Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Berlin wall, berlin, germany, 1961-1989 – congresses"

Germany was the place where the cold war between the United States and the Soviet Union took place, planning to establish an ideological domination over the world. After the end of the Second World War, although the city of Berlin remained within the borders of East Germany, as per an agreement between the Soviets and the Western bloc countries. divided. In order to prevent their escape to East and West Germany, the German administration began to build a wall around East Berlin on August 13, 1961, closing all passages to the western part, telling its citizens that they had a freer and more prosperous life. Hundreds of people lost their lives trying to escape to West Berlin by crossing the Berlin Wall until it collapsed on November 9, 1989. The walls of the public space create a political language and a space used against the system. The aim of this study was investigated in the context of the division of Germany, represented by the wreckage of the Berlin Wall, on a social and political plane. The resistance and political discourse function of graffiti in public spaces is examined through the example of the Berlin Wall. Artistic traces with a predominant protest aspect were investigated through literature review and visual concepts. Keywords: Public art, Berlin Wall, War, Graffiti, Politics, Street Art

Abstract “Ostalgie” is coming from a German word referring to nostalgia for aspects of life in East Germany, and not only. It is a new multipurpose and new expression related the German terms “Nostalgie” (nostalgia in Italian) and Ost (East). Its anglicised equivalent, ostalgia, it is rhyming with “nostalgia” and it is also sometimes used. The collapse of Soviet Union and the Berlin Wall destruction, was the concept protected concrete barrier that physically and ideologically divided Berlin from ‘61 to ’89, It especially divided West and East European countries, the wall cut off West Berlin from almost all of surrounding East Germany and East Berlin until government officials opened it in November 1989. Formally its demolition began on 13 June 1990 and finished in 1992 and coincides in some generation from the Warsaw Pact countries, legally the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation with the “Mutual Assistance” URSS of the birth of “ostalgie”, that it goes against with modern principle of multicultural society and globalisation of the world. At the eighth congress of the communist party Lenin recognized the right to self-determination of the populations of the empire and promised them significant concessions, although its final intent was to reach the true dictatorship of the proletariat which would have rendered the ethnic-national distinctions useless. The Soviet Union became the incubator of new nations with the dissolving of the Russian nation in the Soviet state. Does the “ostalgie” refer to the USSR, is this compatible with multiculturalism? Is it compatible with that plurality of tending different cultures that coexists in mutual respect and which implies the preservation of their specific traits by rejecting any type of homologation or fusion in the dominant culture?

The Berlin Wall was built three times: in 1961, in the mid 1960s, and again from the mid 1970s onwards. This article attempts to interpret each manifestation as political architecture providing insights into the mindset and intentions of those who built it. Each phase of the Wall had a different rationale, beyond the straightforward purpose of stopping the citizens of East Germany from leaving their own country and forcing them to suffer under communist rule. The deliberately brutal-looking first Wall was a propaganda construct not originally intended to exist for more than a few months. The functional but dreary Wall of the mid 60s was calculated to have a longer lifespan, but within few years it, too, became an embarrassment for the East German rulers. Yearning for international recognition, they demanded a smoother-looking, better designed Wall—supporting their fiction that this was "a national border like any other."

This article examines how the German radical-right populist party the Alternative for Germany ( Alternative für Deutschland) and its politicians have engaged with the public memory of the East German past via Twitter and how this has impacted the use of social media as a tool of political commemoration in Germany. The article analyses the mnemonic wars over ‘anniversary tweets’ related to four events: the East German Uprising (1953); the construction (1961) and fall (1989) of the Berlin Wall; and German reunification (1990). The article surveys when and how Twitter became a platform for these events’ political commemoration and the role of the Alternative für Deutschland therein. It also outlines the mnemonic discourses that the Alternative für Deutschland has deployed on Twitter around these events’ anniversaries and explores the sorts of digital contestation and transnationalization evident at these times.

In her book that explores Turkish migrant organizations in Germany, sociologist Gökçe Yurdakul detects a historical transformation in the political representation of migrants and minorities from the 1970s through the 2000s. She marks six historical events that lead to this transformation: labor migration (1961–1972), the introduction of family reunification law (1973–1979), post-1980 military coup asylum seekers from Turkey (1980–1988), the fall of the Berlin Wall and its aftermath of exacerbating xenophobia against non-German minorities (1989–1998), the introduction of the new citizenship law (1999), and finally the terrorist attacks on September 11 (2001–present). According to Yurdakul, these events mark a gradual shift in the minority rights debate. While the first minority organizations were formed around labor rights, gradually, due to these landmark events and laws, their demands shifted toward political and social rights of citizenship, and identitarian rights, such as the right “to exist as Muslims and as Europeans.”

AbstractThe German Society of Neurosurgery (DGNC) was founded in Bonn in 1950 and saw itself as the all-German representation of neurosurgeons. The development of neurosurgery in divided Germany was different in each case as part of a system and was not unaffected by the confrontation between the two blocs (cold war), which also had a negative impact on the field of science. Thus, early on, restrictions on intra-German travel from the East made normal relations difficult. But travel restrictions also came from the West, where an Allied Travel Office in West Berlin decided whether an East German could enter a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) country. Nevertheless, it was possible that Georg Merrem from Leipzig took over the second chairmanship of the board of the DGNC of the election period from 1960 to 1962 and eight individual memberships of German Democratic Republic (GDR) neurosurgeons were still tolerated by the state side. The construction of the Berlin Wall on August 13, 1961 meant that these connections also collapsed. Merrem, at that time the only full professor of neurosurgery in the GDR, founded the “Association of Neurosurgeons in the GDR” in 1962 in agreement with the state authorities. With the foundation of a GDR neurosurgeons' society, the demarcation from the DGNC desired by the state was visibly accomplished. There were no official relations between the two neurosurgical societies. During the period of its existence until 1990, the entire work of the East German society was under the guidance and control of state institutions, which in turn derived their work from the guidelines of the party and the decisions of the council of ministers. Using the example of the congress activities of the first 5 years after the Wall was built, we show this dependence on state institutions. It extends from congress planning to reporting. With available figures of participating speakers from West Germany and other countries, it is demonstrated for the individual congresses in Leipzig, Magdeburg, and Erfurt that the German–German connection was continued despite all adverse circumstances. The presence of West German colleagues, who were not deterred from attending the congress even by the construction of the Berlin Wall, can be seen as a visible expression of an unbroken togetherness. However, already in 1967, the party and the council of ministers passed the resolution “On the organization of work in the field of science and culture of the GDR to West Germany as well as West Berlin.” This regulated membership, the associated travel, and the conditions for publications in West German journals. Among other things, this directive prohibited membership in scientific societies, including the DGNC, based in West Germany. The organization of its own congresses took on a special significance because a congress visit from East to West was regulated by the state and thus only possible in isolated cases.

In the television series Sex and the City, there is a scene which illustrates a familiar contempt for suburban life as dull and boring. Implicit is the oppositional view that urban life by comparison, is the more exciting one. Charlotte (one of four women whose sexual and romantic relationships are the focus of the series), has spent time with her in-laws in an upper middle class suburban enclave, and is confessing to her three girl friends her fantasies and ultimate sexual encounter with her in-law's hunk of a gardener. She's racked with guilt over the incident, not least because she is married to the sexually non-performing Trey. At this point in the conversation, Samantha, whose voracious appetite for men is her hallmark, dismisses Charlotte's concerns with the retort: 'well honey really, what's the point of living in the suburbs if you can't fuck the gardener?' Ergo, a life of suburban mediocrity deserves some kind of compensation, preferably an exciting sexual antidote. Samantha's remark draws on a wealth of discourses which reinforce the opposition between the city and the suburbs, and the city and the country, where the city is the crucible for adventure, opportunity and sometimes danger. For these New York women, it is precisely excitement and the possibility of sex and romance that holds them to the metropolis. The association of sexual opportunity for women and the metropolis is something of a departure from earlier narratives of the city. Gender and sexual identity - through discourse, narrative, image and metaphor are inscribed in spatial landscapes, with a rich source to be found in articulations of the city. Inscriptions are contingent on social, economic and cultural forces which shift over time and place, often defining and redefining utopian and dystopian visions. The rise of the great nineteenth century European cities, for instance provoked both utopian and dystopian discourse. Industrialization, overcrowding and poverty were issues which provided representations of the city as menacing and deleterious (as represented in the writing of Charles Dickens, Edgar Allen Poe), while the practice of the flaneur--a nineteenth century male who observed and chronicled the new cities of nineteenth century Europe--confirmed the metropolis as a storehouse of aesthetic and experiential delights. The contemporary zeitgeist is largely utopian, the postmodern city is desirable, uber-cool: sexy. Look at any advertising for inner city apartment living to confirm this. The city's erotic potential is characterized by one of the fundamental conditions of urban life: the close proximity in which we all live among strangers (see also Patton 1995). On a psychic, if not material level, this might provide opportunity for reinvention and renewal of self, for an individual freedom and expression denied to those living in smaller and closer communities. This is the attraction and romanticism of the city. The proximity of strangers gives urban life its erotic possibilities, the capacity for anonymity, that chance meetings with strangers, who we so often live and work among. Lawrence Knopp (1995) describes this aspect of city life as: a world of strangers, a particular life space with a logic and sexuality of its own. The city's sexuality is described as an eroticisation of many of the characteristic experiences of modern urban life: anonymity, voyeurism, exhibitionism, consumption, authority (and challenges to it), tactility, motion danger, power, navigation and restlessness. (151) I've been collecting metaphors of the city and these reveal the congruence between eros and the city. I have yet to find one that is masculine. For instance, journalist Harold Nicholson summing up three European cities used woman as metaphor: 'London is an old lady - Paris is a woman - But Berlin is a girl in a pullover, not much powder on her face' (Petro 1989, 21). Jean Baudrillard's description of Las Vegas as 'that great whore' is similarly feminized and sexualized, and metropolises like New York where aggressive advertisements are like 'wall to wall prostitution.' For Baudrillard, in New York, the plumes of smoke are reminiscent of 'girls wringing out their hair after bathing' (in Docker 1995, 106). Author and journalist John Birmingham described Sydney as 'a tart, loud and brash'. I should add to the list a straw poll of metaphors I conducted for Brisbane, my favourite being Brisbane as a 'middle aged woman in resort wear' (thanks to Maureen Burns for this contribution). But maybe, with the focus on urban development, she might be getting younger. For a (heterosexual) man the city can be alluring, dangerous and feminine. Eros, the city, femininity and danger all collide in the film noir genre, in films such as Roman Polanski's Chinatown, Lawrence Kasden's Body Heat, where beautiful femme fatales lead men astray, or further down the path of corruption. Woman as stranger is alluring and seductive for men, but for woman the chance encounter with a male stranger might signal caution and fear. For women, the dangers are clear: the threat of sexual danger, the chance encounter with a male whose intentions may not be benign. `Reclaim the Night' marches are testament to women's concerns about safety and access to public space, particularly at night. Although research shows that the overwhelming majority of assaults upon women occur in the home, by a person known to the woman, this sober fact does not prevent the cautionary strategies most women employ while out at night. Nor does it diminish the fear and limitations which are the reality of women's experience in public space, particularly at night. Historically, women's role in the public space of the city has been an ambivalent one. A number of analyses of women's role in the nineteenth century city identify the ways in which women in public space were managed and regulated by social and economic interests. Courted on the one hand as consumers for the new department stores and a burgeoning capitalist economy, women were also subject to strict codes of conduct, lest their virtue be in question. Judith Walkowitz in The City of Dreadful Delights examined the ways in which public discourse of danger in nineteenth century London, including the account of Jack the Ripper, as malevolent male stranger, function as a form of moral regulation for women in these newly created city spaces. Both Walkowitz and cultural historian Elizabeth Wilson argue that the metropolis of the nineteenth century, eroded the boundaries between private and public spheres and divisions of labour between men and women. A disquiet and concern over women entering these new public spaces manifested in a discourse of danger and morality, underpinned by the idea that women were at the mercy of their passions and required control and guidance. Perhaps unsurprisingly, Freud had something to say about this. He speculated that the condition of agoraphobia, the fear of open spaces, (which for Freud was an intrinsically female neurosis), was linked to a repressed inner desire to walk the streets, to be streetwalkers (Vidler 1993, 35). But times have changed: the contemporary postmodern city, is celebrated, promoted and regulated as one of diversity, inclusivity and liveablity. Access and amenity are the buzzwords of local and state government policy. In the postmodern city everyone ostensibly is made welcome and a plethora of infrastructure support different interests and lifestyles. Cafés culture has provided a social space for women in particular, previously denied wholesale access to that other Australian social space, the pub. Women's earning capacity means that many of their interests are represented culturally and socially and that they are more firmly inserted into the fabric of city life. Television series and sit-coms located in the city, where groups of friends sometimes live together; Friends, Seinfeld, Sex and the City reinforce the perception of city living as a place of opportunity and fun for younger women and men. Promotional literature is quick to exploit this image. A tourism brochure for the inner city Sydney (non!) suburb of Newtown, describes the attractions of the area: `some cities are cursed with suburbs, but Sydney's blessed with Newtown, a cosmopolitan neighbourhood.' As if Cabramatta, Fairfield or Parramatta, all outer suburban areas of Sydney, weren't cosmopolitan. A billboard in Brisbane's urban renewal area of Newstead, advertises apartment living as 'Urban living NOT suburban'. Drawing upon the rhetoric of opposition and expressing the familiar anti-suburban sentiment which for Australia, originated in the bohemian movement of the late nineteenth century (see also Kinnane 1998). This tradition probably reached its apotheosis with Barry Humphries in the 1960s whose comedic alter ego, Edna Everage signified everything that was despicable and mindless about suburbia. Edna's obsession with housing décor, cooking and recipes, social status and the minutiae of domesticity was portrayed with a venomous satire that depended upon a trivialization of traditional feminine competencies. Is there a connection between the anti- suburban tradition of cultural elites and the suburbs' close association with the domestic and feminine sphere of life? Patrick White in describing the mythical suburb of Sarsaparilla claimed it as 'a geographical hell ruled by female demons' (in Duruz 1994). American historian Lewis Mumford in his seminal work The City in History wrote that the suburbs are not 'merely a child centred environment: it is based on a childish view of the world which is sacrificed to the pleasure principle' (1961). Little wonder that today, younger women are fleeing the suburbs and flocking to the city, attracted by its possibility of adventure and eros. The other day I picked up my teenage daughter from her school to which she had returned after a five day camp in the bush. 'Aaaagh', she sighed with a sense of relief, as we approached our densely populated inner city suburb, 'buildings again… and not too many trees'. The following morning we were out in the lush and fecund Samford Valley, this time at her first soccer match for the season. As we drove further into the bush she yelled out, 'Oh no, not all these trees again!' Is this the response of a typical twenty- first century urban woman? References Docker, John. (1995) Postmodernism and Popular Culture: A cultural history. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Duruz, Jean. (1994) 'Romancing the Suburbs?' in Katherine Gibson and Sophie Watson (eds) Metropolis Now. Sydney, Pluto Press. Kinnane, Gary. (1998) 'Shopping at Last!:History, Fiction and the Anti-Suburban Tradition.' Australian Literary Studies: Writing the Everyday, Australian Literature and the Limits of Suburbia, 18. 4: 41-55. Knopp, Lawrence. (1995) 'Sexuality and Urban Space: a framework for analysis' in David Bell and Gill Valentine (eds) Mapping Desire. London, Routledge. Mumford, Lewis. (1961) The City in History, Its Origins, Its Transformations and Its Prospects. London, Penguin. Patton, Paul. (1995) 'Imaginary Cities' in Sophie Watson and Katherine Gibson (eds) Postmodern Cities and Spaces. Cambridge, Blackwell Publishers. Petro, Patrice (1989) Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimer Germany. Princeton, Princeton University Press. Vidler, Anthony (1993) 'Bodies in Space/Subjects in the City: Psychopathologies of Modern Urbanism.' Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies, 5.3: 31-51. Walkowitz, Judith. (1992) City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in late Victorian London. Chicago, Chicago University Press. Watson, Sophie and Gibson, Katherine. (1995) Postmodern Cities and Spaces. Oxford, Basil Blackwell. Wilson, Elizabeth. (1991) The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, The Control of Disorder and Women. London: Virago. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Felton, Emma. "The City" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/eros.php>. Chicago Style Felton, Emma, "The City" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/eros.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Felton, Emma. (2002) The City. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/eros.php> ([your date of access]).

The art on the Berlin Wall has been looked at often for its social and political meaning. Instead, I intend to look at the artwork and text which appeared on the Berlin Wall as art. In this paper I will discuss the formal aspects of the art on the Berlin Wall as well as its import as an example of public art and as a forum created through visual representation.

Berlin, de 1961 à 1989, est une ville divisée, partagée par un mur de béton séparant l'Est, capitale de la République démocratique allemande, de l'Ouest, îlot isolé de la République fédérale d'Allemagne. Front de la Guerre froide, les caméras s'en sont emparées. Filmer Berlin, ce n’était pas seulement montrer un territoire urbain précis et délimité, c'était porter à l’écran un espace régi par un contexte historique, social et politique extrêmement prégnant traduisant de fortes spécificités. Deux systèmes de représentation de l’espace urbain ont coexisté dès 1945 nourris d’éléments propres à chaque partie de la ville et de formes esthétiques spécifiques. À partir du 13 août 1961, date de la construction du Mur, la réalité de la division de la ville s'acte dans le béton. Le cinéma s'en est fait le témoin. Ces images, celles de Soi, celles de l’Autre peuvent être envisagées comme des produits de deux sociétés avec leurs symbolismes propres, leurs codes socioculturels et leurs histoires parallèles. Elles sont à ce titre révélatrices de la manière dont a été montré Berlin. Ces deux imageries participent à la construction d’une identité urbaine plurielle, tendant parfois à revêtir un caractère protéiforme dont il importe de questionner les aspects. C’est aux expressions filmées de cette altérité, de cet espace urbain singulier, que cette thèse d'études cinématographiques s'attache. Au carrefour de plusieurs observatoires disciplinaires et avec une démarche géo-centrée, elle propose un essai de topographie cinématographique
From 1961 to 1989, Berlin is a divided city, split by a concrete wall separating the eastern part, capital city of the German Democratic Republic, from the western one, isolated island of the German Federal Republic. Frontline of the Cold War, the cameras captured it.Filming Berlin was not only depicting a precise and bound urban territory, it was bringing to the screen a space ruled by a very significant historical, social and political context conveying strong specificities. Two systems of representation of the urban space coexisted as soon as 1945, fueled by each side of town’s own elements and specific aesthetic forms. From August 13th 1961, the day the Wall was built, the reality of the division of the city is made concrete-solid. Cinema was made the witness of this reality. These pictures, of the Self, of the Other, can be considered as products of both societies, with their own symbolisms, their sociocultural codes and parallel histories. As such, they are indicative of the way Berlin has been shown.Both imageries take part in the construction of a plural urban identity, that sometimes tends towards a shape-shifting hallmark, whose aspects it seems important to question. This PhD in cinematic studies endeavours to describe, analyse and interpret the filmed expressions of this alterity, this singular urban space. At the crossroad of several disciplinary fields and in a geo-centered approach, it offers an essay on cinematic topography

La presente tesis doctoral se ocupa de revisar y analizar de forma ensayística y por hitos históricos desde los estudios culturales, postcoloniales y la historia del arte casos de proyectos de artistas latinoamericanos en el Berlín post-Caída del Muro y hasta el desmontaje del Palast der Republik, identificando a ambos hitos como cruciales en una etapa de transformación de la ciudad tras el fin de la Guerra Fría. El abordaje se inscribe en el giro espacial – tanto epistemológico como de prácticas artísticas – y entendiendo a las prácticas desde el arte como sociales y por ende generadoras y transformadoras de espacios y experiencias de vida en la ciudad. Esto es logrado a partir de estrategias desde una identidad y diferencia para llegar a la contemporaneidad como eje y lograr así espacios liminales y zonas de contacto para la negociación de conflictos, narrativas y discursos del pasado y presente, así como de tiempos-espacios diferentes en el contexto global.
This doctoral thesis is an approach from a perspective from the cultural, postcolonial studies and art history, reviewing and analyzing historical milestones and projects of Latin American artists in the Berlin post-Fall of the Wall until the dismantling of the Palast der Republik. It considers both historical moments as crucial in a stage of transformation of the city after the end of the Cold War. The approach is framed in the spatial turn – considering both epistemological and practical dimensions of it - and understanding art practices as social, and therefore generating and transforming spaces and life experiences in the city. This is achieved from strategies from identity and difference, arriving at the contemporaneity as an axis. The projects analyzed produce liminal spaces and contact zones for the negotiation of conflicts, narratives, and discourses of the past and present, as well as of different time-spaces in the global context.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 1998.
eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 353-373).

Abstract In July 1989, just four months before the Wall was reduced to souvenir-sized rubble, Berlin hosted the seventh International Congress of Immunology Societies. The brand new International Conference Centre buzzed with research students, lecturers, professors, clinicians, specialists in biochemistry, genetics, haematology, allergy, rheumatic disease, transplant surgery, from fifty countries, six and a half thousand of them altogether – plus some very nervous German security guards. It was the city’s chance to show what it could do, the World Cup of immunology.

Abstract In July 1989, just four months before the Wall was reduced to souvenir-sized rubble, Berlin hosted the seventh International Congress of Immunology Societies. The brand new International Conference Centre buzzed with research students, lecturers, professors, clinicians, specialists in biochemistry, genetics, haematology, allergy, rheumatic disease, transplant surgery, from fifty countries, six and a half thousand of them altogether – plus some very nervous German security guards. It was the city’s chance to show what it could do, the World Cup of immunology.

Abstract Although music theatre in Germany dates back hundreds of years, Broadway musicals were not imported until after World War II, when they were seen as being, like operetta, trivial entertainment. In 1961, however, My Fair Lady became a sensational success in West Berlin shortly after the erection of the Berlin Wall. In response, the East Germans started developing their own musicals, which supposedly demonstrated the decadence of the West. The first homegrown West German musical hit was Linie 1 (Subway Line #1) in 1986, which toured widely and was later adapted around the world, including South Korea. With the cultural shake-up that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, German directors in state-subsidized theatre developed their own hybrids, such as Robert Wilson and Tom Waits’s The Black Rider, that mixed Broadway conventions with the experimental theatre idioms that had been evolving in Germany since the 1960s.

Abstract This paper focuses on the aftermath of an event that captured the world’s attention for several months, beginning in November 1989. The Berlin Wall, built in August 1961, was suddenly opened for the first time in 28 years, and thousands of East Germans made ready, almost overnight, to leave their country and enter West Germany. Such an east-west exodus, of course, never actually came to pass, but what did occur were profound political, economic, and social changes, from the highest level of society down to the smallest demographic unit: changes that are continuing to unfold in the transition to a unified Germany. Among these changes are those involving family formation and reproduction.

Abstract This chapter considers the important relations of both German states with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe during the Cold War years. Once victory over Nazi Germany had been achieved, Stalin wanted to ensure that it would be impossible for Germany to launch yet another war against the Soviet Union. One means of weakening Germany were large territorial cessions. Another way was to turn Germany into a communist country. But it became clear that communism could be implemented only with the help of the Soviet Army. This chapter traces the conflicts among the great powers regarding Germany which led to the Cold War and the division of Germany. The Soviet occupation zone was soon turned into the German Democratic Republic (GDR), which became a cornerstone of the Soviet Empire. The suppression of the popular East German uprising in 1953 revealed that Stalin’s successors would continue to insist on upholding Soviet interests in Germany with all their might. Only the construction of a wall and the complete sealing off of West Berlin could stop the enormous population drain from the GDR to the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). In 1961, the status quo was thus cemented in the truest sense of the word; yet legally, the German question remained open throughout the Cold War. Mikhail Gorbachev’s reform policy laid the foundation for the changes in Eastern Europe in 1989. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, Chancellor Kohl decisively pushed the reunification process—yet, against the will of most European governments.