Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Brødre"

De eventyrlige, tyske brødre havde et stort netværk blandt samtidens europæiske forfattere og sprogforskere, og de korresponderede flittigt med både H.C. Andersen og videnskabsmændene Chr. Molbech, Rasmus Rask og C.C. Rafn – blandt mange andre.

This article is about how it feels to be an unemployed man today. After briefly accounting for certain historical developments that have shaped the contemporary unemployed male experience, the article focuses on one feeling central to this experience: shame. The article argues that unemployment is increasingly attached to shame, rather than guilt, as the unemployed self perceives itself as inadequate in relation to a neoliberal ideal of entrepreneurship. Using sociological theories about class shame, the article proceeds to analyze two literary representations of unemployed men in a contemporary Danish context: Lau Aaen’s Dagpengeland and Jens Blendstrup’s Slagterkoner og Bagerenker. The shame in Dagpengeland breeds a critical attitude towards the shaming unemployment institutions of the welfare state, while Slagterkoner og Bagerenker explores the psychological processes of a form of shame turned into xenophobic resentment. Unemployed male shame is thus described as a multifaceted feeling; destructive in the sense that it tears down men’s ingrained identities and solidarities but productive in the sense that it affectively confronts the ashamed subject with certain social inequalities and injustices.

Svend Larsen: Kindred souls. Svend Dahl and Wilhelm Munthe on the professionalisation of academic librarianship Svend Dahl (1887–1963) and Wilhelm Munthe (1883–1965) were prominent figures in Scandinavian and international librarianship in the first part of the 20th Century. From 1922–1953, Munthe was head of Oslo University Library which was also Norwegian national library. Internationally, he is known as the author of American Librarianship from a European angle. An attempt at an examination of policies and activities (1939) and as president of the international library federation IFLA (1947–1951). Svend Dahl was head of Copenhagen University Library 1925–1943 and head of the Royal Library and national librarian 1943–1952. Internationally, he is known for his many publications such as the History of the Book (Danish, English, French, German, Spanish and Swedish editions). Dahl and Munthe exchanged just under 200 letters between 1916 and 1953. These letters reveal their views concerning academic librarianship and the need and the ways to professionalise it. In the exchange of letters, the two men also discussed other topics, such as education, internationalisation, and the separation of library and university.

In the last three field seasons the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland (GEUS) has undertaken mapping in the south-eastern part of the Nuuk region in southern West Greenland, and here we present new zircon ages that help constrain the northern boundary of the Tasiusarsuaq terrane. The Archaean geology of the Nuuk region is commonly interpreted as a tectonic collage assembled through lateral accretion and collision of oceanic and continental slivers and blocks (e.g. Friend & Nutman 2005). Popular jargon de scribes these as terranes, bounded by faults or mylonite zones and characterised by rocks of contrasting origin on either side of their tectonic boundaries (Coney et al. 1980). The Isukasia and Færingehavn terranes (Figs 1, 2) are the oldest terranes at ≥3.75 Ga, and extend from the outer part of Godthåbsfjord in the south-west to the margin of the Inland Ice in the north-east, but they might not have a common geological history (Friend & Nutman 2005). The Tre Brødre terrane is mainly represented by the Ikkatoq gneiss and occurs in close spatial relationship with the Færingehavn terrane, and also as a pronounced thrust unit along the Qarliit Nunaat thrust between the Færingehavn and Tasiusarsuaq terranes (Fig. 1; Nutman et al. 1989). The terrane boundaries in the inner fjord region near the Inland Ice margin are less well constrained; the Tre Brødre terrane extends into the region from the south-west, the Kapisilik terrane is defined from the northern and eastern part and borders the Tasiusarsuaq terrane to the south and possibly to the east. The terrane accretion is believed to have taken place in two events. The first terrane accretion is defined from the northern part of the region, and possibly involves the Isukasia, Kapisilik and Akia terranes. The thermal event stitching these terranes is dated to c. 2.99–2.95 Ga (Fig. 2; Hanmer et al. 2002; Friend & Nutman 2005). The second accretion phase of the major continental blocks is believed to have occurred at around 2.725–2.71 Ga. This second event is well described, and in- cludes anatexis and emplacement of continental crust-derived granites, which are associated with contemporaneous metamorphism (Friend et al. 1996). Figure 2 outlines regional plutonic, metamorphic and su- pracrustal events. Individual terranes were formed during relatively short time periods with active geological processes of creation and recycling of continental crust, and most of the terranes follow a similar pattern of development. The first plutonic events consisted of primitive magmas and produced ton a- lite–trondhjemite–granodiorite (TTG) and dioritic gne isses. Younger, more evolved granitic magmas were often intruded simultaneously with high-grade metamorphism. This development may reflect a stabilisation of the individual terranes.

The article questions the metaphorical interpretation of Lutheran theology arguing that metaphor and language has been reduced to a surrogate for a metaphysically conceived notion of being as a static and eternal entity. In the light of Cathrine Malabou’s notion of plasticity, explosive and so far neglected ontological implications of Luther’s sacramental metaphors are brought to light: Luther's paradox metaphors rest upon his interpretation of communicatio idiomatum and the doctrine of the real presence as a structure of difference and temporality. This suggests that the sacrament in Lutheran thought has implications for the concept of God itself. A postmodern reading of Luther’s late confession Vom Abendmahl Christi calls for a renewed theological interpretation of concepts such as metaphor, temporality, future and God.

Selv om ingen vistnok har foreslået at tolke Johannes hallucinationer på Patmos som satire, er der så meget samfundskritik i åbenbaringen, at der går en lige linje til Dantes Inferno, hvor læserne kunne godte sig over de straffe for eksempel Firenzes kendte borgere måtte lide i Helvede. Nogle straffe afspejlede synderens brøde; spåmænd blev i eksempelvis straffet ved at skulle gå baglæns uden at dreje hovedet. Mens tredveårskrigen hærger i Europa, lader teologen og forfatteren Johan Michael Moscherosh en jeg-fortæller gå i samme spor og fortælle, at digtere og musikere pines i Helvede ved at skulle høre på deres egne værker. Bogen, der havde et fransk forlæg, hedder Wunderbahre Satyrische gesichte Verteutscht durch Philander von Sittewalt og udkom i 1640. Den har teologen, forfatteren og debattøren Johannes Lassenius givetvis læst, inden han skrev sin satire, Arcana, som affødte et stridskrift af en “Schüler aus Quedlinburg”, Johan Christoffer Kilian, der her citerer William Ames’ bitre, sarkastiske kritik af førnævnte Lassenius. De to stredes om, hvorvidt Quakerne, en skotsk protestantisk antiautoritær sekt, kunne retfærdiggøres. Debat, strid og kritik har det syttende århundrede ikke manglet og sådan får teksterne mange berøringspunkter. Lassenius brugte imidlertid intertekstualiteten til at indgå en kontrakt med læseren, hvor man skal huske at læse det, der står med småt …

Lingvistkredsen Den 24. september 1941 fejrede Lingvistkredsen i København sit 10 års jubilæum. Bortset fra at han skulle vide, hvor mange der skulle have kaffe og brød, behøvede sekretæren Harry Pihler ikke at spørge nogen om dagsordenen, ja knap nok at udsende den.

In a scenario where bilateral environment-business relationship is becoming increasingly important, social life cycle assessment (sLCA) has emerged. sLCA is a methodology for measuring the social impacts generated by the life cycle of a product on different stakeholders, in order to promote sustainability. As this is a potentially strategic tool for companies, the aim of this article is to obtain more data on the status and evolution of the scientific activity, and analyze the impact on the reputation of companies that research and apply the sLCA model. A bibliometric study based on WOS and Scopus scientific databases has been conducted to measure the relevance of this tool in research development, identifying the main countries and organizations. The main results show a positive scientific development, identify Germany as the most productive country, and show BMW, BASF and Brødrene Hartmann as the companies with the most publications. It can be concluded, based on ESG criteria, that the implementation of sLCA in companies benefits them in terms of financial performance by improving their reputation. Keywords: social life cycle assessment, bibliometric analysis, network analysis, social industrial involvement

Om general Ludendorffs flugt til København og Skåne i november 1918, og om Ludendorffs manuskript til Meine Kriegserinnerungen 1914-1918 “Vi lyttede forbavsede til fremstillingen, men brød ind med et inkvisitorisk: — ‘OG HVOR ER SÅ DET MANUSKRIPT NU, ERIK?’ — ‘Ja, min fader blev rent ud forbandet på Ludendorff, efter at han var begyndt at samarbejde med Hitler, så manuskriptet blev solgt med den klausul, at det ikke måtte sælges til Tyskland eller til en tysker …’ ”

Ved udbruddet af Første Verdenskrig blev knap 300 dansksindede slesvigere interneret, og de dansksindede aviser i Nordslesvig og Flensborg blev forbudt. De fleste var arresteret frem til midten af september 1914, hvorefter de igen blev frigivet. Begrundelsen for arrestationerne var, at de militære myndigheder frygtede, at de dansksindede slesvigere ville spionere mod Tyskland. Derfor var der i fredstid opstillet navnelister over dem, der skulle arresteres ved krigsudbruddet. Få dage inden krigen brød ud, kom der kontraordre fra Krigsministeriet og Indenrigsministeriet i Berlin. Regeringen ønskede alligevel ikke at foretage præventive interneringer og avislukninger i Nordslesvig, men disse nye instrukser blev ikke fulgt af de lokale myndigheder i Slesvig-Holsten.

Pia Kjærsgaard og tre andre folketingsmedlemmer brød i 1995 med Fremskridtspartiet og dannede Dansk Folkeparti. Traditionelt partimedlemskab, offentlig partifinansiering og en høj grad af topstyring og partidisciplin karakteriserer partiorganisationen, mens Dansk Folkepartis politiske mærkesager er mindre immigration og integration, mere lov og orden, og velfærdschauvinisme. Deres første 25 år har været succesfulde. Vælgernes opbakning til Dansk Folkeparti har påvirket regeringsdannelser og den førte politik, specielt på immigrations- og integrationsområdet. Selvom partiet har forsøgt at organisere sig og agere som et etableret parti, gik de ikke i regering, selvom de efter folketingsvalget i 2015 blev det største borgerlige parti. I 2019 faldt vælgernes opbakning, og den har siden folketingsvalget 5. juni 2019 ligget under, hvad partiet siden 2001 har opnået ved valgene.

Den teknologi, der benyttes på danske kontorer, har ændret sig drastisk siden 1960'erne. Især har nye redskaber gjort det hurtigere og nemmere at producere, omforme og reproducere tekst, hvilket har øget organisationernes 'tekstualisering'. I artiklen fremlægges en ANT-inspireret undersøgelse, hvor kontoransatte med lang erfaring blev interviewet om de teknologiske forandringers betydning for arbejdet på kontor. Undersøgelsens udgangspunkt var bla. aktørnetværk teoriens fokus på non-humane aktører og trends inden for teknologihistorie, der stiller skarpt på 'the history of technology-in-use'. Undersøgelsen pegede bla. på, at det i forskningen glemte rettebånd var en vigtig teknologisk ændring, og at pc'ens indførelse ikke skal ses som noget, der brød med den hidtidige udvikling, men som (endnu) et skridt på vejen mod stadig lettere håndtering af tekst, en udvikling der bla. har haft betydning for relationerne og arbejdsdelingen på kontoret.

Hvorfor brød det mangeårige nære forhold mellem virksomheder og politik sammen midt i en af de værste kriser og mest følsomme erhvervspolitiske beslutningsprocesser i det moderne Storbritanniens historie? Artiklen udforsker dette spørgsmål i lyset af irsk grænsepolitik. Den irske grænse er interessant, fordi den illustrerer, hvordan en lang række aktører, fra staten såvel som fra erhvervslivet, fravalgte strategier, som man ville formode måtte tjene deres økonomiske og politiske interesser. Et svar kræver, at man placerer spørgsmål om politisk konkurrence centralt i analysen og undersøger implikationerne for, hvorledes virksomheder og erhvervsliv forfølger deres interesser. Primært baseret på data fra en række irske erhvervsorganisationer undersøger vi, hvordan udkrystalliseringen af regionale erhvervsinteresser er præget af høj konkurrence og divergerende adgang til politiske aktører både nord og syd for grænsen. Vores analyse anvender den spirende litteratur om social konstruktion af erhvervsinteresser.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Through a discussion of Dostoevsky’s depiction of the death of the staret in Brothers Karamazov I discuss the olfactory channel of communication in religion with the aim in mind to tease apart the underlying ontology pertaining to different forms of religion. The focus is on impurity related to putrefaction in death. Contrary to the understanding represented by the ironic voice of the narrator in Brothers Karamazov, I explore the view holding the saintly person to undergo an olfactory transformation in death changing into a pleasurable aroma and thereby becoming an indexical token of celestial life. From Brothers Karamazov I proceed to examine notions of divine presence and olfactory tokens in ancient Graeco-Roman culture. I use it as a historical foil to analyse Paul’s total twisting of the motif in 2 Cor 2, 14-17 and 4, 7-12 in which he portrays himself and his Christ-message as an indexical putrefaction of Christ. Thus, the title of my essay: “Paul ain’t dead, he just smells funny.” Finally, I discuss the extent to which such an understanding is encompassed by Philippe Descola’s notion of the analogistic ontology. DANSK RESUMÉ: Jeg fokuserer i artiklen på en form for urenhed, som er knyttet til væmmelsen ved ligstank. I første omgang ser jeg på staretsens død i Brødrene Karamasov. Ad den vej bevæger jeg mig tilbage til græsk-romersk antik og drøfter sammenhængen mellem forestillingen om guddommeligt nærvær og velduft. Diametralt modsat denne opfattelse er Paulus’ skildring af sig selv og sit budskab som en omvandrende ligstank. Det er den aksiale spænding for fuld udluftning. Endelig diskuterer jeg i hvilket omfang, en sådan opfattelse og billedbrug lader sig rumme inden for Philippe Descolas tanke om analogismen som en af fire fundamentalontologier.

I denne artikel beskriver forfatteren de seneste mere end 10 års erfaringer med gratisaviser i Sverige. Det var i Sverige, at den første udgave af ‚trafikavisen’ Metro (metroXpress i Danmark) udkom første gang. Det er derfor i Sverige man i længst tid har kunnet observere den nye medietypes indvirkning på de etablerede dagblade – og på medieudviklingen i det hele taget. Forfatteren beskriver både de kommercielle og adfærdsmæssige konsekvenser af Metros og konkurrerende gratisavisers indtog på det svenske marked; fra truslen mod de etablerede avisers indtjeningsmuligheder til de nye læsere som gratisaviserne har rekrutteret til dagbladsmediet. Artiklen er skrevet før den såkaldte aviskrig brød du i Danmark i efteråret 2006, udløst af den den islandske koncern Baugurs proklamering om et nyt landsdækkende, husstandsomdelt dagblad – Nyhedsavisen – hvis mål var på kort tid at få en million læsere i Danmark. Artiklen forholder sig ikke til den konkrete situation i Danmark, men rummer refleksioner over det grundlag man kan vurdere dagbladenes situation og udviklingsmuligheder på i et marked, der er pt. er inde i en dramatisk periode.

I 1864 havde hertugdømmernes søfart på Kinakysten nået et anseeligt niveau og dominerede fuldstændig de danske erhvervsinteresser i Fjernøsten. De slesvigske handelsskibe var primært hjemmehørende i Aabenraa, Sønderborg og Flensborg, mens de holstenske skibe næsten alle havde hjemme i Altona. Da krigen brød ud i 1864, viste det sig snart, at hertugdømmernes Kinafarere befandt sig i en usikker position. Preussen, der før krigsudbruddet havde sendt krigskorvetten Gazelle til Fjernøsten på en diplomatisk mission, kunne nu benytte denne mod den danske handel på Kinakysten. Der var ingen danske orlogsskibe i området, som kunne beskytte den danske søfart. Handelsskibene, der endnu alle blev fremført af sejl, havde ikke andet forsvar end et par kanoner, som egentlig kun var beregnet til salut og afskrækkelse af kinesiske pirater. De kunne derfor intet stille op mod et moderne dampdrevet krigsskib. Selvom Gazelle kun opbragte fire fartøjer i alt, og selve opbringelserne var forholdsvis udramatiske, spredte dens aktiviteter utryghed om bord på de andre danske skibe i området. Samtidig blev det diplomatiske forløb omkring dem langt og indviklet. Tabet af Slesvig og Holsten senere samme år betød et alvorligt knæk for tidens danske søfart på Kinakysten.

Grundtvig i økumenisk perspektiv.Dansk resumé af A.M. Allchin’s artikel.I dette essay analyseres Grundtvigs kristendomssyn ud fra et enkelt centralt aspekt, nemlig forestillingen om Guds nærhed i den verden, han har skabt, tanken om en vekselvirkning mellem menneskeligt og guddommeligt i såvel skabelse som genlæsning. Overvejelserne inddrager salmen "Lyksaligt det folk, som har øre for klang". Med henvisning til at Grundtvigs tænkning i sjælden grad udgår en helhed, vurderet i den store kirkehistories sammenh.ng, påpeges det, at en tværfaglig tilgang er påkrævet. Det gives der et eksempel på ud fra et enkelt omfattende perspektiv: den indre sammenh.ng mellem den kendsgerning, at Grundtvig er en kirkelig teolog, hvis betydeligste tekster blev skrevet til brug i gudstjenesten og hans relevans for påtrængende problemer i aktuelt, internationalt perspektiv, f.eks. fremvæksten af en national bevidsthed blandt østeuropæiske folkeslag og blandt de nationale mindretal i Storbritannien (Wales o.a.).Afhandlingens første afsnit behandler derpå det skabelsesteologiske hovedsigte i Grundtvigs teologi, hævdelsen af Guds nærhed i skaberværket, af at vort menneskelige liv, ja hele skabningens liv er åbent for Guds nyskabende kraft.Forfatteren ser således en forbindelse og vekselvirkning mellem indre og ydre, individuelt og fællesmenneskeligt, mellem jordisk og himmelsk, som et af de træk, der på afgørende m.de kendetegner Grundtvigs kristendomssyn.I det andet afsnit karakteriseres Grundtvig i økumenisk perspektiv. Med henvisning til den af Christian Thodberg påviste sammenh.ng mellem salme, prædiken og ritual sættes Grundtvig på linie med en række betydelige repræsentanter fra kirkehistorien for en tilsvarende gudstjenestelig teologi. Det er den anglikanske teolog fra det 17. årh., Lancelot Andrewes og tre teologer fra det18. årh., brødrene Charles og John Wesley samt den walisiske pr.st William Williams, Pantycelyn. P. samme m.de som hos Grundtvig er det centrale hos disse kirkelige teologer en treenighedsteologi, udfoldet konkret i salmer og prædikener. Hermed befinder disse vesterlandske teologer sig i en tradition, der sagligt set rækker tilbage til den ældste, oldkirkelige teologi med udgangspunkt i den østlige del af kristenheden.Grundtvig skal ses i dette omfattende, økumeniske perspektiv for at kunne vurderes efter fortjeneste. Sker dette, vil det også vise sig, at hans teologiske helhedssyn har stor betydning i nutidigt, økumenisk perspektiv.

A large two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted in southern Jutland – Analysis of a longhouse from Early Bronze Age period IIn 2011 and 2012, Sønderskov Museum investigated an area of 65,000 m2 at Nørre Holsted, between Esbjerg and Vejen. The investigation revealed a multitude of features and structures dating from several periods, including extensive settlement remains from the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age. Excavations have also been carried out in this area previously, resulting in rich finds assemblages. This paper focuses on the site’s largest and best preserved two-aisled house, K30, which is dated to Early Bronze Age period I (1700-1500 BC). This longhouse therefore represents the final generation of houses of two-aisled construction. It also contained charred plant remains, which provide information on arable agriculture of the time and the internal organisation of the building at a point just prior to three-aisled construction becoming universal. The remains indicate continuity in both agriculture and in internal organisation between the late two-aisled and early three-aisled longhouses. The two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted can therefore make a significant contribution to the long-running debate about this architectural change, which has often focussed on developments in farming: The increased importance of cattle husbandry is said to have been the main reason for breaking with the tradition of two-aisled construction.The Nørre Holsted locality comprises the top of a sandy plateau that forms a ridge running north-south. The slightly sloping plateau lies 38-42 m above sea level and the ridge is surrounded by damp, low-lying terrain that, prior to the agricultural drainage of recent times, was partly aquiferous. The site occupies a central position in the southern part of Holsted Bakkeø, a “hill island” that is primarily characterised by sandy moraine. People preferred to live on well-drained ridges with sandy subsoil throughout large parts of prehistory and this was also true in the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age. On the area uncovered at Nørre Holsted, remains were found of 16 two-aisled houses, of which three had sunken floors. Ten of these houses are dated to the Late Neolithic and three are assigned to the first period of the Bronze Age. During Early Bronze Age periods II and III, a total of 14 three-aisled longhouses stood on the sandy plateau. As can be seen from figure 2, the houses from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age lie more or less evenly distributed across the area. However, the buildings from the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age period I form a distinct cluster in the eastern part, while a western distribution is evident for the houses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III. The western part of the site lies highest in the terrain and a movement upwards in the landscape was therefore associated with the introduction of the three-aisled building tradition. Tripartition of the dimensions can be observed in both the two- and the three-aisled houses, with this being most pronounced in the latter category. The three-aisled Bronze Age houses from periods II and III, which represent the typical form with rounded gables and possibly plank-built walls, show great morphological and architectonic uniformity. Conversely, the two-aisled house remains are characterised by wider variation. The small and medium-sized examples, with or without a partly-sunken floor, represent some very common house types in Jutland. Conversely, the largest longhouse, K30, represents a variant that is more familiar from areas further to the east in southern Scandinavia.The largest two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted was located on the eastern part of the sandy plateau, where this slopes down towards a former wetland area (fig. 3). The east-west-oriented longhouse had a fall of 1.5 m along its length, with the eastern end being the lowest part at c. 38 m above sea level. Its orientation towards the wet meadow and bog to the east is striking, and it stood a maximum of 50 m from the potential grazing area. A peat bog lay a further 100 m to the east and in prehistory this was probably a small lake. Sekær Bæk flows 600 m to the north and, prior to realignment, this watercourse was both deeper and wider where it met the former lake area. Access to fresh water was therefore optimal and opportunities for transport and communication by way of local water routes must similarly have been favourable. It should be added that the watercourse Holsted Å flows only 1 km to the south of the locality.House K30 had a length of 32 m and a width of 6.5-7 m, with the western part apparently being the broadest, giving a floor area of more than 200 m2. The eastern gable was slightly rounded, while that to the west was of a straighter and more open character. The wall posts were preserved along most of the two sides of the building and the internal (roof-) supporting posts were positioned just inside the walls. Two transverse partition walls divided the longhouse, with its ten central posts, into three main rooms (fig. 5). These posts were the building’s sturdiest and most deeply-founded examples. Charcoal-rich post-pipes could be observed in section, and these revealed that the posts consisted of cloven timber with a cross-section of c. 25 cm. The central posts were regularly spaced about 3 m apart, except at the eastern and western ends, where the spacing was 4 m (fig. 5). The posts along the inside of the walls were less robust and not set as deeply as the central posts. There were probably internal wall or support posts along the entire length of the walls. These were positioned only 0.5 m inside the walls and must therefore have functioned together with these. Based on the position of these posts, the possibility that they were directly linked to the central posts can be dismissed. It seems much more likely that they were linked together by transverse beams running across the house – a roof-supporting feature that, a few generations later, moved further in towards the central axis to become the permanent roof-bearing construction. The actual wall posts or outer wall constituted the least robust constructional element of the longhouse.Remains of the walls were best preserved in the eastern part, and the wall posts here were spaced 1.5 m apart in the eastern gable and 2 m apart in the side wall (fig. 5). The wall posts had disappeared in several places, particularly in the central part of the building. Entrances could not be identified in the side walls, possibly as a consequence of the fragmentary preservation of the post traces. Two transverse partition walls, each consisting of three posts, were present in the western and eastern parts, with the latter example being integrated into a recessed pair of posts. The western room had an area of 59 m2 and contained two pits, while the eastern part was filled with charred plant material, consisting largely of acorns. The actual living quarters may have been located here, even though the larger central room, with an area of c. 85 m2, could just as well represent the dwelling area with its large, deep cooking pit (fig. 5). The eastern room had an area of 60 m2 and therefore did not differ significantly in area from that to the west.The entire fill from features that could be related to longhouse K30 was sieved. The objective was to retrieve small finds in the form of micro flakes and pottery fragments that are normally overlooked in conventional shovel excavation. The associated aims included ascertaining whether the flint assemblage could reveal the production of particular tools or weapons in the building. Unfortunately, not a single piece of pottery or any other datable artefacts were recovered. Only a few small flint flakes, which simply show that the finds from house K30 conform to the typical picture of a general reduction in the production of flint tools at the transition from Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age. The 11 flint flakes from the longhouse merely reflect the simple manufacturing of cutting tools. Consequently, no bifacial flint-knapping activities took place within the building, and there is a lack of evidence for specialised craftsmen. The great paucity of finds is typical of houses from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age which do not have a sunken floor. It is therefore important to look more closely at the charred plant material (plant macro-remains) concealed in the fills of the postholes and pits. In the case of house K30, the soil samples have provided a range of information, providing greater knowledge of what actually took place in a large house in southern Jutland at the beginning of the Bronze Age.The scientific dating of house K30 is based on barley grains from two roof posts and from a wall post in the eastern part. The three AMS radiocarbon dates assign the longhouse to Early Bronze Age period I, with a centre of gravity in period Ib (fig. 6). Plant macro-remains have previously been analysed from monumental three-aisled Bronze Age houses in southern Jutland. It is therefore relevant to take a look inside a large longhouse representing the final generation of the two-aisled building tradition. Do the results of the analyses indicate continuity in the internal organisation of these large houses or did significant changes occur in their functional organisation with the introduction of the three-aisled tradition?During the excavation of longhouse K30, soil samples were taken from all postholes and associated features for flotation and subsequent analysis of the plant macro-remains recovered. An assessment of the samples’ content of plant macro-remains and charcoal revealed that those from two central postholes and a pit contained large quantities of plant material (fig. 7), whereas the other samples contained few or no plant remains. It was therefore obvious to investigate whether there was a pattern in the distribution of the plant macro-remains that could provide an insight into the internal organisation of the house and the occupants’ exploitation of plant resources. The plant macro-remains can be used to investigate the organisation of the house because the house site lay undisturbed. The remains can therefore be presumed to date from the building’s active period of use. The plant remains lay on the floor of the house and they became incorporated into the fill of the postholes possibly as the posts were pulled up when the house was abandoned or when the posts subsequently rotted or were destroyed by fire. The plant macro-remains therefore reflect activities that have taken place in the immediate vicinity of the posthole in question.Only barley, in its naked form, can be said to have been definitely used by the house’s occupants, as this cereal type dominates, making up 80% of the identified grains (fig. 8). It is also likely, however, that emmer and/or spelt were cultivated too as evidence from other localities shows that a range of cereal crops was usually grown in the Early Bronze Age. This strategy was probably adopted to mitigate against the negative consequences of a possible failed harvest and also in an attempt to secure a surplus. Virtually no seeds of arable weeds were found in the grain-rich samples from the postholes where the central posts had stood; just a few seeds of persicaria and a single grass caryopsis were identified. This indicates that the crops, in the form of naked barley, and possibly also emmer/spelt, must have been thoroughly cleaned and processed. In contrast, the sample from pit A2500, in the western part of the house, contains virtually no cereal grains but does have a large number of charred acorn fragments (fig. 9). The question is, how should this pit be interpreted? If it was a storage pit, then the many acorns should not be charred, unless the pit and the remnants of its contents were subsequently burnt, perhaps as part of a cleansing or sterilisation process. It could also be a refuse pit, used to dispose of acorns that had become burnt by accident. In which case this must have been a temporary function as permanent refuse pits are unlikely to have been an internal feature of the house’s living quarters. Finally, it is possible that this could have been a so-called function-related pit that was used in connection with drying the acorns, during which some of the them became charred.From the plant macro-remain data it is clear that the occupants of longhouse K30 practised agriculture while, at the same time, gathering and exploiting natural plant resources. It should be added that they probably also kept livestock etc., but these resources have not left any traces in the site’s archaeological record – probably due to poor conditions for the preservation of bones. A closer examination of the distribution of plant macro-remains in house K30 reveals a very clear pattern (fig. 9), thereby providing an insight into the internal organisation of the building. All traces of cereals are found in the eastern half of the house and, in particular, the two easternmost roof postholes contain relatively large quantities, while the other postholes in this part of the building have few or no charred grains. This could suggest that there was a grain store (i.e. granary) in the vicinity of the penultimate roof-bearing post to the east, while the other cereal grains in the area could result from activities associated with spillage from this store, which contained processed and cleaned naked barley. No plant macro-remains were observed in the posthole samples from the opposite end of the building. The plant remains in this part of the house all originate from the aforementioned pit A2500, which contained a large quantity of acorns, together with a few arable weed seeds. The pit should possibly be interpreted as an acorn store or a functional pit associated with roasting activities or refuse disposal.The distribution of the plant macro-remains provides no secure indication of the location of the hearth or, in turn, of the living quarters. However, if the distribution of the charcoal in the house is examined (fig. 10), it is clear that there was charcoal everywhere inside house K30. This indicates that the longhouse was either burned down while still occupied or, perhaps more likely, in connection with its abandonment. A more detailed evaluation of the charcoal found in the various postholes and other features reveals the highest concentrations in the central room, suggesting that the hearth was located here, and with it the living quarters. This is consistent with the presence of a large cooking pit, found in the eastern part of this room. Perhaps this explains the presence of open pit A2500 in the western part of the house, which constitutes direct evidence against the presence of living quarters here. Another explanation for the highest charcoal concentrations being in the central room could also have been the entrance area, where there would be a tendency for such material to accumulate.Plant macro-remains have previously been analysed from large Bronze Age houses in the region, namely at the sites of Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II, and plant remains from a somewhat smaller Late Neolithic house at Brødrene Gram were also examined. In many ways, K30 corresponds to the houses at Brødrene Gram (houses IV and V) and Kongehøj II (house K1). There is continuity with respect to the cereals represented in the Late Neolithic house at Brødrene Gram and the three-aisled Early Bronze Age houses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II; naked barley and emmer/spelt are the dominant cereal types. There is, however, some variation in the cereal types present in the three-aisled Bronze Age houses, as hulled barley also occurs as a probable cultivated cereal here. It therefore seems that, with time, an even broader range of crops came to be cultivated when houses began to have a three-aisled construction. Another marked difference evident in the composition of the plant macro-remains is that the grain stores in the two-aisled houses contain only very few weed seeds, while those in the later houses are contaminated to a much greater extent with these remains. This could be due to several factors. One possible explanation is that the grain was cleaned more thoroughly before it was stored at the time of the two-aisled houses. Another explanation could be that there were, quite simply, fewer weeds growing in the arable fields in earlier periods, possibly because these fields were exploited for a shorter time and less intensively. This would mean that the field weeds were not able to become established to the same degree as later and fewer weeds were harvested with the cereal crop. As a consequence, the stored grain would contain fewer weed seeds relative to later periods. If the latter situation is true, the increase in field weeds could mark a change in the use of the arable fields, whereby each individual field was exploited for a somewhat longer period than previously.A common feature seen in all the houses is that they had grain stores in the eastern part of the building and storage was therefore one of the functions of this part. No secure evidence was however found of any of the houses having been fitted out as a byre. The three-aisled house IV at Brødrene Gram apparently also had a grain store at its western end – where K30 had its acorn-rich pit. However, while the western end of the Brødrene Gram house, and that of the other houses, is interpreted as a dwelling area, this room apparently had another function in K30, where the living quarters appear to have been located in the central room, as indicated by the cooking pit and the marked concentration of charcoal.Longhouse K30 differs from the later houses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II in that these two three-aisled houses contain large quantities of chaff (spikelet forks) of wheat, possibly employed as floor covering, while no such material was observed in K30. However, it is unclear whether this is due to differences in the internal organisation of the buildings or to preservation conditions. Conversely, the use of possible function-related pits, like the one containing acorn remains in house K30, appears to have continued throughout the subsequent periods, as the Bronze Age house at Brødrene Gram also contains similar pits, the more precise function of which remains, however, unresolved. A high degree of continuity can thereby be traced, both in the crops grown and the internal organisation of the two- and three-aisled longhouses in southern Jutland. There was, however, some development towards the cultivation of a wider range of crops.In turn, this suggests that, in terms of arable agriculture and internal building organisation, there was no marked difference between the late two-aisled and early three-aisled houses – or, more correctly, between the large houses of Bronze Age periods I and II in southern Jutland. More secure conclusions with respect to continuity and change in the internal organisation of the buildings would, however, require a significantly larger number of similar analyses, encompassing several house types of different dimensions from a longer period of time and across a larger geographic area. Nevertheless, let us address the problem by including house sites in other regions, because this should enable us to gain an impression of the degree to which the picture outlined above for southern Jutland is representative of larger parts of southern Scandinavia.In several cases, both in the large two-aisled longhouses from Late Neolithic period II to Early Bronze Age period I and the large three-aisled longhouses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III, we see an internal division of the building into three main rooms. This tripartite division does, however, become clearer and more standardised with the advent of the three-aisled building tradition, which is a special characteristic of the longhouses of southern Jutland. Food stores were apparently often kept in the eastern parts of these houses. This is shown by the concentrations of charred grain found in these areas, and in some cases the larders must have been positioned immediately inside the eastern gable. Over time, traces of grain stores have been recorded from sunken areas in a number of house sites in Jutland. As a rule, these sunken floors constituted the eastern part of two-aisled houses of Myrhøj type, which were particularly common, especially in Jutland, during the Late Neolithic and the first period of the Bronze Age. One reason for lowering the house floor in this way was possibly a requirement for more space to store grain. It has been pointed out that a sunken floor gives greater head clearance in a room which, in turn, optimises the possibility of keeping the grain dry. In some cases, these sunken floors were almost totally covered by charred barley and wheat grains; surely the result of stored grain having fallen from an open loft during a house fire.In the Late Neolithic, arable agriculture apparently increased in importance as it became more intensive and diverse, with a wider range of crops now being cultivated. Agriculture in the Early Bronze Age was simply a continuation of the agricultural intensification evident in Late Neolithic arable agriculture. There was a possible difference in that fields were probably more commonly manured in the Early Bronze Age, though the first secure evidence for manuring dates from the Late Bronze Age. The plant macro-remains from the Early Bronze Age include significantly greater numbers of weeds, suggesting that individual arable fields had a longer period of use. Moreover, nutrient-demanding hulled barley came on to the scene as a cultivated crop. This has been demonstrated for example in the aforementioned longhouses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II, both of which date from the Early Bronze Age period II. However, a large component of hulled barley has actually been demonstrated in remains from a Late Neolithic sunken house site at Hestehaven, near Skanderborg.Most Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age farms in what is now Denmark were located on nutrient-poor sandy soils, and this was also the case at Nørre Holsted. In itself, location on these soils suggests that soil-improvement measures were employed. Indirectly, it can also tell us something of the significance of livestock, if it is assumed that cattle supplied a major proportion of the material used to manure the arable fields. Domestic livestock is, however, virtually invisible in the Late Neolithic settlement record, compared with that from the three-aisled contexts of the Bronze Age. There are records from Jutland of about 15 longhouses with clearly evident stall dividers, but this total seems very modest relative to a total number of Bronze Age house sites of around 1000. It has long been maintained in settlement archaeology that the three-aisled building tradition was better suited to the installation of a byre. On the face of it, this seems plausible for animals tethered in stalls. But the byre situation is, however, unlikely to have been a direct cause of the change in roof-bearing construction, as highlighted by recently expressed doubts in this respect. Neither are there grounds to dismiss the possibility that byres were installed in two-aisled longhouses. There is an example from Hesel in Ostfriesland, northwest Germany, where a large two-aisled house, measuring 35 x 5-6 m, contained stall dividers in its eastern half. An example from Zealand can also be mentioned in this respect: At Stuvehøj Mark near Ballerup there was a two-aisled longhouse, measuring 47 x 6 m, with possible post-built stall dividers in its eastern half. It stood on a headland surrounded by wetland areas and, like longhouse K30 at Nørre Holsted, it had a marked fall from the west to east gable.Preserved stall dividers in Bronze Age houses are, therefore, still a rare phenomenon and phosphate analysis of soil has yet to produce convincing results in this respect. There must be another explanation for the change in building architecture. It is possible that the massive monumentalisation process of Early Bronze Age period II played a crucial role in this respect. As described in the introduction, the first three-aisled houses were built higher up in the terrain. A position on the highest points of the landscape is a recurring feature at many other localities with longhouses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III. This visualisation process involved consistent use of the timber-demanding plank-built walls and took place primarily in southern, central and western Jutland. Here, forests had to yield to the huge resource consumption involved in constructing three-aisled houses because it was here that the tradition of plank-built walls was strongest. This situation must be seen in conjunction with barrow building, where there was a corresponding and coeval culmination in the construction of large turf-built burial mounds. Was the three-aisled tradition introduced quite simply because it became possible to build both wider and higher? Period II has the largest longhouses found in Scandinavia to date and these could reach dimensions of 50 x 10 m. The buildings became much wider and the earth-set posts for the plank walls were in some cases founded just as deep as the roof-bearing post pairs, which could extend 50-70 cm down into the subsoil. This could, in turn, suggest that some longhouses had more than one storey. It should also be pointed out that the large-scale construction of longhouses and barrows came to a halt at the same time – in the course of period III, i.e. shortly before 1200 BC. It therefore seems likely that the three-aisled building tradition was introduced as an important step in the actual monumentalisation process rather than as a result of a need to adjust to new requirements for internal organisation. At the end of the Early Bronze Age and throughout the Late Bronze Age, the dimensions of three-aisled houses were reduced and the houses adopted a much less robust character. There was no longer a need for monumental construction. The significance and symbolism by the large buildings constructed in the Early Bronze Age period II and the first part of period III is though a longer and more complex story and it should not be studied in isolation from the barrow-building phenomenon of the time.Lars GrundvadMuseet på SønderskovMartin Egelund PoulsenMuseet på SønderskovMarianne Høyem Andreasen Moesgaard Museum

Lort er liv. Lort markerer vores placering i det store kredsløb, i den flod af organisk liv, der både fordøjer og skaber liv. Som den hollandske fysiolog og materialist Jacob Moleschott skrev i værket Kreislauf des Lebens fra 1852: Menneskets ekskrementer nærer planten. Planten omdanner luften til stof og nærer dyret. Kødædende dyr spiser planteædere, for derefter selv at gå til grunde og sprede nyt spirende liv i planteverdenen. Denne materielle udveksling er blevet kaldt stofskifte. Vi bør med rette benævne dette ord med en vis ærbødighed. For ligesom udveksling er handlens sjæl, er den evige cirkulation af stof selve verdens sjæl. (Citeret fra Schmidt 1971, 87) Lort, ligesom livet, er stof, der er skiftet. Lort er transformation, både nedbrydning og genskabelse. Lort er bogstaveligt talt levende, det indeholder trillioner af mikroorganismer, der tilsammen udgør små flerartede økosystemer. Lort er også toksisk og kan sprede sygdomme; i det store kredsløb er den enes lort både potentielt den andens død såvel som brød. Lort er livgivende, men kan også have for meget eller det forkerte liv, hvis det optræder det forkerte sted. Det er intimt, forbudt, hverdagsagtigt, og tabuiseret i højeste potens. Lort bevæger sig på tværs af grænser – liv og død, det private og det offentlige, afsky og fascination, krop og omverden. Det løber, bogstaveligt og metaforisk, som en flod under vores civilisation, allestedsnærværende, men ofte gjort usynligt. Lort er med andre ord prægnant, fyldt med liv, død og energi, på tværs af det materielle og det symbolske.

Det er hvad jeg kalder at oversætte Digte: Grundtvig as translatorAf S. A. J. BradleyDer er blevet sagt om Grs store slid ved de adskillige oversættelser, der kulminerede i Bjowulfs Drape... paa Danske Riim (1820), at det i det lange løb førte til en dødelig udmattelse hos ham og at det til sidst var ham en lettelse at sige ja til et præstekald i Præstø (1821). Ganske vist havde der været en enerverende offentlig ordstrid - med blandt andre Rasmus Rask, P. E. Müller og G. J. Thorkelin - at tage sig af; og ydermere forventninger og interventioner fra hans højtagtede og uundværlige mæcen, Johan Bülows side. Det var ikke alene det, at hans videnskabelige kunnen på det islandske og det angelsaxiske sprog var draget i tvivl, men selv hans opfattelse af begrebet oversættelse blev emne for temmelig ophidset diskussion. Den ordstrid, der brød ud over hans hoved, tjener belejligt som oversigt over de argumenter der fortsætter endnu i dag, med hensyn til oversættelsens særegne rolle, natur og grænser. Rask karakteriserer Grs danske stil i hans islandske oversættelser som »en alt for opskruet, tvungen, unaturlig og tildels uforstaaelig Stil, fuld af Islandismer, Solecismer og Germanismer«, en »Jagen efter Usædvanligheder og Særheder« i ganske særegne og selvgjorte »Ord og Vendinger, der støde os«; Müller funderer lidt spydigt »om Grs digteriske Oversættelser af Bjowulfvil vise sig kun at være en vilkaarlig Paraphrase«; Thorkelin udbryder spottende, »Hvilken Oversættelse! Hvilken Galskab!«; Bülow udtrykker det ønske, at Gr i sin Bjowulf både stræber efter sine egne poetiske indsigter og bøjer sig for videnskabelige krav - »at han ville oversætte og udgive det, ikke alene poetisk, men og ordret«. Selvfølgelig har Gr imidlertid sin egen faste mening: det er, at et digt gengivet ord for ord ligger som et »Liig til Ravn og Ulv, og Aanden er borte«.Denne ånd, siger han, vil jeg nu søge at gribe og lade tale saa godt den kan med min danske Tunge, uden at udsige Andet end den gamle Skjald: og det er, som man veed, hvad jeg kalder at oversætte Digte«. En tekst der er forsvarligt ‘oversat’ er en tekst der er ‘fordansket’; og han der oversætter skal ydes lige så meget licens som er nødvendigt når han skal puste den ånd ind i oversættelsen, som han har fundet i originalen. Det er sandelig en proces der giver oversætteren stort spillerum. Når man vil studere GrsBjowulf-oversættelse i dette perspektiv, er det ikke helt uden relevans at sammenligne den med Seamus Heaneys Beowulf (1999). Grs kreative interesse i filologi, som han har tilfælles med Heaney, viser sig klart, såvel som hans ægte og skarpsindige forståelse af digtets form og stil og digterens dybere mening. Men lige så klart er det, at Gr opportunistisk bruger sin oversættelse til at godkende, med oldtidens lånte autoritet, visse værdier og standpunkter (teologiske, politiske, verdenshistoriske, og alt hvad der har med modersmålets berigelse at gøre) centrale til sin opfattelse af sit eget samtidige danske samfund. Fysisk og følelsesmæssigt opslidende kan Grs oversættelses-opgaver, og ordstriden omkring disse, nok have været; men liv, og ikke død, præger ordene i alle hans skrifter igennem alle hans mange leveår. Sikkert er det, at en stor del af hans sproglige livskraft blev oplagret i Grs møjsommelige og stridbare dage som oversætter.

Michael A. Whyte: Brothers and Sisters - Position and Participation in Fieldwork. The author draws on fieldwork experience in Marachi Sub-Location in Western Kenya in order to explore some of the ways in which participation can shape - and be shaped by - a specific fieldwork. He takes the point of view of a brother looking at a sister and, through her, a relationship with another man. He traces his own developing appreciation of the complexity and the relativity of the exercise and how this perception inspired new paths of inquiry - which in tum led to other questions and other methods. He develops the paper in a series of vignettes - something about Marachi and something about the experience of a particular fieldwork in Marachi. In selecting from hisown experience he stresses the reflexivity inherent in fieldwork as process by speaking from a number of different positions. In an attempt to provide the reader with some stability in this shifting universe he retums periodically to an ethnographic position, providing analytical context and a more structured discussion of marriage, descent and affmity. This discussion, shaped both by the Africanist literature and the author’s experience of positioned participation, draws on other, more specific data-gathering exercises which will also be identified as parts of a process of understanding which inspires and is inspired by positioned participation. The point is to remind the reader that methodology is not simply a procedure for knowing but also a way of experiencing and a first step towards tuming experience into science. Taking a particular point of view has helped to make a shift from funetion to experience, and so to come to appreciate more direetly the immediaey of being in Marachi in 1978-79.

Dansk aktivisme i nordisk kontekst har ikke haft nemme kår siden den kolde krigs afslutning. Fra at have udgjort et centralt udenrigs- og sikkerhedspolitisk supplement til Danmarks hovedlinje som NATO-medlem under den kolde krig, blev det nordiske, efter den kolde krigs afslutning, i stigende grad nedprioriteret på både det politisk-militære, det politisk-diplomatiske og det økonomiske område. Udviklingen de seneste år tyder imidlertid på en forsigtig ny spiren i nordisk aktivisme. Dette skyldes dels succes inden for pragmatiske samarbejder, fx i NORDEFCO, dels diffunderingen af nordiske idealer til lidt bredere kredse inden for fx Nordic Plus eller inden for EU. Forskellige nationale præferencer på flere politikområder såvel som NATO- og EU-skel udgør dog stadig centrale begrænsninger.

Opprinnelseslegenden Frá Fornjóti ok hans ættmönnum ‘Om Fornjot og slektningene hans’ er bevart i to versjoner i Flateyjarbók, et kjent islandsk samlehåndskrift fra trettenhundretallet. Legenden følger opprinnelsen til forskjellige norske og orknøyske dynastier tilbake til to brødre som heter Nórr og Górr. Den antatt yngste versjonen, «Nórrversjonen», er representert av en tekst som heter Hversu Noregr byggðist ‘Hvordan Norge ble bygd’. Teksten står i et komplekst forhold til de fem kapitlene med Ættartölur ‘Slektsforskning’ som følger den i manuskriptet. Selv om innhold og tema ligner i alle disse tekstene, er de tydelig avgrenset av initialer som ble satt inn av skriveren Magnús Þórhallsson. Magnús har ofte blitt tillagt en viktig rolle i samlingen av disse kapitlene. Denne artikkelen utforsker forholdet mellom Hversu Noregr byggðist og det første av slektsforskningskapitlene. Det demonstreres hvordan fortelling og temaer er gjennomgående i begge tekstene og at begge tekstene bruker de samme kildene til å identifisere Nórrs etterkommere som fremstående personer. På dette grunnlaget blir det argumentert for å betrakte de to tekstene som en tekstlig enhet, delt i to da manuskriptet ble samlet. Den narrative strukturen til begge tekstene kan sammenlignes med legendens andre versjon, Fundinn Noregr ‘Norge grunnlagt’. Artikkelen viser at en tilsvarende sammenheng som mellom Hversu Noregr byggðist og det første slektsforskningskapittelet, ikke fins mellom disse to tekstene og de siste fire slektsforskningskapitlene. Derfor blir det foreslått at Magnús Þórhallsson neppe er forfatteren av Nórrversjonen slik vi kjenner den.