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Mengal, Saeeda. "Imperialist Annexation of Balochistan". Al-Burz 8, n.º 1 (20 de dezembro de 2016): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54781/abz.v8i1.137.
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History testifies that the weaker States have always served as a buffer zone among formidable confronting States. The weaker States have been exploited to fulfil the vested interests of powerful nations. This Article investigates how & why Balochistan territory was used by the colonial power to halt the advancing Russia into the heart of Sub-continent. The colonial power the British used various tactics to hold its sway in Balochistan. The colonial power adopted policy of non-interference in Balochistan. However, the circumstances compelled the great British to annex Balochistan. Moreover, throughout this era the big power neglected the human rights of the common people. The people of Balochistan suffered hardships due to the international rivalry. Furthermore, the incapable Sardars of Balochistan served the colonial masters at the expense of common people.
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Scoular, Spencer. "State-Sponsored Abduction to Enforce British Law for Aotearoa New Zealand Pre-Annexation". Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 54, n.º 3 (6 de dezembro de 2023): 739–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v54i3.8789.
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Prior to the annexation of Aotearoa New Zealand in 1840, British authorities sponsored and practised the abduction of suspects from the islands of New Zealand to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, where they could be charged and tried before British courts for infringing laws for New Zealand passed by the British Parliament, as well as orders for New Zealand issued by governors of New South Wales. The sponsorship and practice of state-sponsored abduction occurred in two distinct periods: between 1814 and 1823, governors of New South Wales sponsored "magistrates" to practise abduction; and, between 1833 and 1840, the British Government sponsored British Residents to practise abduction. Specific cases are examined where the sponsorship of abduction was put into practice. The unlawful, expensive and impractical nature of state-sponsored abduction contributed to the ineffectiveness of the British system of law and order for New Zealand pre-annexation, which ultimately influenced Britain's decision to annex New Zealand after first signing a treaty with Māori. With the arrival of Hobson, the signing of te Tiriti o Waitangi/the Treaty of Waitangi and Britain's annexation of New Zealand in 1840, state-sponsored abduction became unnecessary and was quietly discontinued.
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Candier, Aurore. "Mapping ethnicity in nineteenth-century Burma: When ‘categories of people’ (lumyo) became ‘nations’". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, n.º 3 (setembro de 2019): 347–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463419000419.
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Successive wars and the establishment of a border between the kingdom of Burma and British India in the nineteenth century challenged Burmese conceptions of sovereignty and political space. This essay investigates how European, and more specifically Anglo-American, notions of race, nation, and consular protection to nationals, progressively informed the Burmese concepts of ‘categories of people’ (lumyo) and ‘subject’ (kyun). First, I present the semantic evolution of these concepts in the 1820s–1830s, following the annexation of the western Burmese province of Arakan by British India in 1824. Then, I argue that the Burmese concept of lumyo was progressively associated with the European concept of ‘nations’ in the 1850s–1860s, following the annexation of Lower Burma in 1852. Finally, I uncover developments in the 1870s, when British consular protection extended to several freshly categorised ‘nations’, such as Shan, Karenni, and Kachin.
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Sang, Nguyen Van, Le Thanh Nam e Luu Trang. "Independent or Annexation: The Texas Issue in the British-American Relations (1836 - 1846)". Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, n.º 5 (5 de setembro de 2021): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0134.
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This article presents the annexation of Texas in the relations between Great Britain and the United States from 1836 to 1846. The first part presents an overview of the territory, history of exploration and development of Texas from the early stages of history until the formation of the republic in 1836. The next section of the article refers to the interests of Great Britain and the United States in Texas. The final section provides the British-American diplomacy from 1836 to 1846 on the annexation of Texas. On the basis of the exploitation of correspondences, treaties and other material sources, the article contributes to clarifying the Anglo-American relations relating to the annexation of Texas and the expansion history of the United States during the first half of the XIX century. Received: 3 June 2021 / Accepted: 19 July 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021
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Leśniewski, Michał. "The Annexation of the Transvaal in 1877: The First Boer Reactions". Werkwinkel 12, n.º 1 (27 de junho de 2017): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/werk-2017-0003.
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Abstract In April 1877 The South African Republic was annexed by the British Empire. This was a part of a wider scheme to unify the sub-continent under the British rule. The story is well known. Many works deals with the motives of Lord Carnarvon and other British decision-makers. Much less deals with the question of immediate Boer reaction, or to be exact, the reasons behind their inaction. This article deals with this problem. Tries to evaluate the attitudes of both, the British and the Boers, and to show why the Transvaal Boers mostly ignored the annexation declaration? This text is just an excursion into field which demands much wider and more detailed studies.
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Wong, J. Y. "British Annexation of Sind in 1843: An Economic Perspective". Modern Asian Studies 31, n.º 2 (maio de 1997): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014293.
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Generally speaking, there are two dominant schools of thought with regard to the British annexation of Sind in the Indian sub-continent in 1843. One takes the view that individuals on the spot make history. It was a harsh, bitter and frustrated soldier by the name of General Sir Charles Napier who was determined to seek glory and wealth for himself by annexing Sind. In this respect, the eminent historian and former Special Commissioner for Sind (1943–46), H. T. Lambrick, has put his case extremely well. The other school interprets the annexation in strategic terms, as part of a search for a defence system which would safeguard British India from the dangers of attack from the northwest. In about 600 pages, the distinguished historian M. E. Yapp has achieved his goal with remarkable success. Furthermore, Yapp has done so without discounting the first school of thought. Indeed, the two are not mutually exclusive. In this paper I wish to suggest that there is a third dimension, an economic one; and that the three are not mutually exclusive either. Indeed, all three appear to have different weights at different levels of the policy-making process.
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Cross, Wallace. "The Politics of the British Annexation of India, 1757–1857". History: Reviews of New Books 23, n.º 3 (abril de 1995): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9951133.
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Roeckell, Lelia M. "Bonds over Bondage: British Opposition to the Annexation of Texas". Journal of the Early Republic 19, n.º 2 (1999): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124954.
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Rugemer, Edward B. "Robert Monroe Harrison, British Abolition, Southern Anglophobia and Texas Annexation". Slavery & Abolition 28, n.º 2 (agosto de 2007): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390701428006.
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Callahan, Michael D. "NOMANSLAND: The British Colonial Office and the League of Nations Mandate for German East Africa, 1916–1920". Albion 25, n.º 3 (1993): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050877.
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One of the many problems facing the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was the future of the conquered German and Turkish territories in Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Widespread anti-imperialist sentiment in Europe and the United States opposed direct annexation of the possessions, but wartime agreements and the security interests of the Allies prevented returning the conquered areas to their former rulers. In particular, many British leaders wanted to ensure that Germany could never again attempt world domination and were convinced that the restoration to Germany of its overseas possessions would pose a “grave political and military menace” to Britain's vital maritime connections with South Africa and India. After a long, often acrimonious debate, the Conference agreed on a compromise that placed the former German colonies and Ottoman provinces under the supervision of the League of Nations. This solution gave the Allies control of their acquisitions as “mandates” within a framework of international accountability. Great Britain received the most mandates, including Germany's largest colony of German East Africa. For the British leaders who had always advocated transforming German East Africa into a British colony, the new system seemed to make little practical difference. For the colonial officials in London and at the highest levels of colonial administration within the conquered possession, however, the mandates system presented serious problems and was not simply a disguise for annexation.
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Thompson, Andrew. "Informal Empire? An Exploration in the History of Anglo-Argentine Relations, 1810–1914". Journal of Latin American Studies 24, n.º 2 (maio de 1992): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023440.
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Introduction: the genesis of ‘informal empire’In 1953 John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson published an article entitled ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade’, which has since become a landmark in the study of nineteenth-century British imperialism. Seeking to overturn long-cherished notions of a mid-Victorian ‘indifference’ and a late-Victorian ‘enthusiasm’ for empire, it proposed a basic continuity of policy whereby British industrialisation caused an ever-extending and intensifying development of overseas regions for both strategic and economic purposes. Hence the suggestion of a working definition of imperialism as ‘the sufficient political function of this process of integrating new regions into the expanding economy’. In switching the focus of a definition of imperialism from the way in which Britain was able to assert her superiority over weaker, subordinate nations to the impetus and motivation behind such expansion, traditional conceptions of empire were suddenly shattered. Indeed, as Robinson and Gallagher maintained, ‘The conventional interpretation of the nineteenth century empire continues to rest on the study of formal empire alone, which is rather like judging the size and character of icebergs solely from the parts above the water-line’.2The whole framework of reference for a study of British imperialism was being recast, the revised assumption being that the empire of formal dominion, which can loosely be defined as control through annexation and constitutional subordination, is not comprehensible in isolation. Rather, the assertion of British paramountcy, which for Robinson and Gallagher lies close to the very heart of imperialism, was achieved by informal means if possible, or by formal annexation when this was deemed necessary.
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Bandita Deka. "Assam as a New Economic Space: Colonial Annexation in the Region and its Implications". Space and Culture, India 8, n.º 1 (29 de junho de 2020): 208–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v8i1.748.
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The current social and political processes of Assam in terms of demographic aspect and frontier area policies cannot be seen to be a development in isolation from British colonial policies. The entire system is linked to a historical process of ownership and inheritance. The British entry into the North-Eastern region of India, at the end of the Anglo-Burmese war, marked the beginning of colonial penetration with the consequence of unanticipated transformation of socio-economic and demographic profile in the region. The profound commercial significance of Assam explored by British colonialism led to the development of the Brahmaputra valley into a new economic space. Accordingly, the colonialists consolidated political interventions through the construction of frontier policies that created a divide between ‘Hills’ and ‘Plains’. The policies of social and cultural subjugation, followed by the colonialists, brought the neighbouring hill tribes under colonial control, and the entire region was being turned into a politico-economic jurisdiction of colonial subjects. Such policies envisaged by the British with a commercial motive, however, anguished the ethnic strife- the existing social landscape, the economic space and the political set-up of the region. The current problem of foreigners’ issue and the frontier issue is, in fact, the continuation of the colonial traditions. An understanding of the colonial pattern of exploitation of resources through social and political control would provide an apprehension of the past causes and present effect relationship. Hence, this study attempts to understand the implications of the colonial era political developments in Assam considering its economic potentiality that has given a whole new dimension to the entire regional set-up.
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Ian F. W., Beckett. "Indigenous resistance in the Anglo-Zulu War". Historical Encounters: A journal of historical consciousness, historical cultures, and history education 10, n.º 2 (21 de dezembro de 2023): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.52289/hej10.202.
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The Anglo-Zulu War, one of the shortest of the Victorian (South Africa) ‘small wars’, saw the Zulus score a notable victory over the British army at Isandlwana in January 1879. This defeat resulted in the worst single day’s loss of life suffered by British troops between the battle of Waterloo in June 1815 and the opening campaigns of the Great War in August 1914. Within months, however, the traditional Zulu way of war had condemned them to tactical and strategic defeat. Their reliance upon close-quarter hand-to-hand combat even when confronted by superior British firepower cost them 6,000 dead and subjected them to a post-war political settlement that dismantled the military system that underpinned the Zulu polity, led to fragmentation, civil war and, ultimately, to British annexation in 1887.
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Farram, Steven. "Jacobus Arnoldus Hazaart and the British interregnum in Netherlands Timor, 1812-1816". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 163, n.º 4 (2008): 455–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003691.
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The term ‘British interregnum’, in relation to Indonesia, refers to two short periods in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries when the British took control of most of the Netherlands Indies from the Dutch, only to hand it back a few years later. The British did this as a result of their wars with France. The first occupation occurred in 1795-1797 after a pro-France regime had been established in Holland. After peace was declared in 1802, the occupied territories were returned to the Dutch. Hostilities soon resumed, however, and with the annexation of Holland by the French in 1810, the British once more moved into the Netherlands Indies. Following France’s defeat in Europe, the Dutch territories were restored once again in 1816. This paper deals with British rule in Timor, one of the far-flung outposts of the Netherlands Indies, and the central role played by a native of that island, Jacobus Arnoldus Hazaart, in helping the British administer the territory.
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Wright, Ashley. "Opium in British Burma, 1826–1881". Contemporary Drug Problems 35, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2008): 611–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090803500407.
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This article examines in detail the British opium industry in colonial Burma from the time of the annexation of Arakan and Tenasserim in 1826 to the publication of Chief Commissioner Charles Aitchison's 1881 memorandum on opium in Burma. It argues that while the profitability of the opium trade in Burma was an important factor in the decisions the colonial administration made regarding opium, it was not the only factor. From the earliest days of British administration in Tenasserim, different ethnic groups within Burma were treated differently with regards to opium use. There is evidence that the colonial administration's view of opium use among a particular group was influenced by the degree to which use of the drug was perceived to facilitate social stability and productivity, or unemployment and social breakdown.
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Hussain, Ibrar, Wang Xingang e Aroosa Fatima. "British Colonial Imperialism and Pashtun Resistance under Islamic Jihad: An Analysis of Umbeyla Campaign (1863)". Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VII, n.º I (30 de março de 2022): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2022(vii-i).05.
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This paper attempts to analyze the British Colonial Rule in the Indian North-West Frontier Region with respect to the Islamic Jihad led by Pashtuns tribes at Umbeyla (Buner) in 1863. The British annexation of this region resulted in bringing the Pashtoons into direct contact with their new master. Afterwards, the British launched almost sixty expeditions against the tribes of this region between 1849 to 1899. The Umbeyla campaign-in 1863 was one such expedition which showed British imperial design, the first ever large-scale confrontation between the two opponents in this region. Here, the British tested their forces against the native Pashtoon tribes,where the latter engaged the colonial forces and attacked them frequently. Religious and ideological resistance by the Pakhtun tribes will be focused on in this work. The British successfully defeated the stronghold of Pukhtuntribes in the town of Malka. The Umbeyla Campaign was part of a Britain strategy to assert control of the North West Frontier by countering the increasing unrest and resistance in Buner to British rule. The British succeeded in extending their rule at Pukhtuns' territory but at the cost of huge losses.
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Weston, Daniel. "Gibraltar’s position in the Dynamic Model of Postcolonial English". English World-Wide 32, n.º 3 (25 de outubro de 2011): 338–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.32.3.04wes.
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This article examines the emergence of local identity and language use in the British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar, from its annexation in 1704 to the present day. Contrary to popular opinion, it shows that the founding population of British Gibraltar was divided along racial and linguistic grounds, and only in the 19th century evolved into a cohesive Spanish-speaking community, before its subsequent development into the bilingual English- and Spanish-speaking society of the present day. Through the analysis of census data, reportage and colonial government records, the article shows that the Dynamic Model of Postcolonial English in Schneider (2007) aptly captures the spread of English knowledge on the Rock. The population’s persistent attachment to its British identity, and its framing of Gibraltar English as a variety of British English, are however theoretically problematic. The article concludes that local identity and language use are dependent as much on the territory’s relationship with Spain as the United Kingdom.
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Maxwell, Neville. "Why the Sino–Indian Border Dispute is Still Unresolved after 50 Years: A Recapitulation". China Report 47, n.º 2 (maio de 2011): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700202.
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In its dying days the British Empire in India launched an aggressive annexation of what it recognised to be legally Chinese territory. The government of independent India inherited that border dispute and intensified it, completing the annexation and ignoring China’s protests. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) government, acquiescing in the loss of territory, offered diplomatic legalisation of the new boundary India had imposed in its North-East but the Nehru government refused to negotiate. It then developed and advanced a claim to Chinese territory in the north-west, again refusing to submit the claim to negotiation. Persistent Indian attempts to implement its territorial claims by armed force led to the 1962 border war. The Indian defeat did not lead to any change of policy; both the claims and the refusal to negotiate were maintained. The dead-locked Sino–Indian dispute and armed confrontation are thus the consequence of Indian expansionism and intransigence.
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Tauber, Eliezer. "The Struggle for Dayr Al-Zur: The Determination of Borders Between Syria and Iraq". International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, n.º 3 (agosto de 1991): 361–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056348.
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When World War I ended and the political map of the Middle East was redrawn, the ruler-straight borders separating the Fertile Crescent countries were not determined wholly in Europe, when the mandates were divided between Britain and France, as is commonly believed. The border between Syria and Iraq was determined between 1918 and 1920, when Iraqi officers serving in the Syrian army brought about the annexation of regions originally designated for British-occupied Iraq to Faysal 's Arab government in Syria.
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Pitts, Martin. "Re-thinking the Southern British Oppida : Networks, Kingdoms and Material Culture". European Journal of Archaeology 13, n.º 1 (2010): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461957109355441.
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This article examines the role of a range of large settlements in late Iron Age and early Roman southern Britain (c.100 BC–AD 70) conventionally described as oppida. After reviewing current perspectives on the function and chronology of British oppida, new insights are provided through the statistical analysis of assemblages of brooches and imported ceramics at a broad sample of sites. Analysis of material culture reveals distinct similarities and differences between several groups of sites, often transcending regional traditions and supposed tribal boundaries. This patterning is primarily explained by the emergence of new forms of political organization prior to Roman annexation, particularly the creation of the Southern and Eastern Kingdoms.
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Stubbings, Matthew. "British Conservatism and the Indian Revolt: The Annexation of Awadh and the Consequences of Liberal Empire, 1856–1858". Journal of British Studies 55, n.º 4 (outubro de 2016): 728–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.73.
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AbstractThis article examines how the East India Company's 1856 annexation of the Indian Kingdom of Awadh informed British Conservative responses to the Indian Revolt in 1857 and 1858. Addressing scholarship on Britain's reaction to the revolt and political engagement with Indian empire, this study reveals that Conservatives interpreted this event with a veneration for locality and prescription. Criticism from company officials and Awadh's deposed royal family informed Conservative perceptions that British exploitation and westernization were responsible for military rebellion and popular upheaval. Principally, this reflected Conservative skepticism regarding liberal modernity as well as support for prescribed aristocratic, propertied, and established church interests in Britain. Their response, expressed in Parliament and supported in conservative periodicals, was the 1858 Queen's Proclamation authored by Edward Smith-Stanley, the 14th Earl of Derby's Conservative government. The proclamation established a lasting imperial framework which defined the crown's obligation to uphold India's political, social, and cultural differences and separation from Britain. Future Conservatives strengthened British views of India's distinctiveness by supporting perceived traditional leaders and customs over uniform western administration and education.
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Lone, Stewart. "The Japanese Annexation of Korea 1910: The Failure of East Asian Co-Prosperity". Modern Asian Studies 25, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 1991): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015870.
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While Britain was amassing the largest empire ever seen, her policy makers continued to believe that economic ties were a far more effective means of control than costly and provocative military domination. Fortunately for British empire-builders, the peoples they encountered were frequently divided amongst themselves, and lacked confidence in their ability to challenge British domination. This was not entirely the case with Japan's attempts to establish hegemony over Korea following the Russo-Japanese war (1904–05). Although there were serious political and regional divisions within Korea, these were subordinated to broad hostility towards Japan. Japanese technological superiority was seen as a hand-me-down from the West, and Korea's elite, raised in the Chinese tradition, was largely dismissive of Japanese cultural attainments. Even financially, Japan remained a small player in the international market, dependent for her own overseas development on New York, London and Paris. To win Korean converts, Japan had to introduce rapid, visible improvement. One means to support this aim was the idea of Asian unity underJapanese leadership. Failing this, she could enforce her actions with a sizeable, but expensive, military and police presence. However, the rhetoric of Japanese—Korean unity could not be overstressed in view of the burgeoning Western fear of an Asian resurgence. Moreover, the concept of Japan and Korea stemming from one family was unconvincing given the historical enmity of the two peoples. Consequently, Japan sought to diminish native antipathy and retain international sympathy by emulating Britain's exaple of discreet civilian control in Egypt.
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Kuzmenko, Eduard. "THE CRIMEAN ISSUE IN BRITISH-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS (FEBRUARY 2014 – FEBRUARY 2022)". European Historical Studies, n.º 27 (2024): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2024.27.5.
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The article analyses the issue of Crimea in bilateral relations between the United Kingdom and Ukraine in 2014–2022. It is noted that, on the one hand, the relevance, importance and interest in the issue are caused by the UK’s leadership in supporting Ukraine in the context of russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine. Thus, there is active economic, investment, political and other cooperation between the UK and Ukraine on a systematic and consistent basis. The United Kingdom, along with promoting and further strengthening its own brand, actively supports and lobbies for Ukraine’s position among the countries of the world. On the other hand, the issue of Crimea is important, complex, and one of the cross-cutting issues in international relations in the context of the turbulence of the international order, on which the security and geopolitical situation in Europe and the world depends. Moreover, the article argues that, in addition to its geopolitical, security and strategic importance, Crimea has significant potential in tourism, energy and other sectors. The paper comprehensively examines the United Kingdom’s relations and cooperation with Ukraine, the state and development of bilateral relations on the eve of the annexation of the Crimean peninsula, the investment climate in Crimea before the annexation by the russian federation, the UK’s response to the occupation of the Crimean peninsula, the UK’s position on systemic human rights violations and persecution of activists by the Russian authorities in Crimea, the UK’s participation in the Crimean Platform, etc. It is analysed that British-Ukrainian relations, despite their ambiguity and inconsistency of quality cooperation since the restoration of Ukraine’s independence in 1991, have reached a fundamentally new level of close, multidimensional cooperation after the events in Crimea in February 2014 and, especially, after the beginning of Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine. Ukrainian and foreign researchers have been and continue to be actively engaged in research on the United Kingdom’s foreign policy. Still, the issue of Crimea in British-Ukrainian relations has not been accentuated and deeply explored from a historical perspective.
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Mengesha, Tedros Sium, e Mussie T. Tessema. "Eritrean Education System: A critical Analysis and Future Research Directions". International Journal of Education 11, n.º 1 (7 de março de 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ije.v11i1.14471.
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This paper critically discusses the Eritrean education system at different period of time: before the Italian colonization (before 1889), Italian colonialization (1889-1941), British Administration (1941-1952), Federation with Ethiopia (1952-1962), annexation of Eritrea by Ethiopia (1962-1961), after independence (after 1991). An important finding of the current study is that, education system is significantly influenced by the economic and political situation of a country in that when the economic and political situation of a country is not conducive, the education system suffers. This study also discusses the implications of the findings of the current study and future research directions.
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Haasbroek, D. J. P. "Potchefstroom en die Eerste Vryheidsoorlog 1880-81". New Contree 7 (12 de julho de 2024): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v7i0.825.
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At first the Transvaalers seemed to accept the British annexation of their country which took place in April 1877. However, there was an undercurrent of protest which within three years turned into definitive action when the Potchefstroomers clashed with the British authorities. Throughout the Transvaal the Boers had refused to pay taxes but it was in Potchefstroom that the issue culminated in direct conflict. What happened was that the British authorities took possession of a certain P.L. Bezuidenhout's oxwagon which they wanted to auction in an effort to raise the money needed for his outstanding taxes. His friends rallied round him and forcefully recovered the wagon. British troops were despatched to Potchefstroom to restore law and order. But it was too late. On 15 December 1880 armed Afrikaners entered Potchefstroom to have the First Proclamation of the restored republican government printed by a local printer. Shots were exchanged between Boer and Briton; this marked the start of the First Anglo-Boer War. The British troops had to defend the local garrison from incessant attack by the Boers under the command of Gen. P.A. Cronjé. The siege ended on 18 March 1881 when the British hoisted the white flag. Many Transvaalers were reluctant to accept the peace terms, but with the Pretoria convention of August 1881 hostilities were formally ended when self-government was restored.
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Farrow, Lee A. "Grand Duke Alexis Visits Canada". Ontario History 106, n.º 1 (30 de julho de 2018): 34–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050720ar.
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In 1871-1872, Grand Duke Alexis of Russia visited the United States and Canada over a period of three months, stopping in all the major cities of both countries and visiting sites like Niagara Falls. While in the United States, reception of the Duke was gushing and extravagant, his reception in Canada was much more subdued. While the extremely cold weather and the illness of the Prince of Wales explains some of this difference, it is also true that Canadians (and their British protectors) viewed the Russian-American friendship with trepidation and this influenced public reaction to the young Russian. British and Canadian newspapers followed the Grand Duke's progress through the United States, commenting in particular on American toadyism and hypocrisy in fawning over royalty, and suggesting that Canadians would take a different approach. Given the various calls for annexation from American politicians, and America's recent purchase of Alaska, it is understandable why Canadians and their British brethren might be concerned about the Russian-American friendship and underlying purpose of the Grand Duke's visit.
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Jolly, Roslyn. "PIRACY, SLAVERY, AND THE IMAGINATION OF EMPIRE IN STEVENSON's PACIFIC FICTION". Victorian Literature and Culture 35, n.º 1 (22 de janeiro de 2007): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150307051467.
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OFFICIALLY, BRITAIN WAS a reluctant coloniser in the Pacific. Unwilling to take on the expense and responsibility of colonial administration, or to interfere with the imperial ambitions of other European powers in the region, successive British governments in the nineteenth century turned down offers of protectorates and other opportunities to colonize Pacific lands. But the energies and ambitions of individual British subjects were not similarly constrained, and the many who went to the Pacific to evangelize, to plant, and to trade established a strong unofficial British presence in the region. Acts of private colonization and a range of quasi-colonialist activities by Britons eventually forced their government to alter imperial policy and take on island protectorates and colonies, but except for the annexation of Fiji in 1874, this did not begin to happen until the late 1880s. For most of the century, Britain contented itself with passing a series of laws which attempted to control what its subjects did on the other side of the world, while minimizing responsibility for the administration of colonies.
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Barrett, Noel D. "Norway and the ‘winning’ of Australian Antarctica". Polar Record 45, n.º 4 (outubro de 2009): 360–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247409008328.
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ABSTRACTEnquiries by Norwegian whalers precipitated the British annexation of the Falkland Island Dependencies and the Ross Dependency. Seeking territory free of British control, Lars Christensen's Norwegian whalers claimed Bouvet Island, which the British believed was theirs. Realisation of the economic value of whaling led Leopold Amery, of the British colonial office to develop Britain's Antarctic domination policy. In pursuit of this policy, the 1926 Imperial Conference formulated a process to claim a sector of Antarctica for Australia. A.G. Price's The Winning of Australian Antarctica describes the role of the Mawson led BANZARE in this process. To gain title to Bouvet Island, the Norwegian Government, dependant on friendly relations with Britain, agreed not to claim territory listed by the Imperial Conference as of ‘special interest’ to Britain. Claims made by whalers who had mapped and named territory in the unlisted area between Kemp and Queen Mary Lands were rejected by the Norwegian prime minister. Following the 1933 Order in Council establishing the Australian Antarctic Territory, Norway raised concerns that the territory included Haakon VII Vidde (polar plateau) and the parts of Dronning (Queen) Maud Land that had been mapped and discovered by Norwegians. Price's contention that Australian Antarctica was ‘won’ is questionable.
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Cope, R. L. "Written in Characters of Blood? The Reign of King Cetshwayo Ka Mpande 1872–9". Journal of African History 36, n.º 2 (julho de 1995): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034137.
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Sir Bartle Frere, the British High Commissioner in South Africa 1877–80, depicted Cetshwayo ka Mpande, the Zulu king 1872–9, as a bloodthirsty monster. This article discusses the accuracy and justice of this depiction, and the nature of Zulu kingship. It shows that both Frere and the missionaries on whom he relied for evidence wished to bring the Zulu kingdom under British rule and thus had a strong motive for discrediting Cetshwayo. The fact that missionary testimony against Cetshwayo was particularly hostile and abundant at times when there seemed a real possibility of British annexation casts particular doubt on the value of this testimony. Missionaries misinterpreted and exaggerated much of the evidence, which, more dispassionately examined, appears to show that, while executions were common in the Zulu kingdom, Frere's account of the nature of Cetshwayo's reign was grossly overdrawn. The territorial chiefs of the country were responsible for many of the executions, and there is evidence that Cetshwayo attempted to ameliorate conditions. Nevertheless the tendency to attribute to him the methods of nineteenth-century British constitutionalism is unhistorical and culture-bound. Cetshwayo was a Zulu king in the tradition of his uncle Shaka, and ruled by fear and arbitrariness as well as by the law.
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ANDERSON, CLARE. "The Transportation of Narain Sing: Punishment, Honour and Identity from the Anglo–Sikh Wars to the Great Revolt". Modern Asian Studies 44, n.º 5 (23 de dezembro de 2009): 1115–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990266.
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AbstractThis paper examines fragments from the life of Narain Sing as a means of exploring punishment, labour, society and social transformation in the aftermath of the Anglo–Sikh Wars (1845–1846, 1848–1849). Narain Sing was a famous military general who the British convicted of treason and sentenced to transportation overseas after the annexation of the Panjab in 1849. He was shipped as a convict to one of the East India Company's penal settlements in Burma where, in 1861, he was appointed head police constable of Moulmein. Narain Sing's experiences of military service, conviction, transportation and penal work give us a unique insight into questions of loyalty, treachery, honour, masculinity and status. When his life history is placed within the broader context of continuing agitation against the expansion of British authority in the Panjab, we also glimpse something of the changing nature of identity and the development of Anglo–Sikh relations more broadly between the wars of the 1840s and the Great Indian Revolt of 1857–1858.
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WINFIELD, JORDAN CARLYLE. "Buddhism and Insurrection in Burma, 1886–1890". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 20, n.º 3 (4 de junho de 2010): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186310000076.
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AbstractThis article examines the significance of Buddhism in the insurgency that followed the annexation of the kingdom of Burma in 1886, demonstrating that Buddhism was a critically important part of the Burmese polity and identity. Moreover, it indicates that opposition to the British after the full colonisation of Burma was not only instantaneous, but also fuelled primarily by Buddhist sentiment. This challenges the prevailing notion that anti-colonialism in Burma – Buddhist-inspired or otherwise – was a twentieth century phenomenon. Beginning with the pre-colonial era, the article explores the intimate connection between Buddhism, the Burmese polity and the national psyche. The critical importance of the Buddhist king is emphasised in particular. When the kingdom of Burma was annexed in 1886, opposition to the British manifested itself instantaneously in the form of rebellions and insurgency. This period, sometimes referred to as the “pacification”, has been often ignored in studies. The article, using British colonial documents, shows clearly the importance of Buddhist sentiment in these uprisings as a response to the abolition of Burma's last Buddhist king. Buddhist themes present in translated rebel proclamations, as well as the widespread participation of Buddhist monks corroborate this.
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Ivey, Jacob. "‘Devote the best years of their lives’: British Solutions to Natal's Defence Concerns in Nineteenth-Century Southern Africa". Britain and the World 12, n.º 1 (março de 2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2019.0310.
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The annexation and establishment of Natal as a British colony by 1845 was an event defined by conflict and concerns for security in British Southern Africa. The threat of invasion from the nearby Zulu kingdom or the possibility of an indigenous uprising continued to cast a shadow over the growth and expansion of the colony during the following decades. In response, those living within the colony offered multiple solutions, both actual and theoretical, related to the protection and stability of this emerging colonial state, including white volunteer corps, mounted police, and even indigenous levies. This paper examines the debate that defined these proposed solutions from 1845 to the Anglo–Zulu War of 1879. Whether from within the colony itself or from other regions of the British Empire, the suggested solutions and the debate over security were illustrative of the concern about external and internal threats that permeated the European public consciousness of British Natal. Some residents of the colony offered their own military expertise (or lack thereof); others looked to the Afrikaner population as a model for control; and a small number, who did not even reside in the colony, expressed their readiness to ‘devote the best years of their lives’ to the security of the colony. Such willingness, along with the other solutions to the issue of colonial security in British Natal, sheds considerable light on the emergence of imperial power in nineteenth-century Southern Africa, and constitutes a valuable addition to the history of Natal, settler colonies more generally and the British Empire at large.
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Desai, Manali. "Indirect British Rule, State Formation, and Welfarism in Kerala, India, 1860–1957". Social Science History 29, n.º 3 (2005): 457–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013018.
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This article examines the relationship between a strong nineteenth-century welfarist expansion between the 1860s and early 1940s, in Kerala, India, under indirect British rule, and the “exceptional” antipoverty regime that democratically elected Communists implemented during the postcolonial (post 1947) era in the state. While much attention has focused on Kerala as a model of social development and on postindependence state policies in creating it, no single work has attempted to understand the significance of its prior legacy of welfare. This article uses methods of comparative historical sociology to trace the historical making of Kerala's “exceptionalism.” It argues that the early welfare policies in Kerala were implemented in a dependent colonial context and aimed at warding off annexation by the British, but their unintended consequences were to stimulate what they were precisely designed to avoid—radical caste and class movements. The analysis suggests that the form and content of welfare policies are shaped by the exigencies of state formation, as state autonomy theorists would argue; however, it shows that political struggles are the decisive determining factors of the former.
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Güçlü, Yücel. "Turco-British Rapprochement on the Eve of the Second World War". Belleten 65, n.º 242 (1 de abril de 2001): 257–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2001.257.
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The Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 marked the beginning of a definite closeness in Turco-British relations, which were to undergo a long process of development. During the Ethiopian crisis, Turkey followed Britain in defence of the League of Nations Covenant. Firm co-operation between Turkey and Britain during the Montreux Straits Conference of 1936 further accelerated the pace of rapprochement. With King Edward VIII's visit to Turkey, just after the Montreux settlement, the mutual friendship took a step forward. At the Nyon Conference of 1937, Turkey supported Britain in its defence of international shipping against attacks by pirate submarines in the Mediterranean. Nyon drew the Turks and British closer together. In 1938 Britain granted a credit of sixteen million pounds to Turkey which strengthened the growing friendship between Ankara and London and aimed at reducing the necessity of Turkish economy depending on Germany. Germany's occupation of Czechoslovakia and Italy's annexation of Albania in the spring of 1939 soon led Turkey and Britain to sign a mutual assistance agreement. This accord combined Turkish and British energies for the protection of peace and paved the way for the conclusion of the Turco-Anglo-French Triple Alliance Treaty in the autumn of the same year.
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Ahmed, Iyanda Kamoru, e Aisha Ibrahim Ningin. "History of Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria". Indonesian Journal of Education and Social Sciences 1, n.º 1 (29 de junho de 2022): 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.56916/ijess.v1i1.88.
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This paper discusses the History Of Amalgamation Of Northern And Southern Protectorates. This research work will be divided into various parts. Firstly, we shall start with preliminary definition of terms. According to Chambers Everyday Dictionary, Legal means “pertaining to”, according to law, “lawful”. Regime means administration amalgamation means “the blending of different things a close union”.1 According to Price, “colonies are territories which has been acquired by the Crown either by settlement, by cession, by purchase or by conquest, and were thus Crown property in which British authority was unassailable in domestic and international law. Nwabueze contends: that the effect of annexation of territory is to divest the sovereign of the territory so annexed of his sovereignty and to transfer it to the British Crown who then becomes the new sovereign of the colony with unlimited powers of Government and a complete dominion over its territory, the inhabitants of which becomes the Crown subjects. A protectorate on the other band implies primarily jurisdiction over the external affairs of the protected territory.
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Choudhury, Mohd Shakir Hussain, e Rupali Daulagajao. "Altered Terrain: Colonial Encroachment and Environmental Changes in Cachar, Assam". International Journal of Rural Development, Environment and Health Research 8, n.º 2 (2024): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijreh.8.2.6.
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The beginning of colonial policy in the area was signaled by the British annexation of the Cachar district in southern Assam in 1832. The region became an alluring investment opportunity for Europeans after British rule over Cachar, especially after the accidental discovery of wild tea in 1855. Within this historical context, this study explores three major stages that characterize the evolution of nature. First, it examines the distribution and growth of tea plantations, examining their size and rate of expansion. The second aspect of the study examines the consequences of land concessions, which led to the initial loss of native forests. Finally, the study investigates the increased strain on forests caused by migrant workers' demands. It also highlights the crucial role that the Forest Department plays in protecting these natural habitats from the invasion of tea planters. This study aims to analyze the intricate relationship between colonialism and the altered landscape of Cachar, Assam, by means of a thorough investigation, shedding light on the environmental, economic, and societal aspects of this historical transformation.
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Malkin, Stanislav. "Small Wars of the Great Powers: Charles Edward Callwell and the Russian Empire in Comparative Perspective". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 2 (2023): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022926-6.
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In this article the author focuses on the semantic and substantive aspects of the colonial conflict analysis model presented in the work of the British Army Major General Charles Edward Collwell, “Small Wars: Their Principles and Practices”, which became the most notable British treatise on the subject at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A distinctive feature of the work is the comparative approach to the analysis of the British colonial wars fought in the Victorian era. It is established that the Russian case (the annexation of Central Asia and the pacification of the North Caucasus) is a golden thread running through all sections of the work, serving, along with similar examples from French, Spanish, and US history, as a kind of tuning fork for the universal principles of successful small warfare that Callwell laid out in his work. The aim of the paper is to form a more substantive account of the significance of comparative colonialism for British military thinking and the place of the Russian experience in its evolution. The study has shown that “Small Wars” reflected a course towards the normalisation of the Russian Empire within a professional discourse. In addition, the historiography focuses on Callwell's selective approach to the choice of factual material and its place in the evolution of British counterinsurgency. In this article, the author focuses on identifying the reasons for differences in the forms and ways of systematizing the experience of small wars in the colonial and frontier policies of both the Russian and British empires. Particular attention is paid to the circumstances that led to the gradual loss of Callwell's work to its former importance on the eve and after the Great War.
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Okafor, Eddie E. "Francophone Catholic Achievements in Igboland, 1883-–1905". History in Africa 32 (2005): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0020.
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When the leading European powers were scrambling for political dominion in Africa, the greatest rival of France was Britain. The French Catholics were working side by side with their government to ensure that they would triumph in Africa beyond the boundaries of the territories already annexed by their country. Thus, even when the British sovereignty claim on Nigeria was endorsed by Europe during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the French Catholics did not concede defeat. They still hoped that in Nigeria they could supplant their religious rivals: the British Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the other Protestant missionary groups. While they allowed the British to exercise political power there, they took immediate actions to curtail the spread and dominion of Protestantism in the country. Thus some of their missionaries stationed in the key French territories of Africa—Senegal, Dahomey, and Gabon—were urgently dispatched to Nigeria to compete with their Protestant counterparts and to establish Catholicism in the country.Two different French Catholic missions operated in Nigeria between 1860s and 1900s. The first was the Society of the African Missions (Société des Missions Africaines or SMA), whose members worked mainly among the Yoruba people of western Nigeria and the Igbos of western Igboland. The second were the Holy Ghost Fathers (Pères du Saint Esprit), also called Spiritans, who ministered specifically to the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria. The French Catholics, the SMA priests, and the Holy Ghost Fathers competed vehemently with the British Protestants, the CMS, for the conversion of African souls. Just as in the political sphere, the French and British governments competed ardently for annexation and colonization of African territories.
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Doniger, Wendy. "Presidential Address: “I Have Scinde”: Flogging a Dead (White Male Orientalist) Horse". Journal of Asian Studies 58, n.º 4 (novembro de 1999): 940–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658491.
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Let me begin with a story about General Sir Charles James Fox Napier, who was born in 1782 and in 1839 was made commander of Sind (or Scinde, as it was often spelled at that time, or Sindh), an area at the western tip of the Northwest quadrant of South Asia, directly above the Rann of Kutch and Gujurat; in 1947 it became part of Pakistan. In 1843, Napier maneuvered to provoke a resistance that he then crushed and used as a pretext to conquer the territory for the British Empire. The British press described this military operation at the time as “infamous” (the Whig Morning Chronicle, cited by Napier 1990, 197), a decade later as “harsh and barbarous” and a “tragedy,” while the Indian press (the Bombay Times, “without a shred of evidence”) accused Napier of perpetrating a mass rape of the women of Hyderabad (Napier 1990, xvi). The successful Annexation of Sind made Napier's name “a household word in England. He received £70,000 as his share of the spoils” (Mehra 1985, 496–97) and was knighted. In 1851 he quarrelled with James Ramsey, the Marquess of Dalhousie (governor general of India from 1847 to 1856), and left India. In 1844, the following item appeared in a British publication in London, under the title, “Foreign Affairs”:
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SATTAR, Howra Abdul. "THE POSITION OF THE SOVIET UNION ON THE INDEPENDENCE OF KUWAIT IN 1961". Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2022): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.5.
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Since the end of World War II, the Soviet Union has sought to find a foothold in the Middle East, as it was waiting for the opportunity to penetrate the Middle East, especially the Arab Gulf, which is of international strategic importance. The British were in the region, and at the same time, it did not want to disturb his relations with the United Arab Republic, which supported the independence of Kuwait and rejected Abdul Karim Qasim's position on Kuwait's annexation of Iraq. This research attempts to study the Soviet policy towards the independence of Kuwait and how the Soviet Union reconciled its good relationship with Iraq and Egypt, and its rejection of Kuwait's distinguished relations with Britain. Key words: Kuwait, The Soviet Union, Kuwait and Iraq, The Independence of Kuwait.
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Rafaat, Aram. "The shaky foundations of the 1926 annexation of Southern Kurdistan to Iraq". Kurdish Studies 6, n.º 2 (29 de outubro de 2018): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.457.
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Between 1921 and 1925, the Kurds of Southern Kurdistan participated in three main political processes in Iraq. These processes were the election of Faisal Ibn Hussein as the King of Iraq in 1921, the election of the Iraqi Constituent Assembly in 1924, and the Mosul Province referendum organised by the League of Nations in 1925. The British used the Kurds’ participation as a foundation for the annexation of Southern Kurdistan to Iraq. However, this article argues that these three processes cannot be considered as legitimate foundations as the majority of Kurds voted against these processes or were excluded from participation. ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIBingehên lawaz ên îlhaqa Kurdistana başûr bi ser Iraqê ve li sala 1926anDi navbera salên 1921 û 1925an de li Iraqê, kurdên başûrê Kurdistanê tevlî sê prosesên siyasî yên sereke bûn. Yek ji van prosesan hilbijartina Faysal ibn Huseyin wek qralê Iraqê bû li sala 1921an, yek hilbijartina Meclisa Avakar a Iraqê bû li sala 1924an, û referandûma wilayeta Mûsilê bû ku sala 1925an ji hêla Cemiyeta Neteweyan ve hatibû encamdan. Brîtanyayê tevlîbûna kurdan wek bingehek bi kar anî ji bo îlhaqa başûrê Kurdistanê bi ser Iraqê ve. Lê belê, îddiaya vê gotarê ew e ku ev her sê proses nabin wek bingehên rewa bêne qebûlkirin ji ber ku piraniya kurdan reya xwe li dijî van prosesan dan an jî rê li ber beşdariya wan hate girtin. ABSTRACT IN SORANIBinema lerzokekanî likandinî başûrî Kurdistan be 'Êraqewe le 1926 daLe nêwan 1921 ta 1925 da, kurdekanî başûrî Kurdistan le sê proseyî siyasîy serekî le 'Êraq da beşdarîyan kird. Ew sê proseyeş brîtîbûn le hellbijardinî Feyselî kurî Husên wek padşayî 'Êraq le 1921, hellbijardin bo Encumenî Damezrênerî 'Êraqî le 1925, we rîfrandomî wîlayetî Mûsill ke le layen Komelleyî Gelan le 1925 da rêk xira. Berîtanya em beşdarîkirdiney kurdî wek binema bo likandinî başurî Kurdistan be 'Êraqewe be kar hêna. Bellam, em babete argumêntî ewe dekat ke em sê proseye nakrêt wek binemay şer'î bo likandinî başurî Kurdistan be 'Êraqewe hejmar bikrên çunke zorîney kurd dengiyan le dijî ew sê proseye da yan bêbeş kiran le beşdarîkirdin.
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Khyzhnyak, I. "SYSTEM CONFRONTATION OF THE GLOBAL POLES OF POWER AND FACTOR OF RE-ACTION OF HISTORICAL RESULTS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR". Problems of World History, n.º 1 (24 de março de 2016): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-7.
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The publication contains the present day consideration of the new global world order general structure came up after well-known developments of the Dignity Revolution in Ukraine. There has been also revealed the controversial essence of the new phase of the international standoff between the systemic composing segment of the Transatlantic origin (EC states, the USA, British Common-wealth of Nations) and Ukraine in addition on the one hand, and Russia – on the other. It clearly shows the Russia’s policy of expansion: annexation of Crimea and unleashing war in Donbas region as well as to become one of the key centers of the world global poles of the superpowers arrangement. The degree of systemic impact on the present day historical background’s developments as factors of reversely acted effect of overall outcome after the World War II has been analyzed as well.
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Harrison, Jennifer. "‘Pitchforking Irish Coercionists into Colonial Vacancies’: The Case of Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship". Queensland Review 20, n.º 2 (30 de outubro de 2013): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2013.16.
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During the year 1888 — the centenary of white settlement — Australia celebrated the jubilee of Queen Victoria together with the advent of electricity to light Tamworth, the first town in the Southern Hemisphere to receive that boon. In the north-eastern colony of Queensland, serious debates involving local administrators included membership of the Federal Council, the annexation of British New Guinea and the merits of a separation movement in the north. In this distant colony, events in Ireland — such as Belfast attaining city status or Oscar Wilde publishing The happy prince and other tales — had little immediate global impact. Nevertheless, minds were focused on Irish matters in October, when the scion of a well-established west Ireland family — a select member of the traditional Tribes of Galway, no less — was named as the new governor of Queensland. The administrators of the developing colony roundly challenged the imperial nominators, invoking a storm that incited strong opinions from responsible governments throughout Australia and around the world.
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Adima, Emmanuel E. "Special Education In Nigeria". Australasian Journal of Special Education 16, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1992): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1030011200022624.
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The desire of Nigeria as an independent country is to give to its citizens a free, just and democratic society where no one is oppressed. This humane philosophy guarantees maximum self realization to all citizens including children with special needs.Nigeria was not always one country as it is today. The territory according to Iloeje (1981) was formerly made up of various states, empires and small territories. The largest and most influential of these was the Fulani Empire which extended over most of northern Nigeria in the nineteenth century.As a result of British annexation of territory, Nigeria as a country came into being in 1914 when the then Northern and Southern Nigeria were amalgamated. Britain administered the country as one political unit for forty-six years. In 1960, Nigeria became independent as a federation of three regions - Eastern, Western and Northern, with Lagos as the federal capital. Nigeria now has twenty-one states, each with some degree of autonomy, and an estimated population of 120 million.
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Stevens, Kate. "“The Law of the New Hebrides is the Protector of their Lawlessness”: Justice, Race and Colonial Rivalry in the Early Anglo-French Condominium". Law and History Review 35, n.º 3 (23 de junho de 2017): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000293.
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[It] is not I who am on trial here today, but the Law of the New Hebrides.In 1906, Britain and France jointly annexed the New Hebrides. A y-shaped archipelago in the southwest Pacific Ocean, the New Hebrides—which became Vanuatu upon independence in 1980—comprised some eighty islands characterized by high levels of linguistic and cultural diversity. At the moment of annexation, there were also Presbyterian, Anglican, and Catholic missionaries and Euro-American planters and traders, who overlaid religious and national divisions onto the existing social and linguistics ones. Anglo-French rule under the New Hebrides Condominium added a hybrid legal system to this complex mix. During the colonial period, four distinct jurisdictions existed, indicative of the divided, rival nature of governance. These included joint Condominium law, British common law, French civil law, and from 1928, a native code and courts. The plurality and ambiguity of the legal system left ample space for critique and for alternative, extrajudicial justice, as this article explores.
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Goren, Tamir. "The Jewish neighbourhoods of Jaffa and the question of annexation to Tel Aviv at the end of the British Mandate". Middle Eastern Studies 52, n.º 6 (18 de agosto de 2016): 917–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2016.1198324.
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Buckner, Phillip. "The Canadian Civil Wars of 1837–1838". London Journal of Canadian Studies 35, n.º 1 (30 de novembro de 2020): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2020v35.005.
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Canadian historians have traditionally stressed that the rebellions of 1837 and 1838 in Upper and Lower Canada were revolts against British imperial authority. Less stressed has been the fact that the rebellions were also civil wars and that British troops were aided by substantial numbers of loyalists in defeating the rebels. In recent years historians have tended to downplay the importance of French-Canadian nationalism, but by 1837–8 the rebellion in Lower Canada was essentially a struggle between French-Canadian nationalists and a broadly-based coalition of loyalists in Lower Canada. Outside Lower Canada there was no widespread support for rebellion anywhere in British North America, except among a specific group of American immigrants and their descendants in Upper Canada. It is a myth that the rebellions can be explained as a division between the older-stock inhabitants of the Canadas and the newer arrivals. It is also a myth that the rebels in the two Canadas shared the same objectives in the long run and that the rebellions were part of a single phenomenon. French-Canadian nationalists wanted their own state; most of the republicans in Upper Canada undoubtedly believed that Upper Canada would become a state in the American Union. Annexation was clearly the motivation behind the Patriot Hunters in the United States, who have received an increasingly favourable press from borderland historians, despite the fact that they were essentially filibusters motivated by the belief that America had a manifest destiny to spread across the North American continent. Indeed, it was the failure of the rebellions that made Confederation possible in 1867.
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Olsen, William C. "The Empire Strikes Back: Colonial “Discipline” and the Creation of Civil Society in Asante, 1906–1940". History in Africa 30 (2003): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003235.
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During the spring of 1927 a dialog was initiated through correspondence with the District Commissioner of Asante regarding the existence of a witch-finding shrine near the town of Mampong. As in most Asante communities, the people of Mampong had become both business patrons and seekers of the medicines offered through dozens of witch-finding movements that had proliferated throughout the Gold Coast Colony since at least late in the nineteenth century. Many in the British administration, and virtually all the Christian clergy, saw the practice of witch-finding and the presence of the shrines in towns and villages where the churches retained converts as icons of unenlightened behavior and contrary to Christian morals. Since some converts were also patrons of the witch-finding priests, the shrines were also seen as threats to the stability and retention of Christian folds. Europeans brought to Africa a multitude of social practices and ideologies of the person which they tried to impose through various forms of taboo, law, health administration, technology, and education. (Beidelman 1982: Comaroff/Comaroff 1997: Conklin 1997) Yet in the Gold Coast Colony after the annexation of Asante in 1896, no feature of the European colonial presence was more contested than the legal suppression of witch-finding shrines.The opposing sides to the debate had witnessed the same events in Mampong, but regarded the disciplinary measures taken by the colonial officials from extremely contrary points of view. Acting under the direction of the District Commissioner, local British officials were on the lookout for new witch-finding shrines, identified by the British in the archival literature with the European term of “fetish.”
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Parveen Shaieka. "History of Handloom Industry in Assam with special reference to Sualkuchi". Journal of Advanced Zoology 44, S3 (19 de novembro de 2023): 1614–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/jaz.v44is-3.1942.
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The Handloom Industry plays a vital role in the socio – economic structure of Assam in terms of providing employment and production of clothes. At the same time preserve and propagate the rich cultural heritage of Assam. Weaving in Assam is as old as human civilization itself and the art of weaving are being passed from one generation to the next. The existence of high-quality weaving skill and production of fine textiles is well documented in great epics like Mahabharata and ancient treatise like Arthashastra1of Kautilya (Choudhry, 1987). Chinese traveler Hiuen Tsang also gives rich description of existence of high-quality weaving products and their general liking of the Royal family and the nobility. Writing is the early 19th century, before the British annexed Assam, Francis Hamilton2 has given an accurate account of the state of weaving in Assam (Sarma, 2012). This Industry was directly patronized by the state, so much so that queens established weaving schools in the palace, to teach the art of weaving to the daughters of the noble widows and other female members of the household of executed prisoners were also employed by the art for spinning and weaving as a means of subsistence. The neo – vaishnavite movement of the Shri Sankardev was an equally potent force in the development in the art of weaving, especially of figured cloth. After annexation of Assam by the British3, the Handloom industry declined rapidly particularly in cities. Another British policy of de – industrialization of Assam, instead of export of cotton clothes and silk products, Assam became export of raw cotton and cocoon to fuel the Industrial Revolution in Britain. Despite, dwindling of textile weaving like all other arts with the fall of the Ahom rule, it never became extinct as many other branches of Assamese art. It is still a living art as much in demand as it had been in the medieval period (Goswami, 2012)
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KAPURIA, RADHA. "Of Music and the Maharaja: Gender, affect, and power in Ranjit Singh's Lahore". Modern Asian Studies 54, n.º 2 (29 de julho de 2019): 654–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000446.
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AbstractThis article focuses on performing artists at the court of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (r. 1801–39), the last fully sovereign ruler of the Punjab and leader of what is termed the Sikh empire. After Ranjit's death, his successors ruled for a mere decade before British annexation in 1849. Ranjit Singh's kingdom has been studied for the extraordinary authority it exercised over warring Sikh factions and for the strong challenge it posed to political rivals like the British. Scholarly exploration of cultural efflorescence at the Lahore court has ignored the role of performing artistes, despite a preponderance of references to them in both Persian chronicles of the Lahore court and in European travelogues of the time. I demonstrate how Ranjit Singh was partial to musicians and dancers as a class, even marrying two Muslim courtesans in the face of stiff Sikh orthodoxy. A particular focus is on Ranjit's corps of ‘Amazons’—female dancers performing martial feats dressed as men—the cynosure of all eyes, especially male European, and their significance in representing the martial glory of the Sikh state. Finally, I evaluate the curious cultural misunderstandings that arose when English ‘dancing’ encountered Indian ‘nautching’, revealing how gender was the primary axis around which Indian and European male statesmen alike expressed their power. Ubiquitous in the daily routine of Ranjit and the lavish entertainments set up for visitors, musicians and female performers lay at the interstices of the Indo-European encounter, and Anglo-Sikh interactions in particular.