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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "British Military orders"
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Antic, Cedomir. "Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912". Balcanica, n.º 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
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On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
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Robson, Martin. "British intervention in Portugal, 1793–1808". Historical Research 76, n.º 191 (1 de fevereiro de 2003): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00167.
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Abstract In the summer of 1808 a British army was dispatched to Portugal with orders to expel French troops from Lisbon and then to defend the country against further attacks. Thus commenced a six-year commitment to the region. The history of British involvement in the Peninsular War is familiar to many through the works of William Napier, Charles Oman and Sir John Fortescue. However, a point often overlooked is that although the operation began with limited aims, it evolved into a major, long-term financial and military commitment, which was not typical of wider British strategy in this period or of traditional British intervention in Portuguese affairs. It is the intention here to examine the period 1793–1808, when a succession of both tory and whig governments intervened in Portugal with aims that were defensive, limited in scope and characterized by the use of maritime-based expeditionary forces.
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FOWLER, WILL. "Joseph Welsh: A British Santanista (Mexico, 1832)". Journal of Latin American Studies 36, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2004): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03007065.
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Joseph Welsh was the British Vice Consul in the port of Veracruz at the time of the uprising of 1832 by General Antonio López de Santa Anna against the government of Anastasio Bustamante. Contravening the orders of his superiors, who reiterated the view that it was his obligation to observe the strictest neutrality in the conflict and not interfere in Mexican politics, Welsh found himself supporting Santa Anna and the rebels. As a result, at the end of March, Bustamante's administration demanded that he be removed from office. The British Minister Plenipotentiary, Richard Pakenham, acquiesced. This article provides a narrative of the events that led to Welsh's forced resignation and explores what they tell us about British diplomacy in Mexico during the early national period. It also analyses Welsh's understanding of the revolt and his views on Santa Anna, providing some insights, from a generally ignored British perspective, into Santa Anna's notorious appeal and politico-military measures.
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Chaline, Olivier. ""I Told Him That the French Army Being Auxiliary in This Continent, It Was Up to the American General to Give His Orders": The Paradoxes of French Military Operations in America, 1778–1783". Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 22, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2024): 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eam.2024.a920459.
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Abstract: On 19 October 1781, at the surrender of Yorktown, the Comte de Rochambeau replied to the British general Charles O'Hara, who wanted to give his sword to Rochambeau rather than George Washington, that the French army was only auxiliary on this continent. This reply corresponded exactly to the mission defined at Versailles the previous year. But it is surprising: how can a great military power take orders from a smaller one? The answer lies in the evolution of the practical arrangements for Franco-American military cooperation between 1778 and 1781. France sent large naval and land forces across the Atlantic. But for success to be possible, the French and Americans had to be able to act together, and French sailors and soldiers had to be able to master combined operations.
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Gough, Barry M. "American sealers, the United States Navy, and the Falklands 1830–32". Polar Record 28, n.º 166 (julho de 1992): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400020684.
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ABSTRACTBy the early 1830s, American sealers expected free access to the waters and harbours of the Falkland Islands, an active rule over which had not been recognized by the United States. The US government, in the form of President Andrew Jackson and the State Department, adhered to a policy of freedom of the seas, and therefore backed the rights of American sealers to unrestricted access in the South Atlantic. After three sealing ships were impounded by the Argentinian authorities in the Falklands in 1831, the US Navy sloop Lexington, under the command of Captain Silas Duncan, destroyed the island group's capital at Puerto Soledad, and, with it, the Argentine military defences. The State Department informed the Argentine govermcnt that it had no claims, historic or actual, to the Falklands. The American policy of not recognizing the Argentine claims, which continued for half a century, did not interfere with British designs. In 1832–33 the British government issued orders for the Admiralty to send a warship to re-establish British control of the Falklands.
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Loft, Philip. "Weaving the Legal Tapestry of the Union State: Privilege, Litigation and Statutes in Scotland, 1707–1800". Scottish Historical Review 99, n.º 2 (outubro de 2020): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0462.
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Despite the incorporating union of 1707, the pursuit of legislation at Westminster was an overwhelmingly English practice in the eighteenth century, even when Scotland's smaller population is taken into account. Narratives of the making of the post-union state have commonly stressed Scotland's limited incorporation before 1800, and the significance of executive action exercised through military force and orders from central boards for manufactories and agriculture. But if our attention is turned to litigation, a different picture of the British state and Scotland's place within it emerges. Scottish appeals to the house of lords, which was the state's highest civil court, are shown to be a means of bringing in British power to maintain autonomy and privilege at the local, rather than national, level. With much litigation centred on preserving local privileges, the utility of ‘nation’ as an interpretive framework is questioned. Both British and Scottish governance are shown to be pluralistic, with considerable mixing of privileges and autonomies. During the century, Scots applied for Westminster's power to defend their privileges from infringement by other Scots, whilst also insulating themselves from some of the effects of Westminster legislation. The union was constituted by a shifting and mixed tapestry of laws.
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STOTHARD, J. RUSSELL, NARCIS B. KABATEREINE, JOHN ARCHER, HAJRI AL-SHEHRI, LOUIS ALBERT TCHUEM-TCHUENTÉ, MARGARET GYAPONG e AMAYA L. BUSTINDUY. "A centenary of Robert T. Leiper's lasting legacy on schistosomiasis and a COUNTDOWN on control of neglected tropical diseases". Parasitology 144, n.º 12 (1 de julho de 2016): 1602–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031182016000998.
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SUMMARYPart of Robert T. Leiper's (1881–1969) lasting legacy in medical helminthology is grounded on his pioneering work on schistosomiasis (Bilharzia). Having undertaken many expeditions to the tropics, his fascination with parasite life cycles typically allowed him to devise simple preventive measures that curtailed transmission. Building on his formative work with others in Africa and Asia, and again in Egypt in 1915, he elucidated the life cycles of African schistosomes. His mandate, then commissioned by the British War Office, was to prevent and break transmission of this disease in British troops. This he did by raising standing orders based on simple water hygiene measures. Whilst feasible in military camp settings, today their routine implementation is sadly out of reach for millions of Africans living in poverty. Whilst we celebrate the centenary of Leiper's research we draw attention to some of his lesser known colleagues, then focus on schistosomiasis in Uganda discussing why expanded access to treatment with praziquantel is needed now. Looking to WHO 2020 targets for neglected tropical diseases, we introduce COUNTDOWN, an implementation research consortium funded by DFID, UK, which fosters the scale-up of interventions and confirm the current relevance of Leiper's original research.
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Kowalski, Rachel Caroline. "“Who ran that war?”: David A Charters, Whose Mission, Whose Orders? British civil-military command and control in Northern Ireland, 1968–1974". Irish Studies Review 27, n.º 2 (25 de março de 2019): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2019.1594024.
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Grumel, François. "La France et la marine yougoslave (1918-1935)". Revue Historique des Armées 240, n.º 3 (2005): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rharm.2005.5745.
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France and the Yougoslav Navy ; 1918-1935 ; After contributing significantly to the establishment of the Kingdom of the South Slavs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918-19 and to drawing its frontiers, France then tied the country into a geo-political system, alongside Poland, Romania and Czechoslovakia, designed to constitute a counterweight to any future fresh German drive into southeastern Europe. However, though the French presence was very marked in the new Yugoslav army and air force, it encountered strong resistance in the navy arising from the fact that the officers of the Yugoslav marine were all veterans of the former Austro-Hungarian navy, which had recruited chiefly among the Croats of Dalmatia. They had therefore fought in 1914-18 ‘on the other side’, and impeded French efforts, notably in the field of orders for armaments -and therefore in the sense of achieving standardised weaponry throughout the Little Entente. French diplomacy also had a responsibility for this impasse because — when faced by the growing antagonism between fascist Italy and a Yugoslavia led by the Serbian Karageordjovic dynasty - it refused to side with its client-State. France avoided as far as possible any naval deployments into the Adriatic (which Rome considered as an ‘Italian lake’), preferring to maintain comunications via the Greek port of Salonika and through Macedonia. This state of affairs created the opportunity for Britain to enter the market for Yugoslav shipbuilding contracts in the early 1930s -reflecting British interest in a fleet that was small but had the potential to offset Italy’s threat to the Mediterranean and the route to India via Suez, after the 1930 London naval limitations treaty. French naval influence was only salvaged in 1934 when the Serbian military ‘establishment’ finally extended its grip to the only Yugoslav armed service that had previously escaped it. France was thus able to prevail in securing naval orders over its German and especially its British competitors. However this happy turn of events was unique to the Yugoslav navy : in the other two Yugoslav armed services, French influence was by now on the wane. And alongside this, furthermore, Milan Stojadinovic, Yugoslavia’s prime minister from June 1935 to February 1939, steadily re-aligned his country closer to Nazi Germany and fascist Italy.
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Hsia, R. Po-chia. "Christianity and Empire: The Catholic Mission in Late Imperial China". Studies in Church History 54 (14 de maio de 2018): 208–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.1.
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Reflecting on the theme of ‘Empire and Christianity’, this article compares two periods in the Catholic mission to China. The first period, between 1583 and 1800, was characterized by the accommodation of European missionaries to the laws, culture and customs of the Chinese empire during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The work of the Jesuits, in particular, demonstrated a method of evangelization in which Christian teachings could be accommodated to the political realities of Late Imperial China as exemplified by the work of Matteo Ricci, Ferdinand Verbiest, Tomas Pereira, Joachim Gerbillon and many generations of Jesuits and missionaries of other religious orders. The Chinese Rites Controversy, however, disrupted this accommodation between Christianity and empire in China. Despite tacit toleration in the capital, Christianity was outlawed after 1705. After the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773, Catholicism in China became increasingly indigenized. In 1842, after the defeat of the Qing empire by the British in the First Opium War, the prohibition of Christianity was lifted. Both Catholic and Protestant missionaries entered China, backed by Western diplomatic and military power. This led to the confrontation between China and Christianity, culminating in the 1900 Boxer Uprising. A concerted effort to indigenize Christianity in the early twentieth century ultimately failed, resulting in the separation of Christianity in China from global Christianity after 1950.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "British Military orders"
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Anglim, Simon. "Orde Wingate and the British Army, 1922-1944 : military thought and practice compared and contrasted". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/8b6d797a-a17e-4f3d-b1f7-2858a7ce9313.
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Major General Orde Charles Wingate (1903-1944) is one of the most controversial British military commanders of the last hundred years. This controversy stems from two broad sources: the first of these was his idiosyncratic and occasionally tempestuous personality; the second is the alleged 'radicalism' of his military ideas, both of which contributed to a series of feuds and acrimonies with other senior officers in the British Army. Wingate first came to the notice of his seniors when he organised the Special Night Squads, a specialist counterterrorist force comprising British soldiers and Jewish police, in Palestine in 1938; in 1940-41, he planned and commanded covert operations, in cooperation with local guerrillas, inside Italian-occupied Ethiopia; he is best remembered in the UK, however, for his command of Long Range Penetration Groups, or 'Chindits', in Burma in 1943-44. The Chindit operations in particular split opinion in the literature, debates in which centre upon their cost-effectiveness and their actual worth, and many imply that they marked a major departure from British military thought and practice hitherto. Some post-war authors have attempted to present Wingate as 'ahead of his time', a forerunner of various late twentieth and twenty-first century models of warfare. However, a survey of Wingate's own papers – closed to the public until 1995 - and other contemporary documents and testimony, reveals an organically evolving and increasingly coherent body of military ideas consistent with the military thought and practice of the British Army in the theatres where Wingate served, that did not mark a radical departure from them until almost the end of his career. Wingate was firmly 'of his time', and not of any other.
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Forrester, Charles James. "Great captains and the challenge of second order technology :". Diss., 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18045.
Texto completo da fonteLivros sobre o assunto "British Military orders"
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Litherland, A. R. Spink's standard catalogue of British and associated orders, decorations & medals, with valuations. London: Spink, 1990.
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Nicholson, Helen J. The Knights Templar on trial: The trial of the Templars in the British Isles, 1308-1311. Stroud, Gloucestershire: History Press, 2009.
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Nicholson, Helen J. The Knights Templar on trial: The trial of the Templars in the British Isles, 1308-1311. Stroud, Gloucestershire: History Press, 2009.
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Office, Great Britain War. British North America (arms, &c.): Return showing the number of arms, &c., sent to British North America, from December 1861 and ordered in consequence of the affair of the "Trent". [London: HMSO, 2001.
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Council, Privy. Whereas by a former order of the second of Iuly last, it was directed, that in respect of the necessity of perfecting the fortifications of this garrison, all strangers, inhabitants, and resiant within this university and city, being above the age of sixteene, (except such as should be upon the guards) should upon the foure severall dayes therein appointed, worke at the said fortifications, behind Christ-Church. Printed at Oxford: By Leonard Li[chfield] ..., 1985.
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Maslen-Jones, E. W. Fire by order: Recollections of service with 656 Air Observation Post Squadron in Burma. London: L. Cooper, 1997.
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Moreman, Tim. British Commandos 1940-46 (Battle Orders). Osprey Publishing, 2006.
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Gudmundsson, Bruce. The British Expeditionary Force 1914-15 (Battle Orders). Osprey Publishing, 2005.
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Whose Mission, Whose Orders?: British Civil-Military Command and Control in Northern Ireland, 1968-1974. McGill-Queen's University Press, 2017.
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Burke, Bernard. The Book of Orders of Knighthood and Decorations of Honour of All Nations, Comprising a Historical Account of Each Order, Military, Naval, and Civil, ... and Companions of Each British Order .. Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "British Military orders"
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Nicholson, Helen. "The Knights Hospitaller on the Frontiers of the British Isles". In Mendicants, Military Orders, and Regionalism in Medieval Europe, 47–57. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315249148-4.
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Stripp, Alan. "Marching Orders". In Codebreaker In The Far East, 29–38. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192853165.003.0003.
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Abstract By now I had unexpectedly become a Sergeant and ate in the Sergeants ’ Mess; only at an establishment like GCHQ could one leap the two intervening ranks in one go. Mary had scarcely sewn on my three stripes when I learnt that the commission already hinted at was on its way for me and for eight others: Jock Anderson, Marcus Crowley, Joe Cunningham, Tony Fenn-Wiggin, David Jones, Peter Soskice, David Warwick and Tim Whewell. To make us still more military we were to go on a course at Rushden Hall. We arranged to meet. The Japanese linguists just outnumbered the German, but we were united in our ignorance of Rushden Hall, and consulted the Adjutant. It was in Northamptonshire and was ‘something to do with REME, the Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers’. Curiouser and curiouser—but we were given a few days’ leave to get our uniforms and get ourselves organised. A new personal number also arrived, much easier to remember: P 329137. One difference between the commissioned and the non commissioned is that the uniform for the latter, shabby and ill-fitting though it may be, particularly in the British Army, is provided free; officers buy their own. There is much more to get: service dress as well as battle-dress, shirts, ties, an immense greatcoat instead of the absurd gas-cape of the private soldier, a hat, more comfortable boots that actually fit, khaki handkerchieves by tradition, a short swagger-stick, and a pair of pips. Most people, knowing that the transition from second lieutenant is only a matter of time, buy two pairs. Optimists get three; only the immodestly ambitious buy a pair of crowns as well. My prospective father-in-law kindly gave me his Sam Browne belt from the 1914—18 war, in which he had won a Military Cross.
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Weddle, Kevin J. "A New British Strategy". In The Compleat Victory:, 51–72. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195331400.003.0004.
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This chapter covers in detail British strategy development in late 1776 and early 1777. During this period, British senior leaders—King George III, Lord George Germain, Lieutenant General John Burgoyne, and General Sir William Howe—created a military strategy they hoped would win the war in 1777. Howe’s plans called for an offensive to seize Philadelphia and Burgoyne’s a three-pronged offensive to split the rebellion in half. The chapter covers the competing plans in detail, the underlying assumptions, and the failure of British leaders to reconcile and coordinate Howe’s and Burgoyne’s plans. Instead of one comprehensive strategy commanded by one leader, the British essentially unleashed two uncoordinated military strategies without unity of command. The 3,000 miles between London and Howe’s headquarters in New York exacerbated the poor coordination. An appendix lists all the key orders and meetings and demonstrates the key issues that led to the faulty British strategy.
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Linenberg, Yorai. "Segregation of American and British Jewish POWs". In Jewish Soldiers in Nazi Captivity, 139–80. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198892786.003.0004.
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Abstract Chapter 3 deals with the segregation of American and British Jewish POWs from their non-Jewish comrades and uses cases of segregation to assess to what extent orders related to Jewish POWs were actually implemented by commanders of POWs in the military districts and by their subordinates, the POW camp commandants. The chapter reviews cases of segregation of these POWs and the response their non-Jewish comrades, as well as western governments and international organizations, had to the segregations, and suggests explanations as to why, when it came to American and British Jewish POWs, camp commandants in most cases chose to ignore segregation orders, even after the POW Office was taken over in October 1944 by SS General Gottlob Berger, who was known as ‘der allmächtige Gottlob’ (‘the almighty Gottlob’).
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Linenberg, Yorai. "American and British Jewish POWs in German POW Camps". In Jewish Soldiers in Nazi Captivity, 39–101. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198892786.003.0002.
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Abstract The chapter discusses the interactions American and British Jewish POWs had with their captors during their time in captivity, from the time of capture to their stay in the POW camps and in the labour detachments. The interactions include those with camp commandants, interrogators, and camp guards, as well as with other groups they came into contact with, such as forced labour workers and German civilians. Interactions that occurred outside the camp, for example when they were brought in front of a military court, or were treated in a hospital, are also discussed. The chapter examines how Jewish POWs were treated by these different groups, and attempts to explain their treatment by assessing whether the National Socialist indoctrination and individual anti-Semitic beliefs of the German soldiers they encountered were strong enough to overcome specific orders to treat these POWs according to the 1929 Geneva Convention.
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Delaney, Douglas E., e Andrew L. Brown. "Conclusion". In Manpower and the Armies of the British Empire in the Two World Wars, 214–22. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501755835.003.0016.
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This chapter reviews how defeating twentieth-century challengers to the British Empire and Commonwealth demanded careful management of military manpower. It considers building armies to meet enemies as an exceptionally complex business for the British Empire and Commonwealth as none of their national armies had sufficient forces-in-being in August 1914 and September 1939. It also reviews a wide range of army manpower issues, such as putting enough citizens into uniform, training them and balancing army requirements against those of the other services, industry, and agriculture. The chapter outlines observations on the themes of recruitment and conscription, training and the soldier's experience, and demobilization and postwar care. It highlights what the manpower-scrounging measures implied about societal pecking orders.
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Bennett, Huw, e Edward Burke. "The Aden Protectorate Levies, Counter-Insurgency, and the Loyalist Bargain in South Arabia, 1951–1957". In The Oxford Handbook of Late Colonial Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies, 418–36. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198866787.013.34.
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Abstract Loyalist bargains between European colonial powers and indigenous collaborators were fluid and frequently renegotiated. Indigenous forces could mutiny or refuse to execute orders they believed violated the terms of their agreement with the colonial power. As well as enabling colonial violence, locally recruited forces could also restrain it. This chapter examines the experiences and influence of local security forces in the Western Aden Protectorate from 1951 to 1957. It focuses on the Aden Protectorate Levies (APL) who proved increasingly reluctant to carry out a new forward policy in South Arabia. Rather than accepting the Air Ministry’s recommendation to temper their expansionism, colonial administrators blamed Royal Air Force officers in command of the APL for a collapse in morale and successfully campaigned for an increased role for the British Army in Aden and its protectorates. The result was the continued prosecution of a failed policy that consumed ever-greater British military resources.
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Mulqueen, John. "Conclusion". In 'An Alien Ideology', 245–48. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0010.
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‘Military neutrality’ and ‘political neutrality’ are not the same. The Irish authorities did not allow the state’s non-aligned status to prevent them joining the crusade in the West against communism. They had a Cold War agenda. In the 1950s, leading officials such as Colonel Dan Bryan in G2, the Irish army intelligence directorate, believed that Ireland should assist the NATO powers in their global struggle. So, too, did Peter Berry, the Department of Justice secretary in Dublin. They supplied detailed information on the tiny communist organisation to the ‘hypersensitive’ Americans, for example, and provided intelligence on ‘peace’ activists to the British. Details on suspect activists ended up in the files of the Church’s ‘vigilance’ committee – a clear breach of the separation of Church and State. As functionaries in what Berry termed the ‘communist international’, Michael O’Riordan in Dublin and Desmond Greaves in London were seen to be taking directions from the British communist party, the CPGB. The communists had their own Cold War agenda to follow, with ‘world peace’ Moscow’s priority. But this issue did not capture the imagination of the working class, as a frustrated Roy Johnston discovered. Nevertheless, orders were orders for Ireland’s ‘fifth column’. Some communist-led organisations, however, were believed to have recruitment potential. Could the CPGB-directed Connolly Association, and its equivalent in New York – both ‘dangerous’ in Bryan’s view – convert Irish exiles by highlighting issues related to Northern Ireland? Was there any possibility that communists could succeed in infiltrating the Irish republican movement?...
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Bramall, Sir Edwin. "The Place of the British Army in Public Order". In Military Intervention in Democratic Societies, 68–84. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003150466-3.
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Lux-Sterritt, Laurence. "Cloistered yet Militant:". In British and Irish Religious Orders in Europe, 1560–1800, 21–42. Boydell & Brewer Ltd, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2524xgq.8.
Texto completo da fonteTrabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "British Military orders"
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Малкин, С. Г. "Escalation and Colonial Control in the British Empire during the Interbellum". In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.027.
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Эпоха Интербеллума сопровождалась непрекращавшимися спорами сторонников различных правовых режимов функционирования колониального порядка в условиях роста повстанческой активности в Британской империи после Великой войны. Дискуссии по этому вопросу отражали теоретические и доктринальные противоречия, а также споры военных и гражданских властей по поводу границ их ответственности в этом вопросе. В статье анализируются изменения в подходах военных к определению параметров обеспечения внутренней безопасности в империи после Великой войны в связи с ограничениями правового характера и новыми вызовами колониальному правлению, обусловленными ростом национально-освободительного движения. В фокусе исследования – взгляды военного класса на юридическую рамку механизма управления колониальными кризисами: цель, задачи, параметры и назначение введения военного и чрезвычайного положения. Такой ракурс исследования позволил по-новому поставить вопрос об эволюции управленческих практик на завершающем этапе развития Британской империи, в эпоху ее деколонизации и трансформации. Особенности развития имперской школы военной мысли Великобритании в условиях возраставшего значения вооруженных сил и одновременного сокращения возможностей использования других рычагов влияния на сохранение власти метрополии в колониях и на иных зависимых территориях также рассматриваются в данной статье. The Interbellum era was accompanied by ongoing disputes between supporters of various legal regimes of the functioning of the colonial order amid the growth of rebel activity in the British Empire after the Great War. Discussions on this issue reflected theoretical and doctrinal contradictions, as well as disputes between the military and civilian authorities over the boundaries of their responsibility in this matter. The article analyzes changes in the military's approaches to determining the parameters of internal security in the empire after the Great War due to legal restrictions and new challenges to colonial rule due to the growth of the national liberation movement. The focus of the study is the views of the military class on the legal framework of the mechanism for managing colonial crises: the purpose, tasks, parameters and purpose of the introduction of martial law and emergency. This perspective of the study made it possible to raise the question of the evolution of management practices in a new way at the final stage of the development of the British Empire, in the era of its decolonization and transformation. The peculiarities of the development of the imperial school of military thought of Great Britain in the context of the increasing importance of the armed forces and the simultaneous reduction in the possibility of using other levers of influence on the preservation of the metropolis power in the colonies and other dependent territories are also considered in the article.
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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.
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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
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Сергеев, Е. Ю. "THE ROLE OF HIGH-RANKING POLITICAL INSTITUTES IN SOVIET-BRITISH RELATIONS DURING 1920s – EARLY 1930s (the case of the Soviet Union’s Revolutionary Military Council and the United Kingdom Committee of Imperial Defence)". In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.98.79.025.
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Реввоенсовет Советского Союза и Комитет имперской обороны Соединенного Королевства явились важнейшими военно-политическими структурами обеих великих держав, которые оказы-вали значительное влияние на формулирование и проведение в жизнь решений государственной важности. Автор рассматривает ключевые факторы этого воздействия на советско-британские от-ношения 1920-х – начала 1930-х гг., характеризовавшиеся «иллюзиями пацифизма» в неустанных попытках творцов Версальско-Вашингтонского миропорядка предотвратить формирование пред-посылок для нового глобального вооруженного конфликта. The Soviet Union’s Revolutionary Military Council and Committee of Imperial Defence of the United Kingdom were the most important military and political structures of both great powers, which had a significant influence on the formulation and implementation of decisions on national importance. The author examines some key factors of this impact on the Soviet-British relations in the latter half of the 1920s and early 1930s, characterised by “illusions of pacifism” in relentless attempts by the Versailles world order creators to prevent the origins of a new global armed conflict.
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Сабитова, Л. Р. "Confrontation across the Strait: The English and the French in South Italy in 1805–1808". In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.014.
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Статья посвящена одному из средиземноморских сюжетов эпохи Наполеоновских войн – конфронтации держав в южной Италии, на территории Неаполитанского королевства. Этот стратегически важный регион между Западом и Востоком крайне слабо защищался его непосредственными хозяевами. Их власть держалась на нейтралитете и интригах, лавировании между Францией и членами антифранцузской коалиции. После разрыва Амьенского мира в 1803 г. Наполеон направил существенные силы к неаполитанским границам. Англия и Россия ответили на это организацией совместной операции по защите Неаполя: в 1805 г. с Корфу в южную Италию были отправлены русские, а с Мальты – английские войска. Впрочем, подобная активность скорее навредила Неаполю, убедив Наполеона в лживости местной Бурбонской династии и укрепив его в намерении завоевать Италию полностью, изгнав неаполитанских монархов с территории королевства и посадив на их трон своего брата Жозефа. Поняв, что сопротивление превосходившей их французской армии бесполезно, союзники приняли решение об эвакуации. Впрочем, если русские вернулись на Корфу по приказу императора Александра I, то англичане все же предприняли попытку защиты части Неаполитанского королевства – Сицилии – и эмигрировавшего туда королевского двора. С разрешения монархов британские солдаты высадились на острове и заняли крепость Мессины. Тем временем французы вошли в Неаполь. Однако для полной победы им требовалось захватить и Сицилию, о чем неустанно напоминал брату Наполеон. Со своей стороны, англичане на Сицилии вынашивали планы по высадке на континент и нанесения удара по французам. Только узкий пролив отделял соперников друг от друга, и в течение двух лет инициатива переходила из рук в руки. При этом каждая сторона имела целью скорее сохранить статус непобежденной, чем нанести противнику решительное поражение. The article is devoted to one of the Mediterranean aspects of the Napoleonic wars period – the confrontation in South Italy, in the Neapolitan Kingdom. This strategically important region between the West and the East was poorly defended by its owners. Neutrality and intrigues, maneuvering between France and the states-members of the antiFrench coalitions were the basis of their power. After the break of the Amiens treaty in 1803 Napoleon turned his troops to the Neapolitan borders. Britain and Russia responded at once by organizing a joint military operation. Russian troops were sent from Corfu, while the British came from Malta. However, such activity was more of harm to Naples. It convinced Napoleon of the Neapolitan Bourbons’ deceitful nature, and strengthened his desire to conquer the whole of Italy, banishing the monarchs from their kingdom and replacing the vacant throne with his brother Joseph. Having understood the hopelessness of confronting the much bigger French army, the allies decided to retreat. Still, while the Russians returned to Corfu according to the order of Emperor Alexander I, the British made an attempt to defend at least a part of the Kingdom – Sicily – together with the royal court that had emigrated there. By the King’s permission the British soldiers landed on the island and occupied the fortress of Messina. Meanwhile, the French entered Naples. However, for final victory they needed to capture Sicily as well, and Napoleon kept reminding his brother about it. At the same time, the British at Sicily came up with plans of landing on the continent and striking a blow to the French. Just a narrow straight separated the enemies from each other, and during the two years that followed the initiative changed hands. It should be noted that neither side actually tried to win a decisive victory, but rather to save the status of having remained unbeaten.
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Kulkarni, Mugdha. "Unfolding the Secrets of Vijaydurg Fort". In The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. PLACE NAME: SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5028p2dab.
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In India historic forts have been attracting the attention of Indian and Western scholars in recent times. National and international heritage institutions like ICOFORT-ICOMOS (International Scientific Committee on Fortifications and Military Heritage – International Council on Monuments and Sites), ASI (Archaeological Survey of India) and State Archaeology Departments are focusing on the study of these forts, aiming for their conservation. This paper presents a history and analysis of Vijaydurg Fort, one of the Maratha Sea forts of the Konkan region of Maharashtra, built along the coastline of Arabian Sea from 1657 to 1740 C.E. Vijaydurg Fort was an important naval station during the Maratha rule in order to administer the southern part of the Konkan coastline. This paper provides a brief review of the literature on Vijaydurg Fort, and an historical overview of it, and then focuses on a graphic record of the place that comprises maps from both the Maratha and British periods as well as drawings and paintings. The paper seeks to establish what this unique and significant graphic record contributes to an understanding of Vijaydurg Fort. Why was it located where it was, what factors affected its design and its evolution, and why did it maintain its importance over time despite change in the ruling dynasties? The paper shows that Vijaydurg Fort was strategically placed, given the cultural and maritime context, and that the design of the fort has evolved as per the requirements of each ruler and the activities carried out in and around it. Today the fort is accessed only from land, but the design and shape, including the proximity of gates and bastions to the inner built forms, convey its former maritime purpose. The fort was certainly placed at a strategic location using the natural features and it has evolved and undergone physical changes with the changing dynasties. The amendments mostly dealt with expansion and strengthening with smart defence mechanism aimed at safeguarding the trade and maritime activity of the region.