacks continuity. It has been interrupted in 1018 by the Byzantine conquest, which provoked deep social, economic and cultural changes and was followed by ethnic changes too. However, former Bulgarian lands, especially the core area around the last capital of the First Bulgarian Empire, Ohrid, retained certain level of ecclesiastical and economic autonomy. In the diocese of the Ohrid Bishopric began to emerge a “proto-national” pantheon, centered around the figures of St Clement of Ohrid and St John of Rila, and promoted by Byzantine prelates like Theophylactus of Ohrid and George Skylitses. The Bulgarians were regarded as a separate ethnie (according to the theory of Anthony Smith) within the limits of the Byzantine Empire, identified by their traditions, culture, language, and by their own patrons and spiritual teachers, who formed their “proto-national” pantheon. This tendency was successfully continued after the restoration of the Bulgarian state in 1185 (again a widely accepted date). The Second Bulgarian Empire had a multieth¬nic composition, including not only Slavic-speaking Bulgarians, but also Pecheneg and Cuman migrants, Vlah population, etc. All these groups, engaged very often in the gov¬ernment of the re-established empire, were centered around the political and state ideol¬ogy of the Bulgarian ‘proto-nationalism”. In the newly formed “pantheon” of national saints were included as “Bulgarians” also people with non-Bulgarian or at least disputed ethnic origin. In their Vitae, written after the liberation from the Byzantines, the question about their ethnic origin was of growing importance. Special place was given to the holy brothers Cyril and Methodius, (whose Bulgarian origin and direct links with Bulgaria are at least obscure) and five of their most prominent disciples. They were venerated as Bulgarian saints and became important part of the “proto-national” ideology of the Sec-ond Bulgarian Empire. This attitude has been transferred successfully into the national ideology of the modern Bulgarian nation. Later, in the 16th century, this group of saints was stylized as the Seven Apostles of the Slavs and acquired popularity even among the Greek-speaking clergy. Consequently, Cyril and Methodius, who were representatives of the universalistic Christian culture of the Second Rome entrusted with the task to enlighten the Slavonic peoples and to introduce them to the Holy Scriptures, together with their most prominent disciples, became emblematic figures, actively engaged in the formation of one of the Slavonic “proto-nations” during the Late Middle Ages.

This project refers to the construction of a 3D map of Thessaloniki’s historical route. The Yedi Kule Conquest – Monument Road Race took place in the old city of Thessaloniki, which was built during the Byzantine and Ottoman period. The purpose of this project is the digital recording of the castles, the monuments, the old churches, the traditional buildings, and the squares which are prime examples of the architectural beauty of the place. The methodology of the project is based on the online software Google Earth Studio and Adobe Premiere Pro. These are the tools of digitization, rendering, and building process of the animation. With this methodology, the authors achieved the documentation of land use and the architectural landscape. The animation is a credible graphic index of the historical background of Thessaloniki. The Yedi Kule area constitutes of a cultural mosaic made from different historic periods. The buildings and the neighbourhoods give the sense of transition of the narrow roads, the old Christian churches, the house of the first Turkish governor, and the byzantine castle to the modern city. In Thessaloniki, three historic periods coexist the Ancient Greek/Roman, the Byzantine, and Ottoman Empire. The responsibility of the governmental politics and of every citizen of Thessaloniki is to promote and preserve the historic background of the city. The final product offers a good opportunity for the digital storage of Thessaloniki’s old city. The animation creates an interactive environment that portrays the current image of the transition from the old to a modern city.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.

The history of the Serbian people in the Habsburg Monarchy is inseparable from the Metropolitanate of Karlovci. In this paper, we will attempt to explore the legal status of this institution, focusing on the historical context and the process of its formation. We will then examine two aspects of its legal existence: its state-law status within the Habsburg Empire and its ecclesiastical-canonical status within the Orthodox Church. Since the legal status of the religious structure of Orthodox Serbs under the Habsburg dynasty shaped their religious and political life, the aim of this paper is to provide a modest contribution to understanding the history and significance of the Metropolitanate of Karlovci

Teacher, conductor, Byzantine musicologist, Gheorghe C. Ionescu (1920- 1999) devoted the last years of his life to researching the history of Romanian Byzantine music and published in specialized journals several comprehensive papers that address various topics and bring back in focus personalities of the past. Due to his solid musical and theological training, guided by prestigious teachers from the interwar period, the distinguished musician had a rich artistic and cultural contribution to the second half of the previous century. The change of the political regime in Romania allowed him to return to the pursuits of his adolescence and youth and to continue his research of Orthodox church music in Romania. Along with his papers at various scientific events and the published studies, his tireless work materialized, soon after 1989, in the writing of a lexicon dedicated exclusively to those who had researched Romanian Byzantine music, in 1997. It was followed by a chronological dictionary, the foreword of which was written by the academician Virgil Cândea, who appreciated the importance of the book and the quality of Teacher Ionescu’s work. Entitled Muzica bizantină în România [Byzantine Music in Romania], the book appeared posthumously, through the care of his family, in 2003. Although the centenary of his birth passed almost unnoticed, both productions are valuable working tools for all those who will continue to value Orthodox church music in our country. One more reason to evoke this personality who put a lot of passion in illustrating the richness and beauty of music sung in Romanian churches, two decades after the book was printed.

Th e educational institution was opened in Chisinau in 1871. It was transformed into the 2nd Chisinau gymnasium in 1884. Th ere are various documents on the construction of the building of this 2nd male gymnasium during 1892-1893 in the National Archives of the Republic of Moldova. Plans and projects for this construction of the building were drawn up by the diocesan architect Demosfen Mazirov. Th e educational institution had the right to own a chapel and thanks to the honorary trustee of the gymnasium Constantin Namestnic, a temple was built in the Byzantine-Russian style according to the project of the diocesan architect Mikhail Serotsinsky. On May 19, 1902 it was consecrated. In April 1962, a planetarium was opened in the church building as a center of astronomy. Later it was returned to the Orthodox Church. Today it is the Transfi guration of the Savior Church (Biserica Schimbarea la Față a Mântuitorului), which is an architectural monument of national importance representing a part of the rich cultural heritage of the Republic of Moldova.

The Educational manuals, which were fully applied in the 18th and 19th centuries, were a substantial part of the educational and cultural formation of a man. They provided simplified answers to various religious questions, questions concerning biblical and ecclesiastical history, or even Christian morality. They also taught about the origin of church holidays, ceremonies and the origin of liturgical languages used in individual local churches. These interpretations have been contained in various educational or interpretative manuals and manuscript collections. The structure of these handbooks was an excellent tool for the successful education of local churches. The paper focuses on the characterization of selected scientific manuscripts from the 18th century, which provide a contemporary picture of knowledge related to the linguistic and liturgical tradition under the Carpathian Mountains, associated with the Cyril and Methodius heritage. Manuals with these educational dimensions were used in educational training and upbringings in the environment of the Mukachevo Greek Catholic Church, in the 18th century.

The present paper deals with the eldest stages of Church Slavonic translations of Byzantine hymnography reconstructed over the Great and Holy Week services of the early South and East Slavonic manuscripts. Specifically the Service of the Great and Holy Friday Hours was studied on the material of 15 Triodia and Stichiraria from 12th–14th centuries. The comparative analysis of the Greek and Slavonic sources demonstrated the great divergence in the certain service structure and text and revealed that it was composed and extended gradually by compiling of hymnographic units from the Antiphons and the Vespers Services. Some of these troparia retained the features of the first Slavonic translations, while the others in the same manuscripts probably originated from later versions. The textological history of the certain service in the manuscripts under analysis was reconstructed and the changes that occurred on every stage of this history due to either systematic corrections according to Greek manuscripts or compilations of various Slavonic sources were described.

It was not only Turkish history to be changed when Seljuk conquered Anatolia but also the destiny of Anatolia changed. Anatolia that was the center of east – west and north – south trade since Assyria trade colonies was lost its commercial importance during the conquer by Turks, long time ago. Before Seljuk, the region was a part of the Byzantine Empire and it lost its commercial activities. It was a long time for Seljuk to revitalise the Anatolian trade. The war in Myriokephalon reduced the problems of Turkish Seljuk and enabled the establishment of a strong state in Anatolia. Myriokephalon War deeply impacted Byzantine and the Seljuk Sultan Kılıç Arslan focused on to develop the economy of the county and made very important achievements. He was the first who tried to conquer Antalya that is a port city. Kılıç Arslan and succeeding Sultans of Seljuk State followed the same path. Izeddin Keykavus conquered Sinop. Alâeddin Keykubâd conquered Alanya, so Seljuk had its third port city. The volume of domestic and international trade of Seljuk made it very powerful economy of the region. In this study, the factors which made for Seljuk to conquer these port cities in the Black Sea and Mediterranean easy, and the contribution of maritime trade to Seljuk economy, with reference to the sources form the era.