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1
Van Bueren, Truus. "Gegevens over enkele epitafen uit het Sint Jansklooster te Haarlem". Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 103, n.º 3 (1989): 121–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501789x00103.
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AbstractIn 1625 the Monastery of St. John's in Haarlem, which housed the local Order of the Knights of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (Hospitallers), was dissolved. The property, including a large collection of paintings, passed to the City of Haarlem, which claimed all the monasteries in the district of Haarlen as compensation for damage sustairted during the siege and rebellion against Spain. In the monastery's archives, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archives, memorial panels are menizoned fourteen times. Nine of thern occur in three inventories of 1573, one in a testament of 1574 and the rest in the Commander's accounts of 1572, 1573 and 1574. In the case of six of the thirteen items there is no description of the representation at all; one is simply said to depict a number of persons. Four of the six other items are Passion representations. Like The Last Judgment, such themes are in keeping with the functiort of a memorial panel. The description of one epitaph as 'in laudem artis musiccs' is not sufficiently clear to give an idea of the representation. More information is available as to the patrons or commemorated persons. All of them seem to have been members of the Order of St. John: four panels were memorials to commanders, three to ordinary hospitallers and one painting commemorated the founder of the monastery. All were priests. Nothing in the archives suggests that the church contained memorials to non-members of the order. This must nonetheless have been the case: a 'Liber- memoriarum' compiled in 1570 indicates that numerous memorial services were held for the laity, many of whom apparently chose St. John's as their last resting-place. It is thus highly likely that memorials for these worshippers were placed in the church. A 1572 inventory of St. John's Monastery makes no mention of memorial panels, probably because the contents of the church were not listed. After the monastery had been destroyed during the siege of Haarlem, three inventories were drawn up: one of the ruined monastery, one of the items - mainly paintings which were moved to Utrecht, and one of the property taken to the Sint Adriaansdoelen, the temporary home of the order after the destruction of the monastery. Only in these three inventories are epitaphs mentioned. The inventories of 1580 and 1606 were drawn up by order of the City, the claimant to the mortastery's propery. They make no mention of private possessions, not even those of the members of the Order. The 1625 inventory, drawn up after the death of the last inmate, only mentiorts the painting that was bought by the convent to be placed on the grave of its founder. Epitaphs which were not orderend by the convent were probably regarded as private property, and passed to the heirs prior to 1625. Exact dates cannot be ascertained. The author has identified two epitaphs and a painting coming from St. John's. It is not clear whether the small painting of Mary, her cousin Elizabeth and Commander Jan Willem Jansz. (1484-1514) (Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Weimar) is (part of) an epitaph or a devotional painting (ill. 2). The 1572 inventory mentions a picture of Jan Willem. It is not described, but the painting in Weimar is a likely candidate because of its small size (72 x 50). The 1573 inventory of the property in the Adriaansdoelen lists a wing of the epitaph of 'Heer Jan', but again, the representation is not described. The 17thcentury genealogist Opt Straeten van der Moelen described the four family coats of arms on the painting, but said nothing about the representation or where he saw it. It was possible to identify the Hospitaller in the Weimar work because of the armorial shield hanging on a tree behind the kneeling figure. The arms correspond with what Opt Straeten van der Moelen described as the arms of the Hospitaller's father, and with a wax impression of Jan Willem Jansz.'s arms (ill. 1) on a document of 1494, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archive. The date and painter of the picture are not known. In the series of portraits of the Commanders of St. John's Monastery in Haarlem (Frans Hals Museum) is a second portrait of Jan Willem. In this, the seventeenth portrait in the series (ill. 3), he is grey-haired, in contrast to the Weimar painting, in which he is depicted with black hair. Jan Willem Jansz. was born in about 1450. In 1484 he was elected Commander of the order, a function which he held until his death in 1514. The Bowes Museum, Durham, owns a triptych of an Entombment (ills. 4 and 5). On the middle panel is a kneeling Knight Hospitaller; on each of the side panels are four persons, arranged in pairs. One of them, on the right wing, is another member of the Order. Coats of arms can be seen on the prie-dieu's behind which three of the four couples kneel, and on the back of the panels (ill. 6). Comparison of these arms with the one on the seal of Philips van Hogesteyn, Commander of the Order frorn 1571 to 1574, suggests that this is his epitaph (ill. 7). The memorial panel is mentioned in the 1573 inventory of property in the Adriaansdoelen. In 1570, before becoming prior of the monastery, Philips had a 'Liber memoriarum' compiled which contained the names of his grandparents and parents. His grandmother came from the Van Arkel family, whose arms bore two opposing embattled bars. This coal of arms facilitated identification of the couples on the left wing. The grandparents are kneeling behind the last prie-dieu - the Van Arkel arms are on the heraldic left of the shield. In front of them are Philips van Hogesteyn's parents. It is harder to establish the identity of the people on the right wing, but the couple kneeling behind the prie-dieu are very likely Philips' brother and sister-in-law. The woman behind them could be his sister. The brother and sister are mentioned in his will, which he made in 1568. However, it is not clear who the Hospitaller on this panel is. It could be an unknown member of the family, but it is also possible that Philips van Hogesteyn was depicted in the triplych twice, first simply as a member of the family on one wing and again, later on in life, on the middle panel as the most important patron. Besides this painted epitaph, an elegy on Philips van Hogesteyn, written bij Cornelys Schonaeus, headmaster of the Latin school in Haarlem, has been preserved. This poem only mentions the effigy of the late Philips in front of the 'worthy reader' - not a word about his family. The 1572 inventory lists two separate portraits of Philips. It is not known where he was buried, nor has it been possible to establish whether his epitaph, with or without the elegy, or a portrait plus an elegy were ever placed on his grave. The painter is not mentioned by name anywhere either. Philips van Hogesteyn took holy orders in 1553. Assuming that he was 17 years old when he joined the Order of St. John, he would have entered the monastery in 1544. If this assumption is correct and he is portrayed twice on the triplych, it could have been painted any time from 1544 on. The reason for the commission must remain unanswered. In the Catharijneconvent Museum in Utrechl is a triptych with a Crucifixion. On the left wing is a kneeling man in a chasuble and stole, and on the right wing a Hospitaller (ill. 8). Today the outsides of the panels are empty. In the catalogue of an exhibition of North-Netherlandish painting and sculpture before 1575, held in 1913, however, the vestiges of the armorial shields -- four on each panel - are mentioned. Apparently this is an epitaph for a member of the Oem van Wijngaarden family, brought to Utrecht in 1573. The Hospitaller is Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden, who was living in St. John's Monastery in Haarlem at the beginning of the 16th century and died in 1518 person on the right-hand panel appears to be Dirk van Raaphorst -- also known as Dirk van Noordwijk. The Utrecht triptych is identified here as the Van Wijngaarden epitaph from St. John's Monastery despite the fact that the description of shield I on the right-hand panel does not point towards the Oem van Wijngaarden family. Thanks to the fourth shield on the same panel, still in fairly good condition in 1913, it was possible, by dint of invenstigating Tieleman's family, to establish him as the person portrayed on the right-hand panel (see Appendix II). Dirk van Raaphorst of Noordwijk was a canon of St. Pancras' Church in Leiden. He probably owed the name 'van Raaphorst of Noordwijk' to the fact that he was called after his maternal grandfather. For the same reason, the armorial shields on the back of the lefthand panel are not arranged in the usual manner but inverted, i being the mother's arms, II the father's (see also Appendix III). Dirk van Noordwijk was a nephew of Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden (see Appendix IV). He died in 1502. In 15 18 Tieleman was buried in the same grave in the church of St. John's Monastery. This memorial panel, too, prompts several questions. It is not clear why distant relatives, whose deaths moreover were sixteen years apart, were commemorated on the same panel. Neither the painter nor the dale of the triptych is known. However, perhaps the source of Tieleman's portrait can be established (fig.9). The features in this portrait bear a marked resemblance to those in the portrait of the Hospitaller on the Van Wijngaarden epitaph in Utrecht. Despite publications on individual North-Netherlandish memorial panels, no scholarly examination of the total number of known pieces has yet been initiated. The author is preparing such an examination, which may yield more insight into the customs pertaining to the corramemoration of the dead and the place accupied by memorial panels.
2
Dickson, Gary. "The Burning of the Amalricians". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40, n.º 3 (julho de 1989): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900046510.
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On 20 November 1210, before a large crowd of spectators which had flocked to the market-place of Les Champeaux outside the Saint-Honoré Gate in Paris, the heretical Amalricians were burnt at the stake. Fire that day consumed ten men, of whom nine were certainly laicised priests, deacons and sub-deacons. Six days earlier, at the nearby church of St Honorius, they had been stripped of their clerical status and handed over for execution to the royal officials of the rex chrislianissimus, Philip Augustus. Indeed, from the time some three months beforehand that Master Ralph of Namur, discoverer of their existence and pseudo-convert to their beliefs, was instructed by his clerical superiors to infiltrate the sect – an act of ecclesiastical espionage which eventually delivered the Amalricians to the flames – a highly placed royal counsellor, the Hospitaller Brother Guerin, had been consulted immediately. For this was a matter of urgency, and not just to the Church.
3
Jávor, Anna. "Die "Taufe Christi" im Werk von Johann Lucas Kracker". Opuscula historiae artium, n.º 1-2 (2022): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/oha2022-1-2-8.
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In recent years, the set of drawings by Johann Lucas Kracker (1719–1779) has been enlarged with 12 pieces. The sheets preserved in the museum of Debrecen include a sketch showing the baptism of Christ in the Jordan. It is the first variant of the high altar of the Premonstratensian abbey in Jasov. Two exquisite painted oil sketches for the enormous picture of the high altar signed in 1762 (Košice / Jasov, Bratislava, Slovak National Gallery) have long been known. The drawing is a far simpler composition with few figures, reminiscently of Daniel Gran's painting for the high altar of Vienna's church of the Brothers Hospitallers (1736). The painted sketches were extended with genre figures from the motivic set of Paul Troger (1698–1762) and with the large angel holding a drapery behind Jesus. Kracker painted another two reduced versions on the basis of the sketches: for a side altar in the remonstratensian church in Nová Říše and a small mural for the church of Rancířov (1763). To the picture of the high altar in Jasov a monumental fresco cycle belongs narrating the legend of John the Baptist; their epic character suggests the inspiration of the Gospels according to Matthew, Mark and Luke, while the drawn sketch was presumably inspired by St John's Gospel. The commission was given by abbot Andreas Sauberer (1700–1779).
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Starnawska, Maria. "Die Johanniter und die weiblichen Orden in Schlesien im Mittelalter". Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 27 (30 de dezembro de 2022): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2022.006.
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The Hospitallers of St. John and the female orders in Silesia in the Middle Ages The networks of the houses of the Hospitallers and of the female monastic orders in Silesia were similar (about 14 houses of the Hospitallers and 13 monasteries of nuns). There were many differences between these groups of clergy, too. The monasteries of nuns belong to various orders (e.g., Benedictines, Cistercian Nuns, Poor Clares, Dominican sisters, Sisters of St. Mary Magdalene, and the Canons of St. Augustine). Moreover, some houses of Beguines were active in medieval Silesia, too. The number of nuns is estimated to have been about 600, as opposed to the number of Hospitallers, which is estimated to have been about 200. The nuns were enclosed, while the Hospitallers were active in the pastoral care. The relations betwee both groups were not very intense. The priests from the Order of St. John were the chaplains and confessors of the nuns, or they coudl serve as the protectors of the property of the female monesteries (e.g., the Benedictines in Strzegom and the Beguines in Głubczyce). The Hospitallers, in return, asked the nuns for intercessory prayers in the time of the crisises, especially on the Isle of Rhodes. They also had contacts with the individual nuns, who were in some cases their relatives or neighbors. These relations were a sign of the absorption the Order of St. John by the local society.
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Freemanová, Michaela. "The Works of Joseph and Michael Haydn in Ondřej Horník’s Collection". Musicalia 9, n.º 1-2 (20 de dezembro de 2017): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/muscz-2017-0007.
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Abstract Joseph Haydn (1732-1809) and his brother Michael (1737-1806) were the most popular composers in eighteenth-century Bohemia, and their compositions have been preserved in collections in Prague, among other places. The study deals with Haydniana in the collection of Ondřej Horník (1864-1917) kept at the National Museum - Czech Museum of Music and with sacred works in particular. It notes the performances of compositions by both Haydn brothers given by the Brothers Hospitallers in Kuks, gives concrete examples of changes to instrumentation depending on changing tastes during the period, and touches on cases of doubtful authorship and practical questions concerning the manufacturing and distribution of paper. Among other things, it affirms the importance of Ondřej Horník's activity as a collector.
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Burgtorf, Jochen. "The Military Orders and Women of the Nobility in the Crusader States". Ordines Militares Colloquia Torunensia Historica 28 (30 de dezembro de 2023): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/om.2023.001.
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To assess the interaction between the military orders and women of the nobility in the Crusader states neither the narrative sources’ scattered anecdotes nor the normative texts’ stipulations pertaining to women are particularly useful or representative. Focusing on the kingdom of Jerusalem and, to a lesser extent, the principality of Antioch and the county of Tripoli in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, this article considers examples from the charter evidence to appreciate the impact of queens, princesses, countesses, and noble ladies on the history of Templars, Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights. The first part highlights the significance of consent-giving; the second part takes a closer look at activities where ladies functioned as primary agents, namely, as issuers of charters; and the third part presents a case study of Lady Juliana of Caesarea ‒ a benefactress of both Hospitallers and Teutonic Knights in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries ‒ whose husbands (despite their dominus/“lord” titles) only participated in the administration of her lordship iure uxoris (i.e., on the basis of Juliana’s legal title); who became a consoror (i.e., a “fellow sister”) and chose the Hospital of St. John as her final resting place; and whose second husband, Aymar of L’Ayron, later joined the Hospitallers and served as their conventual marshal during the Crusade against Damietta.
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Ślipko, Mariusz. "Postać Adama Chmielowskiego św. Brata Alberta w filmie "Brat naszego Boga" Krzysztofa Zanussiego". Studia Filmoznawcze 40 (27 de junho de 2019): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.40.7.
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The character of Adam Chmielowski St. Brother Albert in the film Our God’s brother directed by Krzysztof Zanussi The film Our God’s Brother, directed by Krzysztof Zanussi in 1997, is the adaptation of Karol Wojtyła’s drama of the same title. Adam Chmielowski, who was later known as St. Brother Albert, is the main character in the film. He lived between 1845 and 1916 in the times of the industrial revolution, which led many people to misery. Brother Albert was an artist and painter by profession. Feeling that he was called by God, he decided to give up painting and he started helping the homeless. In his film, Krzysztof Zanussi shows Brother Albert’s path to holiness and the roots of his heroism. The article consists of five points. The first one focuses on the characteristics and structure of the film. The second one briefly shows the story of Adam Chmielowski’s life. In the third part the play by Karol Wojtyła entitled Our God’s Brother is described. The fourth part shows how Krzysztof Zanussi adapted the play into a film, and it also presents a film portrayal of St. Brother Albert. Finally, the conclusion shows the essence of the main character’s holiness. The film can be divided into two parts. In the first one Adam Chmielowski discerns his vocation. In the second one, after his decision to serve the homeless, his vocation develops and he becomes a friar. His service is based on his trust to the Creator and him following merciful Christ. It leads to the fullness of his humanity, freedom and happiness.
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Saint-Guillain, Guillaume, e Chris Schabel. "Discovering a Hospitaller Order in Frankish Greece: The Order of St James in the Principality of Achaia". Frankokratia 2, n.º 1 (30 de março de 2021): 63–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895931-12340008.
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Abstract The Hospital of St James in Andravida, a mixed house of male and female religious in the capital of the Principality of Achaia, has long been known to historians of Frankish Greece, but recent publications allow us to identify the institution as the head of an entire hospitaller order, founded by Prince Geoffrey I of Villehardouin. This helps explain Geoffrey II’s desire to incorporate St James into the military-hospitaller Teutonic Order, initiating a long struggle within and over St James that involved the papacy and that, understandably, has not been examined closely until now. The saga ended under Prince William II with the incorporation of St James into the Templar Order instead, although with the dissolution of the latter St James came into the hands of the Hospitallers. This paper tells the history of this newly discovered Order of St James from 1209/1210 until its absorption into the Templars in 1246.
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Weber, Detlev M. G. "Saint Francis’s Brother Wolf". focus on German Studies 29 (24 de março de 2023): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.34314/fogs2022.00004.
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The following article focuses on the story “How St. Francis Tamed the very Fierce Wolf of Gubbio” from the miracle collection“The Little Flowers of St. Francis,” specifically on the cultural value of the wolf in the hagiographic tradition. While the wolf in general represents the social outcast and antagonist, the wolf of Gubbio expands on this role into a reflection of social grievances presented in the city of Gubbio. Saint Francis’s biographical details, imminent in the “Legenda Aurea,” set the stage for a psychoanalytical doubling between the wolf, the saint, and the people of Gubbio. This mutual reflection follows from their economically similar lifestyle with the wolf as a destitute outcast and Saint Francis as a mendicant monk. It is directly instigated in the significant instance when Saint Francis calls the ferocious wolf ‘brother.’ Their common parentage invokes the religiousGotteskindschaft and an equilibrium of social standing. Saint Francis identifies with the wolf, and, along this line of compassion and caritas, he creates a peace treaty between the wolf and the citizens of Gubbio. This article examines how this peace also depends on the maintenance of individual freedom.
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Barquero Goñi, Carlos. "Transferencias de recursos de la Orden de San Juan desde España hasta el Mediterráneo Oriental durante la Edad Media = Transfer of Resources of The Order of Saint John from Spain to the Eastern Mediterranean during the Middle Ages". Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval, n.º 31 (11 de maio de 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.31.2018.21322.
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La Orden Militar de San Juan envió grandes cantidades de dinero desde España hasta el Mediterráneo Oriental durante la Edad Media. No fueron grandes sumas durante los siglos XII y XIII. Sin embargo, aumentaron mucho en los siglos XIV y XV. Los hospitalarios aragoneses, catalanes y navarros fueron los que más dinero pagaban. En cambio, los hospitalarios castellanos y portugueses dieron menos. La Orden de San Juan envió no sólo dinero sino también caballos, trigo y armas. Los reyes españoles a veces no permitieron que los hospitalarios enviaran las transferencias desde la Península Ibérica al Oriente Latino.The Military Order of Saint John sent large amounts of money from Spain to the Eastern Mediterranean during the Middle Ages. They did not amount to large sums during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. However, they increased greatly in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Aragonese, Catalonian and Navarrese Hospitallers were the ones that paid the most money. In contrast, the Castilian and Portuguese Hospitallers gave less. The Order of St. John sent not only money but also horses, wheat and arms.
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Hakkenberg, Michael A., e Johanna Maria van Winter. "Sources Concerning the Hospitallers of St. John in the Netherlands, 14th-18th Centuries". Sixteenth Century Journal 32, n.º 2 (2001): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671759.
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Boisvert, Donald Luc. "Saint Brother André of Montréal and the Performance of Catholic Masculinity". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 48, n.º 1 (março de 2019): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429819828211.
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Saint Brother André (1845–1937), the founder of St. Joseph’s Oratory in Montréal, remains one of the most popular religious figures in Québec. Much of his reputation as a saint rests upon the ways in which he is depicted in devotional texts and in Catholic religious imagery: humble, simple, silent and self-effacing. These are often the same characteristics attributed to St. Joseph. This article attempts to question such a facile and limited caricature of Brother André. While he certainly displayed forms of what I call a Catholic subordinate Josephite masculinity, one that was characteristic of some French Canadian men of that era, Brother André was also able to move beyond such stereotypes in both his religious and public lives, thereby performing a less restrictive and more audacious form of masculinity.
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BUTTIGIEG, EMANUEL. "KNIGHTS, JESUITS, CARNIVAL, AND THE INQUISITION IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY MALTA". Historical Journal 55, n.º 3 (julho de 2012): 571–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000180.
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AbstractBetween 1530 and 1798, Malta, the southernmost tip of Catholic Europe, was home to the military-religious Order of St John (of Malta). This organization traced its origins to the years just before the beginning of the crusades in late eleventh-century Palestine. From Malta, the Order sought to keep up its dual mission of hospitality (hence the appellative of hospitallers) and fighting the infidel Muslim at sea. From 1592 to 1768 the Society of Jesus was present in this Catholic outpost from where it supported the mission of the Order and sought to remould hospitaller piety. The relationship between these two organizations had ramifications that spread beyond tiny Malta, both because of the issues that arose between them, as well as because of the international composition of the Order and the Society. The Carnival of 1639 proved to be a defining moment in this relationship; though generally passed over as a ‘temporary disturbance’ this article emphasizes that it was more than this by looking at the dynamics of the links between hospitallers, Jesuits, the Inquisition, and Carnival. This article is based on a wider range of sources than previous studies, which will help to bring out the nuances of the subject under investigation.
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Herwaarden, J. van. "J.M. van Winter, Sources concerning the hospitallers of St. John in the Netherlands 14th-18th centuries". BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 114, n.º 4 (1 de janeiro de 1999): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.5083.
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Holt, Geoffrey. "A Headmaster’s Correspondence 1754–1756". Recusant History 26, n.º 1 (maio de 2002): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030715.
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Seven of these letters were written to John Darell, SJ. who was rector and headmaster of St. Omers College from September 1752 till May 1759. Three are from a fellow-Jesuit, Bernard Baker in London, one is from John Darell’s sister, Olivia, who was a nun at the English convent of the Canonesses of St. Augustine at Bruges and three are from John Darell’s eldest brother, Philip, of Calehill in Kent.
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Blair, Elizabeth. "The Temptations of St. Ed & Brother S. by Frank Bergon". Western American Literature 29, n.º 4 (1995): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wal.1995.0043.
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Lázaro Pulido, Manuel, e Esteban Anchústegui Igartua. "Aesthetics as a Philosophical and Theological Space in the St. Francis of St. Bonaventure’s Major Legend". Religions 13, n.º 2 (24 de janeiro de 2022): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020114.
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This paper demonstrates that the figure of St. Francis of Assisi, as expounded by St. Bonaventure in his work Legenda Major (Major Legend), cannot be understood without certain philosophical and theological keys. Following an expository methodology, we point to Saint Francis as a theological aesthetic model. In this sense, we focus on five characterisations found in the Major Legend, introducing their aesthetic meaning, as well as the philosophical and theological significance of St. Bonaventure. We refer to St. Francis as a contemplator of nature, lover of poverty, an imitator of the crucified Christ, a brother of humankind and a Lord’s knight and minstrel, to conclude that the aesthetic model of St. Francis, as found in St. Bonaventure, can only be understood starting from theological (mystical) and philosophical ascension.
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Popov, Y. V. "Editorial board of the journal "Neurological Bulletin" from Yu.V. Popov". Neurology Bulletin XXV, n.º 1-2 (20 de setembro de 1993): 06. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/nb105908.
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The editorial board of the journal "Review of Psychiatry and Medical Psychology named after V.M. Bekhterev", founded by V.M. Bekhterev in 1896 in St. Petersburg, welcomes the rebirth of its elder brother "Neurological Bulletin", also established by V.M. Bekhterev in Kazan in 1893, and congratulates his colleagues on their centenary.
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Baranov, Dmitry K. "Traditions of classical literature in the film “Brother” by Alexei Balabanov". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Language and Literature 20, n.º 2 (2023): 194–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu09.2023.201.
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Alexei Balabanov’s film “Brother” is an integral part of modern Russian culture. An analysis of the audience’s reception of the film suggests that “Brother” is not just a mass action movie. A close look reveals that Balabanov’s film combines elements of pop-culture product and intellectual cinema. The article for the first time offers a holistic analysis of the film “Brother”. Balabanov uses a complex system of repetitions at the level of a phrase, visual image, situation. This allows the author to build a complicated system of motifs that are associated with some literary traditions of classical literature. We are talking primarily about the tradition of the Petersburg text and about a complex of themes and plots that go back to romanticism. The angle from which one should look at the film is indicated by the introduction of an important character named Hoffmann, who warns the protagonist that the city is a terrible force. Motive analysis and intertextual analysis leads to the following conclusions. The plot of “Brother” can be read as a story about a young man Danila, who betrays his ideal (love of music), unable to withstand the temptation of money and power, and pays for this: he turns into his evil doppelganger — his brother Victor. The plot, seemingly tied to a specific socio-historical reality, turns into a potentially eternal plot about a confused romantic hero who changes his ideals after falling into the mythologized space of St Petersburg that fools him.
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Carter, Michael. "Brother Grayson’s Bible: A Previously Unrecorded Book from St Mary’s Abbey, York". Nottingham Medieval Studies 57 (janeiro de 2013): 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nms.1.103673.
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Hilton, Claire, e Benjamin Hilton. "Samuel Alderman Lomas (1838–1901) the man with two gravestones, his brother MuscotAtkin Lomas (1840–1907) and their lives in Victorian asylums". Journal of Medical Biography 17, n.º 2 (28 de abril de 2009): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/jmb.2008.008028.
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Samuel Alderman Lomas died in the Hertfordshire County Asylum, Hill End, St Albans in 1901. He was buried in the asylum cemetery where two gravestones bear his name. This paper traces his life history and that of his brother Muscot Atkin Lomas. Both were classed as idiots in Victorian society and spent most of their lives – from childhood until death – in asylums.
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Herrlinger, Page. "Trials of the Unorthodox Orthodox: The Followers of Brother Ioann Churikov and Their Critics in Modern Russia, 1894-1914". Russian History 40, n.º 2 (2013): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04002006.
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A pious Orthodox peasant from Samara province who moved to St. Petersburg in mid-1890s, “Brother Ioann” (Ivan Alekseevich Churikov, 1861-1933?), always believed himself to be a faithful son of the church, but his flamboyant public preaching against the ills of alcohol ultimately led to his excommunication in 1914. Naturally gifted as a preacher, Brother Ioann regularly attracted thousands of listeners to his Sunday prayer meetings, the vast majority of whom were simple working people, suffering the devastating effects of alcoholism and the chronic insecurities associated with poverty. Debates over his relationship to the Orthodox tradition began almost as soon has he appeared in St. Petersburg, and over time, he suffered imprisonment in an insane asylum and faced a range of serious charges. Drawing on published and archival sources, this article explores the ongoing and increasingly bitter debate between leading members of the Church and Churikov’s followers between 1910 and 1914. By illuminating the central points of conflict and the competing visions of Orthodoxy at work in the Churikov case, it reflects more broadly upon the nature of the contemporary crisis within the Russian Orthodox Church, particularly with respect to issues of religious and spiritual authority.
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Wojnicka, Joanna. "Filmowe legendy o Świętym Franciszku". Studia Filmoznawcze 40 (27 de junho de 2019): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.40.6.
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Film legends about Saint FrancisThe article is devoted to four Italian movies about Saint Francis: Roberto Rossellini’s The Flowers of St. Francis 1950, Lilliana Cavani’s two movies 1966, 1989 and Franco Zeffirelli’s Brother Sun, Sister Moon 1972. The first of the four works is an author’s adaptation of some fragments of the medieval Flowers of St. Francis, and the three others are original concepts of the authors concerning the figure of St. Francis. The text shows in what way the three directors present the famous saint man, and — also — in what way they take use his biography and the legend of the Saint for creating — sometimes quite controversial — picture of Francis, making of him a contester Cavani or some precursor of “the flower children” Zeffirelli.
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Wiktorska-Święcka, Aldona, e Dorota Moroń. "‘Assistance from A to Z’ as an Innovative Social Investment in Action. Evaluation of a Case Study". Polish Political Science Review 4, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2016): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0032.
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Abstract The aim of the article is to present a case study of the implementation of innovative social investment in the area of social inclusion. The case study analysed, namely the project Assistance from „A” to „Z” — Professional activation of homeless people from Wroclaw Circle St. Brother Albert Aid Society, refers to the social and vocational integration of homeless people at the municipal level in Poland. The authors hypothesize that innovative social investments are key to the success of the policy of social inclusion, which requires new, innovative ideas to empower people at risk of exclusion. The article uses the case study method and the method of desk research, in which an analysis of the strategy documents, source materials and activities was carried out. The results were subjected to critical analysis, using the achievements of research in the field of social investment, social innovation and social inclusion policy. The paper is the result of partial studies carried out within the framework of the research project Innovative Social Investment: Strengthening communities in Europe (InnoSI), financed by the EU Research and Innovation programme Horizon 2020. As a result, one has to consider the question “What works?”. The analysis showed the accompaniment method to be the most effective tool in the project’s actions and one which may be disseminated as a recommendation for social investment. The question “How?” brought evidence that the existing set of activities and their sequence (integrity and complexity) was appropriate, necessary and effective from the perspective of beneficiaries, the Wroclaw Circle St. Brother Albert Aid Society and stakeholders. Considering the question “In what circumstances?”, the key element was related to the leadership offered by the Wroclaw Circle St. Brother Albert Aid Society, which was running the implementation of the project. As a conclusion, one can formulate the cautious thesis that the outcomes can to some extent be generalized, particularly at the level of other local entities in Poland or in other countries/regions of Central and Eastern Europe, which have a similar welfare model (e.g. the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia).
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Walravens, Hartmut. "From the Kalmuck Steppes to Heinrich Heine". Written Monuments of the Orient 10, n.º 1 (7 de julho de 2024): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo633240.
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The paper offers a survey of the Kalmuck and Mongol typography developed in St. Petersburg under supervision of Isaak Jakob Schmidt, Europe’s first expert on Kalmuck and translator of the Bible into this language. This work was practically, executed by Friedrich Gass, a designer, in St. Petersburg, probably advised by the engineer, Orientalist and printing expert Schilling von Canstadt. The actual printing was arranged by Nikolaj Grech, printer, bookseller, author, whose biography was translated by Maximilian Heine, brother of the poet Heinrich Heine. Two anonymous booklets on life in St. Petersburg were identified as M. Heine’s work by means of a dedication which led to Therese Heine — a cousin of the Heine brothers, to whom Heinrich addressed his probably best known love poem “You are like a flower”.
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de Trémaudan, A. H. "Louis Riel and the Fenian Raid of 1871". Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (junho de 2021): s32—s43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-001.
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Just two years ago Joseph Riel, a younger brother of Louis Riel, the famous Metis chieftain of 1869–70 and 1885, died at the old homestead of the Riel family, at St. Vital, near Winnipeg. Until his last breath Joseph Riel resided in the little white house on the east side of the Red River in which his brother had lived. It has been my privilege, on repeated occasions, to be a guest at this house, either on a friendly call or when attending one of the meetings of the Union Nationale Métisse which has been so kind as to elect me one of its honorary members. During such visits I have been allowed access by the late Joseph Riel to the papers of his brother, which he treasured as so many relics of one whom he considered a martyr. They are mostly in the handwriting of Louis Riel himself, and, naturally, throw light on certain events somewhat different from what one has been accustomed to make out from the more or less authentic and certainly biased reports of his life, which have been printed from time to time in the newspapers or in books.
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Kiely, Robert. "Further Considerations of the Holy Stigmata of St. Francis: Where Was Brother Leo?" Religion and the Arts 3, n.º 1 (1999): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852999x00024.
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Gęśla, Marceli Ryszard. "Argentyna – misyjna droga do świętości Brata Jerzego Łakomiaka OFM". Annales Missiologici Posnanienses 27 (31 de março de 2023): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2022.27.4.
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Among the many paths in life on which God places man there is undoubtedly the one that leads to the heights of holiness. It is not always easy, but certainly beautiful. Delighted by this beauty of God’s plans, Brother Jerzy Lakomiak united his paths with the Master’s dogs. Reading and responding to God’s call, he responded with his life by taking up the path of the evangelical counsels: chastity poverty and obedience following the example of St. Francis of Assisi. His love for God, the Blessed Mother, holy poverty, quiet and humble service, and a life of prayer, first in his native country and then for half a century on Argentine soil, made it possible that today among his confreres and those who knew Brother George, he is spoken of as one who exemplarily fulfilled themission the Risen Lord entrusted to him.
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Zivkovic, Valentina. "On the trail of a painting bequeathed to St. George’s abbey on the islet near Perast the testaments of Nycolaus and Johannes Glauacti (as of 1327 and 1336)". Zograf, n.º 38 (2014): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1438113z.
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The paper reviews the last will of the Kotor nobleman Nycolaus Marini Glauacti made in 1327 to bequeath to St. George?s church on the small island near Perast a depiction of the Madonna, St. Nicholas and St. John the Baptist. On the one hand, the legacy is analyzed in the context of the compositions involving the three saints in Kotor?s religious medieval art and, on the other, in the context of ad pias causas bequests and the concept of preparing for a good death (ars moriendi). The contents of the testaments of Nycolaus and his brother Johannes Marin Glauacti as of 1336 are contrasted, especially in terms of the number of pro remedio animae items bequeathed and their distribution. A special emphasis is laid on the comparison of the representations between the Franciscan and Benedictine Orders as the recipients of pious bequests.
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Mongey, Vanessa. "A Tale of Two Brothers: Haiti’s Other Revolutions". Americas 69, n.º 01 (julho de 2012): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500001796.
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Sévère Courtois's modest ambition was to revolutionize the world. “It is man's holy cause and duty to protect and aid the defense and to establish Independence in all the Universe,” he instructed his brother Joseph in October 1821. At the time, the Courtois brothers were a mere hundred miles apart; Sévère had set up an independent government on Providencia Island, in the western Caribbean, and Joseph was embarking on a political career of his own in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Though the two brothers were born in the French colony of St. Domingue, the tumults of the Age of Revolutions had swept them away from their native island. At the time Sévère penned the letter urging his brother to support his universal liberation enterprise, Joseph had just come back from fighting in the Napoleonic wars in Europe. Sévère had participated in multiple revolutionary coups and moved from New Orleans to Cartagena, and from there to Texas and then Florida.
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Mongey, Vanessa. "A Tale of Two Brothers: Haiti’s Other Revolutions". Americas 69, n.º 1 (julho de 2012): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0062.
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Sévère Courtois's modest ambition was to revolutionize the world. “It is man's holy cause and duty to protect and aid the defense and to establish Independence in all the Universe,” he instructed his brother Joseph in October 1821. At the time, the Courtois brothers were a mere hundred miles apart; Sévère had set up an independent government on Providencia Island, in the western Caribbean, and Joseph was embarking on a political career of his own in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Though the two brothers were born in the French colony of St. Domingue, the tumults of the Age of Revolutions had swept them away from their native island. At the time Sévère penned the letter urging his brother to support his universal liberation enterprise, Joseph had just come back from fighting in the Napoleonic wars in Europe. Sévère had participated in multiple revolutionary coups and moved from New Orleans to Cartagena, and from there to Texas and then Florida.
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Kościołek, Anna. ""Rosyjskie Wilno" Andrzeja Murawjowa". Acta Polono-Ruthenica 3, n.º XXIII (30 de setembro de 2018): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/apr.2820.
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The article is an attempt to present the impressions of Andrey Muraviev, religious writer, theologian, poet, playwright, church and state activist, from his stay in Vilnius in 1863, on the basis of his work entitled The Russian Vilnius. It consists of six essays on Vilnius religious monuments: the Chapel of Our Lady of Ostra Brama, St. Paraskeva Orthodox church, Orthodox cathedral of Our Most Holy Lady, Orthodox church of translation of St Nicholas’ relics, Holy Trinity cathedral, Holy Spirit church and monastery complex. The author was only interested in monuments which would document the city’s connections to Russia and Orthodox Christianity. His reflections might be considered as a literary justification for the program of Russification of the north-west country, developed by the writer’s brother, Mikhail, who went down in Polish historical memory as Veshatiel.
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Christianto, Victor. "Kesatuan dan Perbedaan dalam Gereja Perdana". Indonesian Journal of Theology 2, n.º 2 (13 de fevereiro de 2015): 179–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.46567/ijt.v2i2.74.
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Two interesting questions in relation to the Early Church history are the extent of unity or diversity among Peter, James, and Paul; and also how Paul's thoughts have shaped the direction of the Church in later periods. Answers to these questions will be very helpful in order that we can give a proper response to "Paulinism", an accusation which some non-Christian thinkers often have towards Christians (c.f. Tom Jacobs). Such an accusation (Paulinism) basically says that Christianity is a religion created by St. Paul, not Jesus Christ. In order to respond to such an accusation, in this article the writer will describe: what was the historical truth concerning relation between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church generally, and especially the relation between St. Paul and James the brother of Jesus. It will be shown that the relationship between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church did not indicate separation or conflict, but unity in diversity. This article is written with a purpose to open a new constructive way of interfaith dialogue; nonetheless, this is just preliminary research, therefore, this article may not give the last word or a definitive answer to the problems posed above.
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Hejmej, Andrzej. "Opera Stefana Themersona (St. Francis & The Wolf of Gubbio or Brother Francis’ Lamb Chops)". Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 16, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2012): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.16.06.
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Tretyakov, Evgeniy O. "(Post)colonial Nationalism or National (Post)Colonialism: 20th Anniversary of Brother 2". Imagologiya i komparativistika, n.º 16 (2021): 244–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/15.
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The article focuses on Alexey Balabanov’s flagship film Brother 2 (2000), which is devoted to the Russian neo-imperial ambitions and traditionally perceived as a “popular” manifesto of Russian nationalism. The author proposes an approach based on the concepts of postcolonial theory and decolonial thinking (in the Tlostanian sense). Firstly, the creation of a unique author’s style by the “provincial” Balabanov (a native of Sverdlovsk) can be viewed as a contradiction to the postcolonial theory, which says that the “subaltern” (Gayatri Spivak) cannot speak in the face of the metropolis. Of course, this only takes place if we recognize the legitimacy of Alexander Etkind’s concept of a specific “internal colonization” in the Russian statehood. Secondly, the evolution of Balabanov’s hero does not imply any preferences for the Russians and constructs a single paradigm to unite Danila Bagrov - “the first real hero of the post-Soviet cinema” (Vasily Koretsky), the Englishman John Boyle from the film War, the Yakut woman Mergen from the short film River, Major Scriabin nicknamed Yakut (Fireman) ... Thus, Balavanov’s mythology of “brotherhood” is not international, yet it cannot be reduced to Russianness (Andrey Plakhov). Thirdly, the metropolis in Balabanov’s dilogy, be it “not Leningrad, but Petersburg”, the capital Moscow or the gangster Chicago, is losing its status as a stronghold of modernity. Its inviability can be seen in the empty streets of St. Petersburg and Moscow. Danila arrives in St. Petersburg from the provincial Priozersk, where life is marked by the patriarchal humanity (images of his mother, his father’s classmate). The hero epitomizes the power of the national soil. He is an epic Bogatyr who goes back to the idea of heroism. In the finale, Danila leaves his brother in Chicago, having gone through an existential experience and realized that war is not a national clash. Having killed many people, he fails to avenge the death of a friend. He longs for abstract justice, but helps a man who is unworthy of the sacrifice. Danila acquires a real friend - an American named Ben and a brother in arms - a prostitute Dasha, who unexpectedly complements the gallery of seemingly schematic female characters epitomizing all the hypostases of a woman in the logic of imperial / colonial modernity (mother / lover / reborn harlot). All this radically destroys traditional national / gender definitions. Thus, these contaminations form the original paradigm of the author’s view, which critically “explodes” the seemingly self-evident nationalist discourse of the film Brother 2 with its inherent racism, sexism, and other xenophobic features.
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Subotsky, Fiona. "Dracula (1897), Bram Stoker". British Journal of Psychiatry 195, n.º 3 (setembro de 2009): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.195.3.263.
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Bram Stoker (1847–1912) came from an Irish medical family whose influence is not hard to detect in his most famous work, Dracula, which sadly did not bring him the fame and fortune which his older brother William Thornley achieved. The latter was not only President of the Irish College of Surgeons and knighted, but held appointments at the two major Dublin asylums – the Richmond Hospital and St Patrick's. He was even a member of the Medico–Psychological Society for a while, and thus was well-placed to advise on the activities and thought-processes of the doctors in Dracula.
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Freller, Thomas. ""Adversus Infideles": Some Notes On the Cavalier's Tour, the Fleet of the Order of St. John, and the Maltese Corsairs". Journal of Early Modern History 4, n.º 3-4 (2000): 405–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00060.
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AbstractOriginally a charitable monastic institution devoted to the care of Christian pilgrims in the Holy Land, the Hospitallers of St. John became a military order during the twelfth century. The arrival of the Order of St. John in Malta in 1530 brought this island to the attention of European leaders and their subjects; indeed, the number of visitors who wrote about their sojourns on the island in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is remarkable. At this time private military tours to Malta came to be integrated into what was called the Cavalier's Tour. The famous caravans of the fleet of the Order of St. John played a special role in this development, since participation in the caravans-usually involving naval engagements against the infidel-was considered an integral part of a gentleman's education. The survival of the chivalric Order of St. John seems to testify to the spiritual and cultural continuity of the Crusades up through the period of the Counter Reformation. But closer examination of individual European travelers suggests a rather pragmatic and quite "tolerant" approach to the foreign world. This essay concentratcs on Northern European sources, as it was mainly the Northerners who made the Cavalier's Tour a regular ritual, often entailing the compilation of a detailed travel diary. The accounts of the travelers from Prussia, the Scandinavian countries and central and south Germany show that both Catholics and Protestants alike came to Malta, mainly for reasons of fame, career and the acquisition of military and nautical experience. By the middle of the eighteenth century the Order and its fleet had degenerated to an ornamental show. This decline coincided with the end of the phenomenon dealt with here. In the so-called "Grand Tour" of the second half of the eighteenth century-mostly undertaken by rich Englishmen-there was no space for a trip "adversus infideles." This new type of tour was meant for private pleasure and cultural education. The Ottoman empire was no longer seen as a threat. In contrast to the old emnity, there was a new vogue for things "oriental." The island of Malta and the state of the Knights became an object of curiosity and romantic chivalry.
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Carney, Margaret. "Presentation of the Franciscan Institute Medal to Brother William Short, OFM Feast of St. Bonaventure, 2014". Franciscan Studies 72, n.º 1 (2014): 503–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/frc.2014.0015.
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NICHOLSON, H. J. "Margaret de Lacy and the Hospital of St John at Aconbury, Herefordshire". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, n.º 4 (outubro de 1999): 629–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002511.
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On 10 October 1216, eight days before his death, King John sent instructions to Walter de Lacy, sheriff of Hereford, by letters patent:Know that for the sake of God we have conceded to Margaret de Lacy three carucates of land to be assarted and cultivated in our forest of Aconbury, to build there a certain religious house for the souls of William de Braose her father, Matilda her mother and William her brother. And we instruct you to assign those three carucates of land in the aforesaid forest to the same Margaret.For the historian of King John, this concession indicates that the king was at last prepared to restore to his favour the Braoses and the Lacys, Welsh Marcher lords and barons of Ireland, who had spectacularly fallen from favour in 1208. Yet for the historian of the military orders and of monastic orders in general, it marks the beginning of a relationship between a patron and a religious house which gives a valuable insight into how that relationship could go badly wrong.
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Strękowski, Stanisław. "Stworzenie świata w wybranych pismach Ojców Kapadockich". Studia Teologii Dogmatycznej 7 (2021): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/std.2021.07.12.
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The creation of the world was a highly debated topic in the first centuries of Christianity with the advent of many attempts to synthesize the views of Greek philosophers on cosmogenesis with the biblical tradition. In the fourth century, theological controversy arose which, as in the case of Arius and his followers, treated the Son as a creature, the most perfect indeed, but a creature that did not have the same dignity and majesty as the Father. To the treatise of St. Basil on the six days of creation (Hexaemeron), St. Gregory of Nyssa responds with his own treatise De opificio hominis. Where the deceased brother ends his series of homilies, Gregory of Nyssa begins his interpretation. It was written probably in the years 380-381, so after the death of the Bishop of Caesarea. Most likely, it was intended as a defense, but also as a correction to the more famous homilies on the history of the creation of the world, presented in the first chapter of the Book of Genesis. At the same time, the treatise of St. Gregory of Nyssa contains his own observations on the text of Genesis, which reflect his deep desire to show the coherence between Scripture and the philosophy of his time.
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Popovic, Danica. "When was king Stefan the first-crowned included among the saints? A contribution to the study of royal “canonization” in medieval Serbia". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, n.º 50-2 (2013): 573–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350573p.
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The surviving sources suggest that St Sava of Serbia was, as part of the programme of securing sacral legitimacy for the state and dynasty, setting the scene for the inclusion of his brother Stefan, the first-crowned Serbian king, among the saints. This part of the programme was not fully realized, but the focus of the cult was on the incorrupt relics. The cult of Stefan the First-Crowned was not rounded off until the seventeenth century, when the Patriarch Paisios wrote a vita and a service. The development of the cult over the centuries (from the 13th to the 20th century) was a direct reflection of changing historical circumstances and the prevailing ideology of rulership.
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Bennell, A. S. "Arthur Wellesley as political agent: 1803". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 119, n.º 2 (abril de 1987): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00140663.
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Political as well as military experience in India, was the making of Arthur Wellesley. In 1797 he landed at Fort William, Calcutta, an unknown Colonel of twenty-seven, a rank achieved by aristocratic connection and by purchase. In March 1805 he sailed from Fort St George, Madras, a Major General and a KCB. The battle of Assaye in September 1803 with other military events of that year had laid the foundation of British paramountcy in India. The story of the Assaye campaign has been told many times; the attempt is here made to highlight some political interactions that flowed from a major delegation of authority to Arthur Wellesley by his brother Richard.
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Crossley Evans, M. J. "The Maternal Ancestry of Sir Hans Sloane (1660–1753), and the Household of Ann Hamilton (c 1612–89), Countess of Clanbrassil". Antiquaries Journal 80, n.º 1 (setembro de 2000): 302–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500050289.
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The uncertainty about Sir Hans Sloane's maternal family already existed in his own lifetime, and it is clear that both Sir Hans, and his brother William Sloane of Chelsea, had hazy knowledge of their mother's family. In 1726, both brothers applied for a grant of arms, almost thirty-five years after their mother's death. Sir Hans's scholarly biographer, Dr E St John Brooks, states that the associated pedigree records Sir Hans's mother as one Sarah Hickes, daughter of ‘Dr Hickes, an eminent divine, prebendary of the cathedral church of Winchester, and chaplain to Dr Laud, archbishop of Canterbury; and accompanying to Ireland Anne, the eldest daughter of Henry, earl of Monmouth, and wife of James Hamilton, Lord Viscount Claneboy and earl of Clanbrazil.
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Schlenker, Ines. "Saving St Christopher: The History of a Looted Painting". International Journal of Cultural Property 28, n.º 3 (agosto de 2021): 465–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s094073912100028x.
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AbstractWhen, the day after the Anschluss, the Viennese aristocrat Henriette von Motesiczky and her daughter, the painter Marie-Louise von Motesiczky, fled Vienna, they left behind an “old German” painting known as Knight and Devil. In 2016, by now identified as part of an early sixteenth-century altarpiece by the Master of St Christopher with the Devil and entitled St Christopher Meeting the Devil, the painting entered the collection of the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. It was donated by the Marie-Louise von Motesiczky Charitable Trust in memory of its former owner Karl von Motesiczky, Marie-Louise’s brother, who had perished in Auschwitz. This article, based on detailed archival research, traces the history of St Christopher Meeting the Devil after 1938. The painting, forcefully taken from its owner, made its way through the National Socialist art-looting operation, encountering some of its main protagonists in the process. Sold at auction in 1943, it ended up at the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen in Munich from where, in 1950, it was restituted to the surviving members of the Motesiczky family, now living in England. In an exemplary way, the fate of St Christopher Meeting the Devil throws a light on the workings of the National Socialist looting system and the steps that the Allied Forces undertook after the war to rectify the crimes they uncovered. It also highlights the problems that gaps in the knowledge of an artwork’s provenance can cause in the attempt to reconstruct cases of expropriation and emphasizes the role goodwill plays in reaching fair solutions.
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Łobodzińska, Patrycja. "Crucifixus dolorosus z kościoła Bożego Ciała we Wrocławiu". Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, sectio L – Artes 15, n.º 1 (8 de dezembro de 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/l.2017.15.1.7.
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<p>Krucyfiks z kościoła Bożego Ciała we Wrocławiu, należącego niegdyś do zakonu joannitów, znajduje się dziś w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie. Rzeźba jest różnie datowana przez badaczy, od drugiej do czwartej ćwierci XIV wieku. Dokładny opis formalno-stylistyczny figury z kościoła Bożego Ciała pozwala na uchwycenie właściwości wizualnych, które częściowo potwierdzają postulowaną przez badaczy łączność z czternastowiecznym nurtem c<em>rucifixi dolorosi.</em>Bliskie formalnie rozwiązania sylwetki Ukrzyżowanego pochodzą z różnych terenów europejskich, jednocześnie jednak dzieło wrocławskie jawi się jako osobne na tle przywołanej grupy rzeźb pod względem stopnia wyniszczenia ciała, silnego przechylenia korpusu w prawą stronę, mocnego podkurczenia nóg i poszczególnych detali rzeźbiarskich. Figura wrocławska nawiązuje do zgeometryzowanych form znanych z krucyfiksów bolesnych z pierwszej połowy XIV wieku i jednocześnie w miękkości wygięcia torsu, w płynności kształtów żeber dostrzec można antycypację stylu pięknego. Zestawienie krucyfiksu z kościoła Bożego Ciała z wybranymi przykładami czternastowiecznej rzeźby śląskiej także wyklucza związki formalno-stylistyczne oraz warsztatowe. Jego wyraz ideowy, pokrewny Piecie z Lubiąża, łączy się ze specyficzną dla drugiej połowy XIII i całego XIV wieku pobożnością, zorientowaną na rozpatrywanie Męki Pańskiej i indywidualne przeżycie religijne. Choć poszczególne detale rzeźbiarskie właściwie figurze z kościoła joannitów, można łączyć z niektórymi wrocławskimi krucyfiksami, tak ekspresyjne ujęcie ciała nie znajduje sobie równych.</p><p>SUMMARY</p><p>The crucifi x from the Corpus Christi church in Wroclaw, which (the church) used to belong to the Hospitallers of St. John of God, is now the property of the National Museum in Warsaw. According to the art theorists, the sculpture is dated from the second to the fourth quarter of the fourteenth century. The detailed, formal and stylistic description of the sculpture from the Corpus Christi church enables the rendering of visual properties which partially confi rm the suggested connection between this fi gure and the fourteenth-century trend in sculpture known as crucifi xi dolorosi. The formally related structural solutions of the silhouette of the Crucifi ed come from different parts of Europe; at the same time, however, the sculpture from Wrocław seems to stand out as compared with the sculptures in question as regards the destroyed body of Christ, the strong inclination of His torso to the right, the squatted legs and particular sculptural details. The fi gure from the church in Wrocław refers to geometrized forms known from crucifi xi dolorosi of the fi rst half of the fourteenth century; at the same time the softness of the curved torso and the smoothness of the ribs anticipate the emergence of the beau style. The comparison of the crucifi x from the Corpus-Christi church with the selected examples of fourteenth- century Silesian sculptures also excludes formal-stylistic and technical connections. Its ideological meaning is close to the Pietà of Lubiąż (Leubus) and is associated with the specifi c type of devotion – typical of the second part of the thirteenth and the whole fourteenth century – oriented towards considering the Passion of Christ, and towards individual religious experiences. Although individual sculptural details characteristic of the Hospitallers of St. John church can be linked with some other Wrocław crucifi xes, the presentation of the body in such an expressive manner is unmatchable.</p>
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Cameron, James K. "The Conciliarism of John Mair: A Note on A Disputation on the Authority of a Council". Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1987): 429–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002088.
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In his important and incisive essay ‘What was conciliarism? Conciliar theory in historical perspective’ Antony Black draws attention to the use made of biblical passages by conciliarist writers. He writes, ‘from Gerson onwards, and most markedly in Segovia, we hear the rebuke that the canonists have misunderstood the structure of ecclesiastical authority by introducing notions derived from secular, Roman law; we hear the call to return to scripture and patristic tradition.’ Among the passages used by them he cites ‘the dominical precept to “tell the community (die ecclesie)” if a brother errs persistently (Matthew 18.15-20)’. This appeal to the dominical precept in matters of community discipline was not new. Indeed, its use in this connection has a long and interesting history. One of its earliest appearances is in the Rule of St Benedict.
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Morrissey, Thomas J. "A Man of the Universal Church: Peter James Kenney, S.J., 1779–1841". Recusant History 24, n.º 3 (maio de 1999): 320–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002545.
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Kenney, Peter James (1779–1841), was born in Dublin, probably at 28 Drogheda Street, on 7 July, 1779. His father, Peter, and his mother, formerly Ellen Molloy, ran a small business. Apart from Peter, the other known children were Anne Mary, who joined the convent of the Sisters of St. Clare, and an older brother, or half-brother, Michael, who set up an apothecary’s shop in Waterford.Peter was born, therefore, in the decade which saw the American Revolution, the Suppression of the Jesuits and, in Ireland, the birth of Daniel O’Connell—destined to become ‘The Liberator’. The need to keep Ireland quiet during the American conflict, led to concessions to the Catholic population. The first of these was in 1778. Others followed when the French Revolution raised possibilities of unrest. In 1792 the establishment of Catholic colleges was allowed, and entry to the legal profession. These led to the founding of Carlow College and to Daniel O’Connell’s emergence as a lawyer. The following year the Irish parliament was obliged by the government to extend the parliamentary franchise to Catholics. Increased freedom, however, and the government’s connivance at the non-application of the penal laws, led to increased resentment against the laws themselves and, among middle-class Catholics, to a relishing of Edmund Burke’s celebrated reminder to the House of Commons in 1780, that ‘connivance is the relaxation of slavery, not the definition of liberty’.
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Gała, Sebastian, e Barbara Mazur. "Społeczna odpowiedzialność stowarzyszeń charytatywnych w świetle badań empirycznych". Polish Journal for Sustainable Development 25, n.º 1 (2022): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/pjsd.2021.25.1.3.
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The article is devoted to the social responsibility of non-governmental organizations. Activities undertaken by St. Brother Albert Aid Society operating in the district of Świdnik have been assessed. The first part of the article presents issues related to the concept of corporate social responsibility of business and non-governmental organizations. The second part presents the results of research conducted among people using the Society's help and representatives of the local community who do not use such assistance. The results of the survey confirmed the assumptions adopted in the study that with the increase in the number of activities of the Society, the awareness of the problem of poverty and homelessness grows, as well as the quality of life of people affected by these problems. The conclusions from the research are presented at the end of the article.
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William F. Purcell. "The Gospel According to Barbara Kingsolver: Brother Fowles and St. Francis of Assisi in The Poisonwood Bible". Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 12, n.º 1 (2008): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.0.0019.
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Καραλής, Ηλίας, e Γρηγόριος Χ. Κουτρόπουλος. "Το καθολικό της Νέας Μονής Ζαλόγγου Αρχιτεκτονική και ζωγραφική". Πρεβεζάνικα Χρονικά, n.º 53-54 (31 de dezembro de 2017): 045. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/prch.28275.
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The monastery of Zalongo is located on the mountain called «Zalongo» inthe region of Preveza in Epirus. St. Demetrios, which is the Katholikonof the monastery, is an instance of a variation of the type of single-aisleddomed church. The church consists of nave, bema, and a narthex. The mostinteresting element of the church is that the dome is supported by four arches, which rest on two pairs of pilasters formed in the north and the south wall, through a part of a sphere.The iconographical program of the Κatholikon of Saint Demetrios in Zalongodates to 1816 by the published inscription. The unpublished but restored program was executed by the artists Ioannis (priest) and his brother Christodoulos from Koritiani. The program reveals that the artists choose themes between the post-Byzantine northwestern workshop and the stylistics trends from others artists from the Katsanochoria region and Kapesovo village.