Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Bethany Union for Young Women"

SummaryAnalysis of data from the Guyana Fertility Survey on the trends and covariates of age at first birth among various birth cohorts of women ever in union indicates that an early entry into union is associated with young age at first birth and higher number of children born. Multivariate analysis showed that women with highér education, urban residence, and entry into union at age 20 or older among younger cohorts experienced lower risks for first birth compared to others, and that young women are delaying their first birth for longer durations than older women. Work status of women before first birth and the starting age of union seem to be the two major contributory factors for age at first birth. Noticeably, the role of education has changed and is now more significant among younger cohorts than among older ones for first birth timing.

The aim of this study is to examine whether having a precarious job (low job security) increases union tendencies among female workers and young workers. The study examines the relationship between economic constraints, trust in employers and union attitudes in terms of gender and age in the context of the antecedents and consequences of job security. Data were collected using a survey conducted among 804 Turkish employees working in various sectors and analysed through multi-group path models, t-tests and ANOVA to measure job security objectively and subjectively. Economic constraints increase the acceptance of low job security and decrease trust towards employers. The research also indicates that poorer job security does not affect collective and union tendencies. While precarious jobs are more intense among young and women employees, there is no difference in their union tendencies. This article used the decent work perspective to explore the consequences of having a precarious job among women and young workers in Turkey. We assumed that the perception of precariousness reduces trust towards employers and strengthens collective and union tendencies. We also argue that economic constraints play an important role in choosing precarious jobs. We also test whether women and young employees, as two prominent disadvantaged groups, have collective efficacy and union efficacy in precarious job conditions.

There is now widespread recognition that, far from being politically apathetic, young people across Europe are engaged in a wide range of ‘political’ activities. While turnout at national and European elections among the 18-25 age group may be low, researchers have highlighted diverse and creative new forms of political participation. In relation to young women, in particular, Harris (2005) has presented a compelling analysis of the new ‘borderspaces’ opened up between public and private domains by young women through the use of new technologies. She contends that in the face of greater surveillance and regulation brought about by the shift to neo-liberal forms of governmentality, carving out a protected space for oneself is a political act, in itself. Moreover, the creative ways in which young women across the world use such spaces – to question dominant narratives about the nature of contemporary girlhood, to resist discourses which construct young women as merely passive consumers, and to trouble conventional notions of ‘youth participation’ – are highly political. Some EU representatives have indicated an awareness of these new forms of engagement and professed a desire to develop links between them and more traditional forms of party politics and policy making (Hoskins, 2005). Nevertheless, the degree to which these sentiments have been translated into policy remains unclear. This article draws on recent documents on young people, citizenship and political participation to assess the extent to which these new spaces of young women's politics are, firstly, recognised and, secondly, valued within EU policy.

Early marriage, defined as formal marriage or informal union before 18, has been normalized depending the expectations on gender roles. Especially in patriarchal societies, girls and young women who are married without their consents unwillingly accept the situation without having anything to say. Some young women, married early, on the other hand, become a “role model” to help the continuation of the system. Cultural implications that emphasize unequal gender roles, dominant male authority, and leaving females without power and autonomy in the society females depending on the patriarchy and its reflections are effective on the continuation of the early marriages and the occurrence of gender-based violence against young women. Girls growing up and getting married early in such a society are being exposed to different forms of physical, psychological, sexual, social and financial violence especially through the marriage starting from the marriage decisions made on behalf of them. The purpose of this study is to discuss how gender-based violence against young women and girls caused by early marriages occurs. In other words, gender-based violence before the marriage/union, considering especially the marriage decisions, and through the marriages is analyzed. Finally, suggestions aiming to prevent early marriages of girls and young women, and by extension, to deter gender-based violence are offered in this study.

BackgroundSocial support is an important factor for improving the outcome of intimate partner violence (IPV) among abused women. Gaps exist on the role of social support among young women who have experienced IPV in Nigeria. Therefore, this study examined the influence of social support on the experience of IPV married and cohabiting young women in urban slums of Ibadan, Nigeria.MethodsThis study was a community-based household survey conducted in ten slum communities in the five local government areas of Ibadan municipality among 314 young women. Outcome variable was the experience of physical, psychological and any IPV. Socio-demographic characteristics were summarised using frequency and percentage. Level of statistical significance was set at α0.05.ResultsThe mean age of respondents was 22.25±1.75 years and the mean spousal age difference was 7.15±3.87 years. Majority of the respondents were married (62.1%), and have been in a union for 0–4 years (68.8%). More than half (56.4%) justified IPV perpetration. Majority of the respondents reported having experienced psychological IPV (66.6%) and at least one form of IPV (86.3%) but have never told anyone about their IPV experience (58.1%). Social support was a predictor of psychological and any IPV, but not physical IPV. Type of union and duration of union significantly predicted all forms of IPV.ConclusionPrevalence of IPV is higher among women in cohabiting relationships. Social support from family and friends helps abused women cope with the experience of IPV. Thus, IPV prevention should target the social support system available to abused women.

In this paper, we present and explore the case of the Teaching Support Staff Union (TSSU), an independent, directly democratic, and feminist labor union at Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada. Operating continuously since the 1970s, we argue that TSSU is an important example of the ways in which gender and class have intersected within the history of the Canadian labor movement, and a fascinating case of a longstanding socialist feminist union. We also argue that alongside the historical relevance, exploring the constraints and possibilities of a feminist nonhierarchical organizational structure can offer important lessons for organizing in the twenty-first century. Adopting a socialist feminist framework, we speak from our experiences serving as TSSU executives, as graduate students, and as teachers within the larger academic machine. Marking its fortieth year in 2018, this active, young, and angry labor union can provide the labor movement and academics with a case study to reflect on how we can conceptualize social movement unionism; organize around and toward equity, diversity, and justice; and maintain a deep commitment to both feminist and class struggle.

While some groups are discovering new opportunities in the shifting political and economic structures of the former Soviet Union, others are finding that their paths towards upward social mobility have become less clear or blocked. There are also growing regional differences in benefits and losses. Although privileges in the old system often translate into advantages in the new, a contracting economy and the redrawing of political boundaries are altering the social order.

AbstractThis chapter delves into the dynamics of marital choices in contemporary China. The chapter presents contrasting responses between men and women regarding parental influence. While men often assert independence, women frequently seek parental advice in their marital decisions. Notably, several women employ strategic approaches to circumvent parental disagreement, reflecting a delicate balance between individual autonomy and familial harmony. The analysis unveils a complex interplay of societal norms and aspirations, indicating that, despite legal emphasis on free choice, familial considerations continue to shape marital decisions.Additionally, the chapter explores social homogamy and hypergamy trends, revealing gendered patterns in the importance placed on education, income, and family background in partner selection.Furthermore, the findings shed light on a growing form of intimacy in post-collectivist China: cohabitation before marriage. Encountering social resistance, particularly from older generations, a new concept surfaced: “trial marriage” (shihun). This strategic term emerged among young adults seeking to legitimize living together before formalizing the union. It bridges the gap between societal norms and evolving practices.The findings reveal a complex interplay between societal expectations, individual choices, and the enduring influence of Confucian values in shaping attitudes towards cohabitation and marriage in contemporary China.

Abstract Mendlinger looks at the ethnically pluralistic society of Israel to explore how young women acquire the knowledge informing their health behaviors including those related to menstruation. Beginning with the origin story of her research agenda at a time of mass immigration to Israel, she then offers the main findings from 48 in-depth interviews with mothers and daughters that fall into several categories of mother-and-daughter dyads: native-born Israelis and those composed of immigrants from North Africa, Europe, the Former Soviet Union (FSU), United States or Canada, and Ethiopia, each bringing traditional knowledge and practices to bear on what it means to menstruate. Mendlinger’s work, anchored by the voices of women, vividly demonstrates that four types of knowledge: traditional, embodied, technical, and authoritative that are passed generationally from mother to daughter change through the immigration process.

To identify the determinants of the choices of young Italian natives and immigrants with respect to tertiary education, two datasets for 2009 were used: European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) and the Italian Survey on Income and Living Conditions of Families with Immigrants in Italy (IT-SILCFI). A sub-sample of young Italians and immigrants between 20 and 25 years of age was set up, containing individual, family, and contextual explanatory variables. Their effects on the choice of tertiary schooling (yes/no) was assessed using an ordinary logistic model and a Lasso method to determine the explanatory set variables through a Bayesian approach. The transition from high school to university showed a complex pattern involving many variables: compared to men, women were twice as likely to continue their education, many components of income entered the model in a parabolic form, education level and income of parents proved to be very important, as was their occupation. The contextual factors revealed their importance: the latter included the degree of urbanisation, the South macro-region, household tenure status, the amount of optional technological equipment, and so on. Differences between Italians and immigrants disappeared when family background and parental characteristics were taken into account.

AbstractGiven its proximity to the Russian border, the city of Trabzon was a strategic port for the Young Turk government against the backdrop of war with Russia. While there is an extensive body of literature about Trabzon during the Armenian Genocide, the experiences of Armenian women and girls who stayed in the city remain unexamined. This chapter draws on the Trabzon trials and survivor testimonies to explore their experiences.While Trabzon Armenians received an official order of deportation, on June 26, 1915, the Vali Cemal Azmi made an “exemption” for Armenian women in later stages of pregnancy and for children “when the parents so desired.” Girls up to 15 years old and boys up to 10 years old remained and were placed in large houses throughout the city. After four years, all male children disappeared, and the girls who survived mostly did so in Turkish households to which they were given as gifts or sold to serve as a wives, servants, or sex slaves.In 1919, the Turkish Courts-Martial brought the perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide to trial in Constantinople. Cemal Azmi, Yenibahçeli Nail, who was the Committee on Union and Progress secretary for Trabzon, and five officials who worked with him stood before the court. The charges against them included organizing and implementing the massive annihilation of the Trabzon Armenians, the plunder of their property, the rape and murder of women and children, and the drowning of around 50 pregnant women in the Black sea. There were 20 sessions of the Trabzon trial, held between March 26 and May 20, 1919, during which witnesses and survivors testified. Among them were Misses Siranush Manukian, Philomene Nurian, Sofia Makhokhian, Aruseak Gylchian, Miss Arabian, and other women who witnessed mass drownings, were survivors of rape, forced marriages, and forced prostitution. The trial was extensively covered by both the Armenian and the Turkish press, whose representatives were present at the daily hearings. Close examination of these women's testimonies and other shreds of evidence of this trial shows how gendered the Armenian genocide was and how women were targeted for both their gender and national identity.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Abstract On The Night of November 23, 1909, thousands of shirtwaist makers gath ered at New York’s Cooper Union to protest the wages and working conditions in the city’s garment industry. Some of the women earned as little as $3.50 a week. Others were forced to buy the needles and thread they used on the job and to pay for their own electricity. In the preceding months, tensions between workers and employers had worsened, and now the women had been called together by the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU) to voice their grievances. The meeting progressed in orderly fashion until, suddenly, a young Russian woman stood up and announced that she had heard enough speeches. “I am one who thinks and feels from the things they describe,” she declared. “I too have worked and suffered. I am tired of talking. I move that we go on general strike.” The young woman’s plea electrified the crowd, and within minutes, her motion to strike received thunderous applause. By the next night, over 25,000 garment workers had walked off their jobs.

Abstract li”ie State of Israel was founded in 1948 under the dominant leadership of men and women who came to Palestine in the Second Aliyah, between 1904 and 1914. For nearly 30 years, they governed the new state through shifting coalitions, always controlled by their own (variously named) labor party. Their hegemony rested on the base of a network of cooperatives, communes, and a comprehensive labor union organization of extraordinary scope, considered to be the authentic fruit of seeds they planted in the time of the Second Aliyah.

The gender perspective of economic activity implies the observation and explanation of differences between women and men. According to feminist literature, gender economic differences are a result of cultural norms that shape the asymmetrical division of gender roles in the private sphere. On the one hand, part-time employment is a form that has contributed to economic activity and women's employment, but on the other hand, it is more common among women and therefore contributes to the gender pay gap. Besides, the gender-specific nature of temporary contract employment shows that employment uncertainty is more prevalent among women. We explore the employment of young and middle-aged women in some post-Yugoslav countries, using LFS indicators from the Eurostat database, in a comparative perspective. Over the last ten years, Slovenia has consistently ranked among the countries with a high rate of economic activity for women aged 25-54. In 2022, the rate is the highest in Europe, reaching 90.5%. Additionally, the employment of women aged 20-49 who had children under the age of six is one of the highest in Europe. In 2021, the rate was 82.7%, which is 12 percentage points lower than men, marking one of the lowest gender gaps in the EU. In Croatia and Serbia, the rates are lower, and gender disparities are greater compared to Slovenia. However, these disadvantages are particularly pronounced in Serbia, where economic activity is over 10 pp lower and employment is almost 20 pp lower than in Slovenia. Although part-time employment is more common in Slovenia than in the other two post-Yugoslav countries, the percentages are significantly lower than the EU(27) average. In Slovenia, part-time employment was present in 11.5% of employed women aged 20-49 who had one child under the age of six, in 19.7% who had two, and in 25.7% who had three children of this age. In Croatia and Serbia, the percentages were almost 5 to 7% for women who had one or two children and between 11 to 12% for those who had three children under the age of six. Regarding temporary contracts, the percentage of employed women aged 25-54 years is lower in Slovenia (in 2021 - 9.1%) than in EU(27) (11.6%). Temporary contract employment is more prevalent in Serbia (19.0%) compared to Croatia (13.0%). This topic is important due to the issues of gender equality and family policies aimed at optimal conditions for decisions regarding parenthood and childbirth. The high employment rate of women in Slovenia and the relatively less prevalent part-time employment suggest the need for work-family reconciliation policies that support the full-time employment of both parents. In the other two post-Yugoslav countries, there is a need to boost the economic activity and employment of young and middle-aged women, as well as decrease temporary employment. Less favourable indicators are more pronounced in Serbia than in Croatia. The achievement of gender equality implies not only equality in employment but also the absence of gender-specific forms of employment that contribute to gender economic inequality.

Sociolinguists (Holmes 2008; Meyerhof 2006) assists to describe the Japanese language a having gender exclusive elements. Personal pronouns, sentence-ending particles and lexicon used exclusively by one gender have been cataloged in English by researchers such as Ide (1979), Shibamoto (1985) and McGloin (1991). While there has been some research showing that Japanese women’s language use today is much more diverse than these earlier descriptions suggested (e.g. studies in Okamoto and Smith 2004) and that some young Japanese girls use masculine pronouns to refer to themselves (Miyazaki 2010), prescriptive rules for Japanese use still maintain gender-exclusive elements. In addition, characters in movie and TV dramas not only adhere to but also popularize these norms (Nakamura 2012). Thus, Japanese etiquette and media ‘texts’ promote the perpetuation of gender-exclusive language use, particularly by females. However, in the past three decades, Japanese society has made significant shifts towards gender equality in legal code, the workplace and education. The researcher therefore decided to investigate how Japanese women use and view their language in the context of these changes. Data comes from three focus groups. The first was conducted in 2013 and was composed of older women members of a university human rights research group focused on gender issues. The other two were conducted in 2013 and 2019, and were composed of female university students who went through the Japanese school system after the Japan Teachers’ Union adopted a policy of gender equality, thus expressing interest in gender issues. The goal was to determine whether Japanese women’s language use is shifting over time. The participants’ feelings about these norms were also explored - especially whether or not they feel that the norms constrain their ability to express themselves fully. Although the new norms are not yet evident in most public contexts, the language use and views of the participants in this study represent the sub-text of this shift in Japanese usage.

Abstract Human’s motion and its mechanisms had become interesting in the last years, where the medecine’s field search for rehabilitation methods for handicapped persons. Other fields, like sport sciences, professional or military world, search to distinguish profiles and ways to train them with specific purposes. Besides, recent findings in neuroscience try to describe these mechanisms from an organic point of view. Until now, different researchs had given a model about control motor that describes how the union between the senses’s information allows adaptable movements. One of this sense is the proprioception, the sense which has a quite big factor in the orientation and position of the body, its members and joints. For this reason, research for new strategies to explore proprioception and improve the theories of human motion could be done by three different vias. At first, the sense is analysed in a case-study where three groups of persons are compared in a controlled enviroment with three experimental tasks. The subjects belong to each group by the kind of sport they do: sedentary, normal sportsmen (e.g. athletics, swimming) and martial sportmen (e.g. karate, judo). They are compared thinking about the following hypothesis: “Martial Sportmen have a better proprioception than of the other groups’s subjects: It could be due to the type of exercises they do in their sports as empirically, a contact sportsman shows significantly superior motor skills to the members of the other two groups. The second via are records from encephalogram (EEG) while the experimental tasks are doing. These records are analised a posteriori with a set of processing algorithms to extract characteristics about brain’s activity of the proprioception and motion control. Finally , the study tries to integrate graphic tools to make easy to understand final scientific results which allow us to explore the brain activity of the subjects through easy interfaces (e.g. space-time events, activity intensity, connectivity, specific neural netwoks or anormal activity). In the future, this application could be a complement to assist doctors, researchers, sports center specialists and anyone who must improve the health and movements of handicapped persons. Keywords: proprioception, EEG, assesment, rehabilitation.References: Röijezon, U., Clark, N.C., Treleaven, J. (2015). Proprioception in musculoskeletal rehabilitation. Part 1: Basic science and principles of assessment and clinical interventions. ManualTher.10.1016/j.math.2015.01.008. Röijezon, U., Clark, N.C., Treleaven, J. (2015). Proprioception in musculoskeletal rehabilitation. Part 2: Clinical assessment and intervention. Manual Ther.10.1016/j.math.2015.01.009. 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Women and young men are the groups most affected by violence in Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC). While ur-ban violence is predominant among males, the level of vio-lence against women (VAW) is rising as oneof the most widespread violations of human rights, with reported femicide rates as high as 13.4 per 100,000. In addition to violent femicide, VAW includes physical, sexual, and emotional violence, all of which have profound costs for women, their families, and society at large. Between 17 and 50 percent of women ever married or in union in the LAC region have, at some point in their lives, experienced one form or another of such abuse. Although data are limited, the problem seems to be greater in the Andean region than in other sub-regions.