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1
Coombs, Nicholas W. "Lev Kamenev : a case study in 'Bolshevik Centrism'". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7154/.
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This dissertation challenges the view that Lev Kamenev lacked a clear socialist vision and had no discernible objectives. It contends that Kamenev had an ideological line and political goals shaped by Ferdinand Lassalle. Kamenev adopted Lassalle’s desire for a democratic socialist republic and his method to achieve end aims. Through dialogical discourse Kamenev aimed to gain allies by overcoming differences by focusing on points of agreement. This was his ‘Bolshevik Centrism’. Ideologically, Kamenev absorbed Lassalle’s concept of the ‘Fourth Estate’, which mandated proletarian culture first predominate in society before revolution could occur. This helps explain his opposition to revolution in 1905 and 1917, and sheds light on his assessment in the early 1920s that the Bolsheviks had not founded the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’, but the ‘dictatorship of the party’. In trying to overcome this reality he adapted Lassalle’s vision for an all-encompassing selfless state and endeavoured to merge the party, the state, and the masses into one. His aspiration to win over peasants and workers placed him in a centrist position, whereby he used his authority to challenge Trotsky and Bukharin’s leftist and rightist policies. However, under the one-party dictatorship his actions directly contributed to the rise of Stalin.
2
Nilina, Nadya. "Bolshevik era, the extreme case of urban planning". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/37268.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture; and, (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2006.Leaf 102 blank.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-101).
The key premise of the Russian revolutionary movement was the overthrow of the old government and establishment of the new political order under the one party leadership of the Bolsheviks. The political platform of the new government extended well beyond the promise of simple reforms. Its foundation was a vision of an entirely new society governed by a set of new economic mechanisms and social relations. The foundation of the new system rested on the complete socialization of all economic resources and means of production and the creation of the centralized planning system independent of the volatile dynamics of the free market. In this thesis I argue that in their role as the new government of Russia, Bolsheviks simultaneously acted as town planners and as social planners, envisioning the new society and its institutions in every detail and creating a new urban form-the socialist city, and the new citizen-the socialist man. To create this city the Bolsheviks designed a unique tool-they merged their legal right to make policy with their ability to use rhetoric in the form of widespread persuasion, propaganda, indoctrination and force. I define the socialist city as an urban settlement in which the primary from of human existence is the collective life.
(cont.) This city is designed in such a way as to make every space accessible to government control, by making it transparent to the collective which has assumed the censoring and policing functions of the government The space of the city is permeated by a network of institutions and agents making it an environment in which a person is constantly exposed to the mechanisms of control. During the first decade after the revolution the Bolsheviks created the forms of housing and the auxiliary institutions, such as the social club, the communal canteen etc, that became the building blocks of the socialist city. In this thesis I examine the social institutions created by the Bolsheviks between 1917 and 1932 with the goal of understanding of how their design defined the future development of the socialist city.
by Nadya Nilina.
M.C.P.
S.M.
3
Young, James. "Bolshevik wives: a study of soviet elite society". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2694.
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This thesis explores the lives of key female members of the Bolshevik elite from the revolutionary movement’s beginnings to the time of Stalin’s death. Through analysing the attitudes and contributions of Bolshevik elite women – most particularly the wives of Lenin, Molotov, Voroshilov and Bukharin – it not only provides for a descriptive account of these individual lives, their changing attitudes and activities, but also a more broad-ranging, social handle on the evolution of elite society in the Soviet Union and the changing nature of the Bolshevik elite both physically and ideationally. Chapters one and two focus on the physical and ideological foundations of the Bolshevik marriage. Chapter one traces the ideological approach of the Bolsheviks towards marriage and the family, examining pre-revolutionary socialist positions in relation to women and the family and establishing a benchmark for how the Bolsheviks wished to approach the ‘woman question’. Chapter two examines the nature of the Bolshevik elite marriage from its inception to the coming of the revolution, dwelling particularly on the different pre-revolutionary experiences of Yekaterina Voroshilova and Nadezhda Krupskaya. Chapters three and four then analyse two key areas of wives’ everyday lives during the interwar years. Chapter three looks at the work that Bolshevik wives undertook and how the nature of their employment changed from the 1920s to the 1930s. Chapter four, through examining the writings of wives such as Voroshilova, Larina and Ordzhonikidze, focuses upon how wives viewed themselves, their responsibilities as members of the Bolshevik elite and the position of women in Soviet society. The final two chapters of this thesis explore the changing nature of elite society in this period and its relationship to Soviet society at large. Chapter five investigates the changing composition of the elite and the specific and general effects of the purges upon its nature. Directly, the chapter examines the lives of Zhemchuzhina, Larina and Pyatnitskaya as wives that were repressed during this period, while more broadly it considers the occupation of the House on the Embankment in the 1930s and the changing structure of Bolshevik elite society. Chapter six focuses on the evolution of Soviet society in the interwar period and how the experiences of Bolshevik elite wives differed from those of ‘mainstream’ Russian women. While previous studies of the Bolshevik elite have focussed upon men’s political lives and investigations of Soviet women’s policy and its shifts under Stalin have mainly concentrated upon describing changes in realist terms, this thesis demonstrates that not only is an evaluation of wives’ lives crucial to a fuller understanding of the Bolshevik elite, but that by comprehending the personal attitudes and values of members of the Bolshevik elite society, particularly with regards to women and the family, a more informed perspective on the reasons for changes in Soviet women’s policy during the interwar period may be arrived at.
4
Young, James. "Bolshevik wives: a study of soviet elite society". University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2694.
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PhDThis thesis explores the lives of key female members of the Bolshevik elite from the revolutionary movement’s beginnings to the time of Stalin’s death. Through analysing the attitudes and contributions of Bolshevik elite women – most particularly the wives of Lenin, Molotov, Voroshilov and Bukharin – it not only provides for a descriptive account of these individual lives, their changing attitudes and activities, but also a more broad-ranging, social handle on the evolution of elite society in the Soviet Union and the changing nature of the Bolshevik elite both physically and ideationally. Chapters one and two focus on the physical and ideological foundations of the Bolshevik marriage. Chapter one traces the ideological approach of the Bolsheviks towards marriage and the family, examining pre-revolutionary socialist positions in relation to women and the family and establishing a benchmark for how the Bolsheviks wished to approach the ‘woman question’. Chapter two examines the nature of the Bolshevik elite marriage from its inception to the coming of the revolution, dwelling particularly on the different pre-revolutionary experiences of Yekaterina Voroshilova and Nadezhda Krupskaya. Chapters three and four then analyse two key areas of wives’ everyday lives during the interwar years. Chapter three looks at the work that Bolshevik wives undertook and how the nature of their employment changed from the 1920s to the 1930s. Chapter four, through examining the writings of wives such as Voroshilova, Larina and Ordzhonikidze, focuses upon how wives viewed themselves, their responsibilities as members of the Bolshevik elite and the position of women in Soviet society. The final two chapters of this thesis explore the changing nature of elite society in this period and its relationship to Soviet society at large. Chapter five investigates the changing composition of the elite and the specific and general effects of the purges upon its nature. Directly, the chapter examines the lives of Zhemchuzhina, Larina and Pyatnitskaya as wives that were repressed during this period, while more broadly it considers the occupation of the House on the Embankment in the 1930s and the changing structure of Bolshevik elite society. Chapter six focuses on the evolution of Soviet society in the interwar period and how the experiences of Bolshevik elite wives differed from those of ‘mainstream’ Russian women. While previous studies of the Bolshevik elite have focussed upon men’s political lives and investigations of Soviet women’s policy and its shifts under Stalin have mainly concentrated upon describing changes in realist terms, this thesis demonstrates that not only is an evaluation of wives’ lives crucial to a fuller understanding of the Bolshevik elite, but that by comprehending the personal attitudes and values of members of the Bolshevik elite society, particularly with regards to women and the family, a more informed perspective on the reasons for changes in Soviet women’s policy during the interwar period may be arrived at.
5
Jebsen, Peter. "Bolshevik for Capitalism: Ayn Rand & Soviet Socialist Realism". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/134.
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Since the late 1950s, Russian-American novelist and philosopher Ayn Rand has been “the ultimate gateway drug to life on the right.” Her philosophy – “Objectivism” – combined militant atheism, libertarian natural rights, and a philosophical commitment to what she called “the virtue of selfishness,” and earned her the admiration of such luminaries as Alan Greenspan: a remarkable achievement for an immigrant woman who learned to speak English in her late 20s. What is less-often observed is that Rand’s work, especially her mature novels The Fountainhead (1943) and Atlas Shrugged (1957), bear a close stylistic resemblance to the Soviet Socialist Realist novel. This thesis identifies these similarities and attempts to answer the question of why a heavily Soviet-inflected writer was able to reach such cultural and political prominence in, of all places, America.
6
Shepler, Ryan. "The Bolshevik campaign against religion in Soviet Russia 1917-1932 /". Connect to resource, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/32192.
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7
Takiguchi, Junya. "The Bolshevik Party Congress, 1903-1927 : orchestration, debate and experiences". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492835.
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The present thesis focuses on the Bolshevik Party congress, covering the period from its inception in 1903 to the beginning of the "Stalinist" Party congress in 1927. Within a quarter of a century, the Party congress which had started as an illegal and secret gathering with a small number of activists had evolved into a major "political spectacle".
8
Somakian, Manoug Joseph. "Tsarist and Bolshevik policy towards the Armenian question, 1912-20". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508108.
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Using extensive primary sources, the thesis examines the direction, changes and ramifications of Tsarist-Bolshevik policy towards the Armenian question in the Ottoman Empire from 1912-20. As background to the main theme of the thesis, the 19th century emergence of the Armenian question is discussed in the introduction. It also examines the conflicting political aims of Britain and Russia towards Turkish Armenia in the course of the widespread Armenian massacres of 1894-96. Chapter two (1908-14) analyses the Young Turk ideology of 'Ottomanism' and the slogan of 'equality and brotherhood' within the faltering Ottoman Empire. It is argued that by using such methods, the Young Turk government tried to disguise its actual chauvinistic ideology in an attempt to fend off ethnic nationalist tendencies. The Armenian Reform question and the reasons for Russia's instigation of a Kurdish revolt are also discussed in detail. In chapter three (1914-16) there is a discussion about Russian strategic and military interests in eastern Turkey and the question of the acquisition of Constantinople and the Straits. The wholesale deportation and massacres of Ottoman Armenians by the Young Turk government is examined in depth. Russian political aims towards Turkish Armenia after the latter had been conquered by Russia during the course of the war are discussed. Chapter four examines pre-war Pan-Turanian ideology, its origins and impact on Turkish policy. The intense literary and political propaganda for the unification of all the Turkic people in a single Turanian Empire guided by the Young Turk government receives special attention. The favourable response of the Ottoman War Council towards this union; the military operations to fulfil the objective following the Bolshevik revolution of 1917; and the attempts of the Western powers to use Armenia as a means to forestall this union, are fully discussed. The last chapter (1917-20) analyses Russian Provisional Government and then Soviet Government policy towards the Ottoman Empire and the Armenian question. The leading political events in Transcaucasia from the Russian revolution to the sovietisation of the Republic of Armenia, in November 1920, are analysed in some depth. The collaboration between Soviet Russia and Kemalist Turkey against the Republic of Armenia sheds considerable light on Armenian history.
9
Multanen, Elina Hannele. "British policy towards Russian refugees in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10033931/.
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This thesis examines British government policy towards Russian refugees in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Civil War in Russia. As a consequence of these two events, approximately one million Russians opposing the Bolshevik rule escaped from Russia. The Russian refugee problem was one of the major political and humanitarian problems of inter-war Europe, affecting both individual countries of refuge, as well as the international community as a whole. The League of Nations had been formed in 1919 in order to promote international peace and security. The huge numbers of refugees from the former Russian Empire, on the other hand, were seen as a threat to the international stability. Consequently, the member states of the League for the first time recognised the need for international co-operative efforts to assist refugees, and the post of High Commissioner for Russian Refugees was established under the auspices of the League. Significantly, this action marked the beginning of the international refugee regime; the active co-operation of states in the field of refugee assistance. European countries, in addition to international co-operative efforts on behalf of Russian refugees, also took individual actions for their assistance by offering them asylum in their countries. However, there were big differences in the policies of various European countries. Britain had long enjoyed a reputation of being a country of liberal refuge, where political refugees and immigrants could find asylum. This liberalism, however, started to be undermined at the beginning of the 20th century, particularly since the First World War. Although a principle that political refugees should be considered separately remained, my thesis will argue that this rule was not followed in the case of Russian refugees. From the very beginning the British government took a rigid attitude against the admission of Russian refugees to Britain, and strict provisions were set for the entry of individual refugees. Because of this, the number of Russian refugees in Britain was much smaller than in many other European countries, for example France or Germany. The policy of the British government towards Russian refugees thus offers a good example of the general decline of liberalism in Britain.
10
Curran, Matthew David. "Lenin, Trotsky and the evolution of the Bolshevik State, 1917-1924 /". Title page, table of contents and introduction only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc9761.pdf.
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Riga, Liliana. "Identity and empire : the making of the Bolshevik elite, 1880-1917". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37820.
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This study concerns the sources of the revolutionary Bolshevik elite's social and ethnic origins in Late Imperial Russia. The key finding is that the Bolshevik leadership of the revolutionary years 1917--1924 was highly ethnically diverse in origin with non-Russians---Jews, Latvians, Georgians, Armenians, Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians---constituting nearly two-thirds of the elite. The 'Russian' Revolution was led primarily by elites of the empire's non-Russian national minorities. This thesis therefore considers the sources of their radicalism in the peripheries of the multinational empire.Although the 'class' language of socialism has dominated accounts not only of the causes of the Revolution but also of the sources of Bolshevik socialism, in my view the Bolsheviks were more a response to a variety of cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic social identities than they were a response to class conflict. The appeal of a theory about class conflict does not necessarily mean that it was class conflict to which the Bolsheviks were responding; they were much more a product of the tensions of a multi-ethnic imperial state than of the alienating 'class' effects of an industrializing Russian state.
How 'peripherals' of the imperial borderlands came to espouse an ideology of the imperial 'center' is the empirical focus. Five substantive chapters on Jews, Poles and Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Transcaucasians, and Latvians, consider the sources of their radicalism by contextualizing their biographies in regional ethnopolitics and in relationships to the Tsarist state. A great attraction of Russian (Bolshevik) socialism was in what it meant for ethnopolitics in the multi-ethnic borderlands: much of the appeal lay in its secularism, its 'ecumenical' political vision, its universalism, its anti-nationalism, and in its implied commitment to "the good imperial ideal". The 'elective affinities' between individuals of different ethnic strata and Russian socialism varied across ethnic groups, and often within them. One of the key themes, therefore, is how a social and political identity is worked out within the context of a multinational empire, invoking social processes such as nationalism, assimilation, Russification, social mobility, access to provincial and imperial 'civil societies', linguistic and cultural choices, and ethnopolitical relationships.
12
McGeever, Brendan Francis. "The Bolshevik confrontation with antisemitism in the Russian Revolution, 1917-1919". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6806/.
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The Russian Revolution of 1917 was the high point of class struggle in the twentieth-century. For the first time in world history, a social movement predicated on the overcoming of class exploitation succeeded in gaining state power. In the days and weeks following October 1917 insurrection, a self-declared Marxist government set about the task of constructing a socialist society. However the Russian Revolution was more than the mass political mobilisation of class resentments. In addition to proletarians and peasants, the Bolsheviks also mobilised national minorities, for whom October represented the opportunity to put an end to centuries of national oppression. The Bolshevik promise, therefore, entailed not just class solidarity, but national self-determination and internationalism as well. In the very moment of revolution, however, these sentiments were put to the test as mass outbreaks of antisemitic pogroms spread across the vast regions of the former Pale of Settlement. The pogroms posed fundamental questions for the Bolshevik project, since they revealed the nature and extent of working class and peasant attachments to antisemitic and racialised forms of consciousness. This dissertation has two broad aims: first, it sets out to offer the most comprehensive analysis to date of the explosive articulation between antisemitism and the revolutionary process. It reveals, for example, the extent to which class struggle and anti-bourgeois discourse could overlap with antisemitic representations of Jewishness, often with devastating consequences. Second, it offers the most comprehensive analysis to date of the Soviet government attempt to arrest this articulation between antisemitism and revolutionary politics. Contrary to existing understandings, the dissertation argues that the ‘Bolshevik’ campaign against antisemitism was led not the Party leadership, as is often assumed, but by a small grouping of non-Bolshevik Jewish socialists who worked in the Party and Soviet government throughout 1918 and 1919. Having brought into focus an almost entirely overlooked moment in the history of Jewish experiences of, and responses to, antisemitism, the dissertation concludes by reflecting on how this reframing of the Russian Revolution might offer insights for anti-racists and socialists engaged in struggles for social justice today.
13
Hillman, Carolyn. "The impact of Bolshevik agrarian policies on the Soviet peasantry, 1928-1933 /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1992. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh654.pdf.
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Wright, Alistair S. "The establishment of Bolshevik power on the Russian periphery : Soviet Karelia, 1918-1919". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3105/.
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Using an array of original materials from Russian regional and central archives this detailed study of Soviet Karelia from 1918-1919 is the first to appear in English after the fall of the Soviet Union. It adds to the still limited number of regional studies of the civil war period and using the Karelian districts as a case study discusses how the Bolsheviks consolidated power on the periphery, what factors hindered this process and what were the sources of resistance. Karelia is unique for a combination of reasons. First, it is a grain deficit region and so was always in need of help with the supply of grain from the Volga and other parts of central Russia. Second, the political influence of the Left Socialist Revolutionary party (Left SRs) continued for a considerable time after the events of July 1918. The thesis explores how power was transferred in the region following the October revolution and how the planned political objectives of the Bolsheviks were stalled by the lack of political control in the districts not least of all, for most of 1918, because of the influence of the Left SRs. However, despite political, economic, social and military crises the Bolsheviks gained more experience in power as the civil war progressed and a semblance of order emerged from the chaos. They gained enough control over the food supply shortages for the population to subsist and increased their control in key Soviet institutions, such as the provincial security police (the Cheka) and the Red Army, which ultimately ensured the survival of the Bolshevik regime and victory in the civil war.
15
Wells, Benjamin. "The Union of Regeneration : the anti-Bolshevik underground in revolutionary Russia, 1917-1919". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2004. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1842.
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The Union of Regeneration has been chosen as the main focal point of this thesis, a study of underground political organisations in revolutionary Russia who came about as a result of fragmentation of Russia's major political parties in 1917 and sought to oppose the Bolshevik takeover of power. The thesis traces the origins of the underground in the political turmoil of 1917 before detailing how each group was formed, and how a number of plans were made, most of which hinged on the extensive involvement of Allied interventionist forces, to form an anti-Bolshevik and anti-German front in the wake of the signature of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. The efforts of the Union of Regeneration, the National Centre, and other groups such as the Union for the Defence of the Fatherland and Freedom are presented as a series of failures which took place mostly in 1918. By examining the reasons for each of these failures, this thesis hopes to focus not on external factors, such as the lack of Allied intervention to assist the underground groups or the machinations of reactionary forces against them, in order to reveal the fundamental failings of the underground movement as a whole. The underground lacked any organisational discipline or coherence, its ranks were easily entered on a loose, `personal' basis and there was little unity of purpose between its members, save the removal of Soviet power. Consequently, plans made were too vague, agreements were too easily broken, and alliances were too easily ruptured. This thesis, then, hopes to demonstrate that although when considered together the anti-Bolshevik underground constituted a genuine potential threat to the Bolshevik regime, that it failed to act as one contributed greatly to it being easily marginalised by the extremes of left and right.
16
Priestland, D. R. "Ideological conflict within the Bolshevik Party, 1917-1939 : the question of 'bureaucracy' and 'democracy'". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316857.
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Liu, Jianyi. "The origins of the Chinese Communist Party and the role played by Soviet Russia and the Comintern". Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9813/.
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Mitchell, John A. 1966. "Bolshevik Britain: An Examination of British Labor Unrest in the Wake of the Russian Revolution, 1919". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501153/.
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The conclusion of the First World War brought the resumption of a struggle of a different sort: a battle between government and labor. Throughout 1919, government and labor squared off in a struggle over hours, wages, and nationalization. The Russian Revolution introduced the danger of the bolshevik contagion into the struggle. The first to enter into this conflict with the government were the shop stewards of Belfast and Glasgow. The struggle continued with the continued threats of the Triple Alliance and the police to destroy the power of the government through industrial action. This thesis examines the British labor movement during this revolutionary year in Europe, as well as the government's response to this new danger.
19
Holder, Brian James. "The Bolshevik Revolution and Tin Pan Alley anti-revolutionary song in the United States, 1917-1927 /". [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0022873.
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Grachova, Sofiya. "Pathologies of Civility: Jews, Health, Race and Citizenship in the Russian Empire and the Bolshevik State, 1830-1930". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13064928.
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The dissertation examines the interrelationship between professional and public discourses on Jewish health and the politics of citizenship in Russia across the revolutionary divides of the early twentieth century. In Russia, like in other countries of the time, medical consensus held that Jews exhibited different rates of various diseases compared to Gentiles, such as a higher incidence of diabetes and a lower rate of syphilis. The validity of such data aside, the production and interpretation of these statistics reveal how the criteria of civil enfranchisement and group identity changed over the period in question. Debates about Jewish health at the time addressed two major themes: whether Jews could be full-fledged citizens and whether they constituted a particular ethnic/"racial" group. However, as the dissertation argues, it was concepts of citizenship that generated racial discourse and nationalist ideologies, in this case, and not the other way around.
Two concepts of race coexisted in Russian professional and public discourses during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, one historical-cultural and the other biological. This dissertation demonstrates that the former was much more politically and intellectually productive than the latter. Biological concepts of race had limited currency at the time and, as a rule, were subordinated to the discourse of ethnicity.
At the same time, notions of civilization and the autonomous personality were crucial for debates about Jewish health, Jewish civil status, and the politics of formal and informal citizenship in Russia before 1917. After the Bolshevik revolution, these concepts continued to affect the state's social policies, even though they became divorced from the formal criteria of citizenship.
Since the Russian empire and, in a different manner, the early Bolshevik state did not have universal and uniform citizenship based on the idea of natural rights, this study offers useful comparative material for the history of citizenship in general, and the politics of citizenship in empires and composite states in particular. It also offers a contextual, underdeterministic interpretation of the political significance of "race" which departs from established teleological and deterministic narratives of the history of racial thought.History
21
Kelsey, John M. "Lev Trotsky and the Red Army in the Russian Civil War, 1917-1921". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/105.
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A study of Lev Trotsky's leadership role in constructing the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. Beginning with his appointment in March 1918, Trotsky transformed the Bolsheviks' military policy to adopt more conventional fighting techniques.
22
Alspaugh, Amy. "'So let's drink to the hope that our desires always coincide with our opportunities' the integration of folk culture and Bolshevik ideals in Soviet visual propaganda /". Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/984.
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Krafcik, Annika K. "Teaching the Narod to Listen: Nadezhda Briusova and Mass Music Education in Revolutionary Russia". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1591367779053198.
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Millier, Callie Anne. "Russian Peasant Women's Resistance Against the State during the Antireligious Campaigns of 1928-1932". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849654/.
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This study seeks to explore the role of peasant women in resistance to the antireligious campaigns during collectivization and analyze how the interplay of the state and resistors formed a new culture of religion in the countryside. I argue that while the state’s succeeded in controlling most of the public sphere, peasant women, engaging in subversive activities and exploiting the state’s ideology, succeeded in preserving a strong peasant adherence to religion prior to World War II. It was peasant women’s determination and adaptation that thwarted the party’s goal of nation-wide atheism.
25
Smith, Jeremy Robert Charnock. "The Bolsheviks and the national question, 1917-1923". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338905.
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Smith, Jeremy. "The Bolsheviks and the national question, 1917-23 /". London : Macmillan : School of Slavonic and East European studies, University of London, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37105898g.
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Tarleton, Robert E. "Bolsheviks of military affairs : Stalin's high commands, 1934-40 /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10348.
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Malik, Hassan. "Bankers and Bolsheviks: International Finance and the Russian Revolution, 1892-1922". Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11169.
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This dissertation describes and analyzes the financial boom that made Russia the largest net international debtor in the world by 1914, as well as the Bolshevik default of 1918 -- one of the biggest in international financial history. For the Bolsheviks the default was a highly significant attack on "finance capital." Yet few historians have paid much attention to the financial history of the Russian Revolution. This study focuses in particular on the decision-making of the small but influential group of financiers and government officials who acted as the "gatekeepers" of international finance, channeling international capital to Russia in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.History
29
Bubis, Mordecai Donald. "The Soviet Union and Stalinism in the ideological debates of American Trotskyism (1937-51)". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364755.
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Pirani, Simon. "The changing political relationship between Moscow workers and the Bolsheviks, 1920-24". Thesis, University of Essex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433603.
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Grabovskiy, Aleksandr. "Reception of Marxism in 20th Century Russia". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/211.
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In my thesis I will study how the revolutionary philosophy of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels was received and interpreted by early 20th century Russian intellectuals in an attempt to reconcile orthodoxy with the real conditions present in Russia. Through analysis of documents spanning several decades of debate, I will trace the evolution of this discussion to unlock the logic that led to philosophy put to action in the form of revolution. Finally, I will evaluate how this logic fits into the historic trajectory described by Marxism.
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Kadish, S. "Bolsheviks and British Jews : The Anglo-Jewish community, Britain and the Russian Revolution". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384774.
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Biggart, John. "Alexander Bogdanov, left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904-1932". Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328854.
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Ruotsila, Markku Mikael. "The origins of Anglo-American anti-Bolshevism, 1917-21". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624142.
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Bevan, Oliver Craig. "Three papers on the Development and Contribution of Ideational Frameworks in Russian Politics, 1917-1934 and 1991-2008". Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11084.
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The central contention of this dissertation is that political scientists have largely ignored the importance of ideational frameworks for resolving problems of policy-making in times of significant upheaval. In order to illustrate the genesis and contribution of these frameworks, the three papers in my dissertation focus on a diachronic comparison of two moments in Russian history that encapsulate maximal uncertainty, covering the aftermath of the imperial collapses in 1917 and 1991. The first paper focuses on state- and nation-building in the North Caucasus, arguing that the debates between the Bolsheviks and other members of the Second International, particularly Otto Bauer, provided the Bolsheviks with a coherent platform that could largely stem the fissiparous tendencies of the region in a way that Boris Yeltsin and his teams were unable to do in the early 1990s. The second paper examines economic policy and finds the reverse to be true: the economic debates of the Second International largely ignored the problem of the peasantry and the exiled status of many of the leading Bolsheviks meant they were unable to articulate a sufficiently detailed policy to apply to the Russian case. The post-communists under the leadership of Yegor Gaidar, were able to draw on decades of economic research, particularly the Chicago and Virginia Schools, that provided the intellectual rationale for dismembering the Communist command-system, but equally important was the years that Gaidar and his team spent developing an alternative in the twilight years of communism. The final paper considers the legacy of ideational frameworks by considering the rule of Stalin and Putin, arguing that the tasks left unfulfilled provide a basis for regime consolidation by subsequent rulers.Government
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Russell, Allison Kate. "Overture to the Red Terror : the Bolsheviks in power, October 1917 to August 1918 /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1992. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr961.pdf.
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Campbell, Heather Alison. "Bolshevism, Islamism, nationalism : Britain's problems in South Asia, 1918-1923". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/7964.
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As many scholars have noted, in the immediate years after the First World War, the British Empire faced important challenges to its future survival, not least of which was the growth of three key movements: Bolshevism, Islamism and nationalism. This thesis examines how Britain coped with these problems, by exploring the internal government debates regarding foreign policy formulation towards South Asia, specifically in the countries of Persia and Afghanistan. It is the contention of this work that the current literature on this subject suffers from certain flaws, the first being that not enough writers have discussed the interrelation of these three movements. Secondly, there has been a lack of focus on how officials in London and in Delhi thought quite differently on the issue of Britain’s foreign policy in South Asia after 1918. This thesis will address these, and other, gaps in the literature. It will contend that there were those within the Home government who displayed a particular mode of thought – a ‘Great Game mentality’ – towards this region. This mentality was influenced by the legacy of the earlier, 19th-century rivalry between Britain and Russia, and resulted in a tendency to over-emphasise the threat of Russian Bolshevism to Britain’s imperial interests in South Asia, whilst at the same time under-emphasising the threat of nationalism and pan-Islamism across Persia, Afghanistan and India. When the Indian government questioned this Great Game mentality, it was largely ignored and frequently maligned. The work will demonstrate how those of the Great Game mind-set dominated the creation of Britain’s policy towards Persia, Afghanistan and adjoining regions in 1918 and 1919, how events of 1920 and 1921 forced London to reassess this Great Game thinking, and how (by 1922 and 1923) this re-evaluation had developed into re-formulation of British foreign policy in South Asia.
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Johnson, Samantha T. "A good European and a sincere racist : the life and work of Professor Charles Sarolea, 1870-1953". Thesis, Keele University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366446.
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Oelschlegel, Zachary. "BOLSHEVISM AND CHRISTIANITY: THE AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE IN RUSSIA (1919-1933)". Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/161738.
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HistoryM.A.
This paper documents the underlying support many left-leaning Quakers had for the Bolshevik Revolution, displayed through the relief operations of the American Friends Service Committee in Russia from 1919-1931. While the Friends have carried out relief efforts in many areas of the world in their spirit of Christian fellowship, there was added excitement for the work in Russia due to the Bolsheviks' goals of social justice. Therefore, much of why the Friends went, why they stayed so long, and how they were able to achieve so much was due to the influence of communist sympathies in and around Quaker circles. The mission achieved a special place in the minds of many AFSC workers and officials because of these communist sympathies, which eventually blinded many Quakers to the atrocities of the Russian Revolution and the nature of the emerging Soviet regime.
Temple University--Theses
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Старух, О. "Ліквідація банків і припинення банківської діяльності більшовиками в 1917-1920 роках". Thesis, Українська академія банківської справи Національного банку України, 2006. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/60333.
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Розбудова правової держави i становлення ринкової економiки
сьогодення напряму залежать вiд вдосконалення банкiвської системи, для
якої досить актуальною у правовому вiдношеннi залишається проблема
лiквiдацiї i реорганiзацiї банкiвських установ.The development of a legal state and the formation of a market economy the present is directly dependent on the improvement of the banking system, for which is a very topical issue in the legal relationship liquidation and reorganization of banking institutions.
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Sigler, Krista Lynn. "Kshesinskaia's Mansion: High Culture and the Politics of Modernity in Revolutionary Russia". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1243013516.
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Waddington, Lorna Louise. "Confronting the 'conspiracy' : ideology, diplomacy and propaganda in Hitler's crusade against international Bolshevism, 1919-1943". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414871.
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Walker, Lisa Kay. "Anti-Bolshevism and the Advent of Mussolini and Hitler: Anglo-American Diplomatic Perceptions, 1922-1933". PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4629.
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The history of World War II has led many Americans to vie~ Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy and Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as European variants of a single Fascist ideology. Ho~ever, in the early years of the Mussolini and Hitler regimes, the conceptual category of international Fascism was by not so well-established, particularly ~here the Nazis were concerned. American and British diplomats stationed in Germany in the early 1930s only occasionally interpreted the rising Nazi party as an offshoot of Fascism, but frequently referred to it as a possible form of or precursor of Bolshevism in Germany. Published and unpublished American foreign policy documents, published British diplomatic documents, and a wide array of secondary sources have contributed information showing how perceptions of Nazism and Bolshevism were influenced by matters that clouded the issues. The similarity of American and British views on the subjects of Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism can be attributed to the new understanding among the policy elites of the two nations as they became the leading status quo powers after World War I. The United States in particular had gone through tremendous organizational changes during and after the war, and was entering into a new era of professional and bureaucratized foreign policy that differed from its ad hoc diplomacy of the past. American foreign policy of the interwar period combined a strong interest in business expansion with a relative lack of desire for international political entanglements. American political commitments of the 1920s, particularly in Germany, were backed primarily by loans and investment, and through reparations revision plans designed by unofficial diplomats recruited from the private sector. As American financial commitments to Germany became more dependent on German repayment, and as the Depression tightened its grip, the rise of the Nazis became an ever greater source of alarm. This concern was related not only to their unclear and ill-defined political ideas, but to the threat they seemingly posed to financial stability -- a threat that increased their resemblance to the Bolsheviks in the minds of many diplomatic observers. Various other factors were important in developing the Anglo-American view of Nazism as related to Bolshevism. These included the almost obsessive intensity of anti-Bolshevism in the United States and Great Britain throughout the interwar period; the close association of Bolshevism with economic chaos in the minds of Anglo-American leaders, with a concomitant tendency to see Bolshevism developing wherever economic chaos occurred in Europe; and the strong admiration for Mussolini's Italy in both Britain and the United States, which precluded possibilities of seeing much in common between Italian Fascism and Nazism during this period. Some important sources of conceptual confusion were inherent in the policies of Germany's post-World War I Weimar Republic. Leading German diplomats and politicians of the republic, such as Gustav Stresemann, used Anglo-American fears of Bolshevism as a cornerstone of their policy to gain revisions and modifications of the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty. In the early 1930s, the "Bolshevism bogey" was used by Ambassador Frederic Sackett, a political appointee of Herbert Hoover, to get Hoover's attention so that he would modify reparations policy in favor of Sackett's friend, the embattled Chancellor Heinrich Bruning. The internal factions of the rising Nazi party, including the left-leaning wing led by Gregor Strasser, appeared to give some credence to the idea that the Nazis could harbor communistic elements. After Hitler's rise to the chancellorship in 1933, American and British observers began to note more resemblances between the Hitler and Mussolini regimes. However, many of their earlier observations about the similarities of Nazism and Bolshevism have validity in terms of the more totalitarian nature of these regimes as compared to Italian Fascism and its other less extreme variants.
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Main, Steven John. "Creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's political apparatus during the Civil War (1918-1920)". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8314.
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The main aim of this dissertation has been to examine the creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's Civil War political apparatus and assess its overall contribution to the Bolshevik war effort. To this end the dissertation itself consists of 4 main chapters and a number of appendices, detailing not only the work of the main political organs of the Red Army, but also the main personalities involved. The first chapter is an introductory chapter, examining the organ, which many Soviet historians have for a long time considered to be the Bolsheviks' first attempt at the creation of a centralised political organ for the Red Army, namely the Organisation-agitation department of the All-Russian Collegiate for the Formation and Organisation of the Red Army. The work carried out for the first chapter then leads to a discussion of the work of arguably the first real attempt by the Bolsheviks to create a properly functioning political organ specifically for the Red Army, namely the All-Russian Bureau of Military Commissars (VBVK). The chapter has been sub-divided into a number of sections, in order to allow a greater detailed examination of the work, personalities and difficulties that the central political apparatus faced in its attempts to exert some sort of control over the various constituent parts of the front political apparatus-the military commissars, the Party cells and the ever-increasing important political departments in the period 1918-1919. That VBVK was not to be a crowning success is revealed by the necessity that the Bolsheviks felt towards the beginning of 1919 to abolish VBVK and create arguably the centralised political organ of the Red Army during the Civil War period-the Political Administration of the Revolutionary Military Soviet of the Republic (PUR). Created in May 1919, PUR was to face many of the same problems that had beset VBVK a year or so earlier but, on the whole, coped with them better and political and cultural-educational work in the Red Army proceeded apace. The final, conclusive chapter brings all the threads together and assesses the claims made for the political work carried out in the front-line Red Army units during 1918-1920 and, whilst admitting that the Bolsheviks did spend much time on promoting the apparatus in a number of ways, the assertions made by generations of Soviet historians concerning the overall value of the political and cultural-educational work carried out in the Red Army are still too grandiose and that there is a lack of concrete evidence available, proving the worth of the political work carried out and its positive military consequences.
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Landis, Erik-Christiaan. "Anti-Bolshevism and the origins of the Antonov movement : the Tambov countryside through revolution and civil war". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624834.
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McDougall, Brian Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. "Must workers' revolution always fail? Bolshevism, the revolutionary process and the revolutionary crises in Russia, Chile, Portugal and Poland". Ottawa, 1991.
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Cliffe, Alan. "Of Earth And Sky: Lev Tolstoy As Poet And Prophet". Cleveland, Ohio : Cleveland State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1232032249.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Cleveland State University, 2008.Abstract. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Apr. 16, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 48-50). Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center. Also available in print.
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Жиленко, Ірина Рудольфівна, Ирина Рудольфовна Жиленко e Iryna Rudolfivna Zhylenko. ""Известия Сумского совета рабочих и солдатских депутатов" (1917) - ідеологічний орган більшовиків". Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2010. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/12851.
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Розглядаються питання з історії виникнення та головні публікації на сторінках більшовицької газети «Известия Сумского совета рабочих и солдатских депутатов» (1917), першого
видання газети «Сумщина», як органа ідеологічного впливу на
суспільство напередодні Жовтневої революції.
При цитуванні документа, використовуйте посилання http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/12851
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Bustamante, Fernando. "Duas revoluções: o percurso estético-político na literatura de John Reed". Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8147/tde-11112014-191146/.
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Estudo da evolução estética e política na obra de John Silas Reed (1897-1920) a partir de, fundamentalmente, duas de suas obras: seu primeiro livro, Insurgent Mexico (México Insurgente 1914) e seu último livro publicado em vida, Ten Days that Shook the World (Dez dias que abalaram o mundo 1919). A partir da crítica materialista-dialética a dissertação aborda o percurso de John Reed e procura demonstrar, numa leitura comparada entre as duas obras, como a transformação da visão política de seu autor se expressa na transformação estética de suas obras. Também se procura fazer uma leitura crítica da recepção de John Reed e a interpretação de sua obra nas décadas posteriores à sua morteA study regarding the aesthetical and political development within the work of John Silar Reed (1897-1920) based upon, fundamentally, two of his books: his first one, Insurgent Mexico (1914), and the last one published in his lifetime, Ten Days that Shook the World (1919). From the dialetical-materialistic standpoint, the study approaches John Reeds life and tries to demonstrate, through a compared Reading between these two books, how the transformation in the authors political view is related to the aesthetical transformation in his writing and literary composition. John Reed works reception and criticism is also critically regarded
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Lause, Chris LAUSE. "Nativism in the Interwar Era". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1530571623203858.
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