Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Balkans – Conditions sociales"

Résumé Sardon Jean-Paul. -L'évolution démographique des Balkans depuis la fin de la décennie 1980 La décennie 1 990, celle de la chute, comme dans toute l'Europe de l'Est, des régimes communistes et des profondes transformations économiques et sociales qui l'ont accompagnée, a été marquée dans les Balkans par la succession de guerres qui ont résulté de l'éclatement de l'ancienne Yougoslavie. Outre de lourdes pertes en vies humaines, ces guerres ont entraîné des déplacements massifs de populations, volontaires ou forcés, dont les effets sont toujours visibles aujourd'hui. Fin 1999, on compte encore 917 000 réfugiés issus de l'ancienne Yougoslavie. La dégradation des conditions de vie engendrée par la transition vers l'économie de marché a provoqué de nombreux départs en Bulgarie et surtout en Albanie, où 1 6 % de la population a quitté le pays entre 1990 et 1998. Elle est aussi à l'origine d'une stagnation, voire d'une régression de l'espérance de vie à la naissance dans tous les pays de la région, à l'exception de la Croatie et de la Slovénie, jusque vers 1997. Depuis cette date, des progrès rapides ont toutefois permis de dépasser le niveau de la longévité observé en 1 990. Dans le même temps, les indicateurs de nuptialité et de fécondité ont fortement baissé, bien que de façon un peu plus modérée dans l'ancienne Yougoslavie. À la lumière des évolutions décrites, il n'est pas aisé de dégager des spécificités du monde balkanique en matière de comportement démographique. L'influence de la longue appartenance de ces pays au monde socialiste et de sa disparition brutale est telle qu'elle écrase, pour l'instant, toutes les autres distinctions, au niveau national du moins. Si la spécificité du monde balkanique réside sans doute dans la diversité des situations d'une région à l'autre sous l'effet de l'hétérogénéité du peuplement, celle-ci recule singulièrement du fait des opérations de «nettoyage ethnique» qui ont touché le territoire de l'ancienne Yougoslavie depuis une dizaine d'années.

<p>Vassilis Kremmydas, Géographie de la formation politique de Rigas Vélestinlis</p><p>Par «géographie», nous entendons les conditions, sociales et idéologiques,qui ont permis le développement du personnage politique: à Vélestino,la famille de Rigas bénéficiait d'une bonne situation économique etaspirait à participer dans l'exercice du pouvoir local. Eduqué d'aborddans diverses écoles réputées de sa région, Rigas poursuivit ses étudesà Constantinople. Sa famille, qui se trouvait en conflit permanent avecle pouvoir ottoman, était liée à de puissantes familles de notables grecs.Ce sont ces réseaux familiaux quiauront permis à Rigas d'établirdes liens personnels avec le milieu des notables grecs exerçant leur pouvoirdans les Balkans et de suivre de près les événements politiques européensde haut niveau. Ces informations se reflétaint dans ses idées politiques,fondées sur une base solide.La péninsule balkanique constituait le talon d'Achille de l'EmpireOttoman: les autres empires la convoitaient. Les bases du programmepolitique de Rigas allaient à rencontre du pouvoir ottoman aussi bien que du despotisme: son pays, la Grèce, serait libérée et intégrée dansle nouvel Empire Balkanique, formé au moment où Napoléon Bonapartefondait le sien. Le programme politique de Rigas ne fut pas un programmede l'époque des révolutions nationales, mais celui de l'ère desmouvements séparatistes et régionaux. Il se situait par conséquent auxconfins des idées impériale et nationale.</p>

In this essay, we assess how the European Union supports the development of postconflict Western Balkan societies toward stable peace, economic prosperity, and consolidated democracy, moving them along the path to Denmark. Our analysis reveals that the EU has contributed to effective and democratic governance in its southeastern neighborhood. At the same time, its effectiveness as an external good governance–builder varies. Structural postconflict conditions that are not conducive to democratization, conflicting policy objectives, the dynamic interplay between the EU and Western Balkan governments, and the involvement of domestic third-party actors in the reform process explain this variation. To make EU good governance–building more effective, we recommend acknowledging conflicting objectives and using governance-building instruments consistently and credibly to reconceptualize external good governance–building as a dynamic process between external and domestic actors and to take domestic actors and their preferences seriously.

Differently from studies that analyze antideportation struggles in relation to concepts of state sovereignty and (un)making of citizenship, this paper focuses more on intersection of politics and body. It discusses struggle for the “place in the world” as an embodied experience. Ahmad Shamieh came to Slovenia in 2016 through the humanitarian corridor on the Balkan route. The Slovene Ministry of the Interior refused to examine his asylum claim and instead issued him a Dublin Regulation decision, stating that he was to be deported to Croatia. Ahmad’s and his supporters’ legal and political struggle, which lasted several years, prevented his deportation. In contrast to state’s politics of exclusion, causing dehumanization and traumatization the grassroots community struggle developed the politics of inclusion, solidarity and care from below, in practice transforming the conditions of belonging.

This paper describes contemporary changes in marriage, relationships and family in European populations, and then their evolution from the last decade of the twentieth century till present day, as well as various forms and types, in which plurality of contemporary partnership unions is revealed. The other goal of this supplement was to provide a wider theoretical-hypothetical, explanatory framework for understanding what is happening in population (on appearance level) but now in the context of contemporary societies. Three variables are introduced: macro (paradigm of modernization, namely social, i.e. structural and cultural changes), micro (paradigm: resources-limitations-behavior) and mezzo (differences in social and demographic development of countries of North, Western, South and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries in transition). Cautious predictions on what could be expected in future concerning: empirical documented differences of living arrangements of European populations of the West, but also of the East, as well as relative demographic consequences. On the macro level (paradigm structure/culture) the responses depend on the rate the two main social processes will develop: 1) development of "European society", and 2) the birth of "world" (global) society. Most of the authors conclude on the convergence of social and demographic development on the territory of Western, but not Eastern Europe (and especially the Balkans). This conclusion concerns even the countries of the South European region, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of existing secular tendencies may be expected in future as well, even on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that it will become a general model. For now it is evident that convergence of social and demographic development may be demonstrated on the territory of Western but not Eastern Europe as well (and especially of the Balkans). The later is also valid when the Southern European region is in question, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and at what speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of tendencies may be expected in future as well, on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that in most cases parents will satisfy their needs with only one child. On the contrary, family forms and life styles will probably reflect differences between countries of the North and Western Europe in future as well on the one hand, and Southern on the other hand, and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries) on the third hand. Readiness for marriage, partnership styles, as well as aspirations to forming families will depend on individual decisions, which will result from personal resources and limiting factors (macro, mezzo and micro). On the aggregate level of population, the result will be polarization between non-family and family households. Social conditions of foregoing modernization (increase of risks, job uncertainty, country prosperity crisis) as well as globalization will probably contribute to increasing the polarization process. The same conclusion may be derived for the group of former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe (and the Balkans) as well, whose key problem now is finishing the process of transformation towards market economy.

SummaryThis article examines the role of “Turkish” leatherworkers in New England’s labor movement in the early twentieth century. It begins with the exodus of a large Ottoman population from eastern Anatolian provinces to eastern Massachusetts, and their employment in New England’s leather factories. Throughout the article, the rise of the leather business in eastern Massachusetts cities (including Peabody and Salem), the Turkish immigrants’ concentration on Peabody’s Walnut Street (which came to be called “Ottoman Street”), the importance of kin and friends in providing practical information vital for adjusting to the new environment, and the coffee house as a response to industrial conditions are discussed at length. The author argues that, although many of the Turkish leatherworkers originated from rural backgrounds and had no experience in unionizing and striking, their quick adjustment to the industrial city and their growing awareness of labor rights was a result of lectures given within the Turkish community, changing circumstances in the old country and in the United States, such as the Balkan Wars and World War I, and their unchallenged place in the tanneries of Peabody, MA.

Russia and Turkey are the largest powers influencing the international economy, diplomacy and the geopolitical climate on the European continent. In the conditions of anti-Russian sanctions, a huge role is assigned to strengthening relations between friendly states, searching for mutually beneficial directions and projects that will strengthen the economic well-being of partner states. In this regard, the establishment of diplomatic and economic relations between Russia and Turkey will allow Russia to maintain its position on the European continent. Turkey occupies an important geopolitical position at the same time being a European, Asian, Balkan, Caucasian, Middle Eastern, Mediterranean and Black Sea region. It unites the entire Eurasian space, thereby strengthening its role in the political space. Viewed from a regional perspective, the fact remains that trade between the two States is also important for world trade. Historically, it can be traced that from time to time problems arise between states, which negatively affects economic cooperation between them, since politics directly affects the economy and trade relations of countries. But, when building diplomatic ties, first of all, historical experience in relations between states should be taken into account and all the positive and negative sides should be taken into account. Taking into account all the regulatory legal acts considered, the authors of the article put up for discussion the issue of stabilization of bilateral relations between Russia and Turkey, and propose the most promising directions for strengthening relations between the states. The study is based on the analysis of official statistical indicators of Turkstat and Goskomstat, describing the state of development of foreign economic cooperation between Russia and Turkey.

Satisfaction with working time gains increasing importance in the context of changing sphere of work, spread-out of flexible forms of employment, digitalisation and telework in the recent times of the Covid-19 pandemic. The paper focuses on the factors associated with satisfaction with working time in European countries before the pandemic based on data from the European Quality of Life Survey (2016). The study serves as a basis for further comparison of the trend in working time satisfaction in the pre-pandemic period across Europe and the recent period of increasing flexibilisation of work, digitalisation and spread-out of distant employment. For this purpose, descriptive statistical analyses and two-level random intercept model for binary responses are applied. The results show that women report higher satisfaction with working time compared to men. Satisfaction significantly increases after the age of 40. The number of children and the presence of children below the age of 6 in the household are negatively associated with satisfaction with working time. Satisfaction is positively associated with income and education. Structural conditions, such as economic development measured by gross domestic product (GDP), influence Europeans’ working time satisfaction. In the Balkan countries, satisfaction with working time is the lowest, while in the North-Western societies the highest percentage of workers are satisfied with working time before the Covid-19 pandemic.

Freezing technology is one of the most well established long-term preservation techniques for producing high-quality, nutritious foods with prolonged shelf-life. Frozen foods (FFs) are a significant section of the global food market experiencing rapid growth. It also represents an alternative to small producers in developing countries to add value to their products in a competitive market. However, unfairly, FFs are often perceived as less qualitative than fresh produce, although studies have shown that some FFs have higher nutritional values than fresh products. This study’s aim is to analyze consumers’ perceptions in the two Balkan countries towards FFs. A total of 380 questionnaires were completed in both countries (182 in Kosovo and 198 in Albania). Consumers’ perceptions towards FFs were measured through eleven items using a five-point Likert scale. The items addressed issues related to the quality and safety of FFs, information on FFs, and the impact of origin on the perception of FFs. The differences between populations were tested with the t-test and correlation analysis with the bootstrapping method for sociodemographic factors. The results show that Kosovo consumers generally show a higher positive attitude toward FFs than Albanian consumers. Albanian consumers prefer fresh foods over FFs. The lack of trust in food safety institutions was expressed with concern for the conditions of the frozen chain applied both on the imported and domestic frozen products. Similarly, the findings show that Albanian consumers are willing to pay more than the baseline price to obtain fresh products instead of frozen compared with Kosovo consumers. Additional studies are needed to explore whether the lack of trust in food safety institutions inhibits the successful development of FFs in Albania and Kosovo. In both countries, responsible authorities should help consumers to have a more profound knowledge of the quality of FFs and boost these activities to increase farmers’ incomes and play an active role in reducing food loss and waste.

Freezing technology is one of the most well established long-term preservation techniques for producing high-quality, nutritious foods with prolonged shelf-life. Frozen foods (FFs) are a significant section of the global food market experiencing rapid growth. It also represents an alternative to small producers in developing countries to add value to their products in a competitive market. However, unfairly, FFs are often perceived as less qualitative than fresh produce, although studies have shown that some FFs have higher nutritional values than fresh products. This study’s aim is to analyze consumers’ perceptions in the two Balkan countries towards FFs. A total of 380 questionnaires were completed in both countries (182 in Kosovo and 198 in Albania). Consumers’ perceptions towards FFs were measured through eleven items using a five-point Likert scale. The items addressed issues related to the quality and safety of FFs, information on FFs, and the impact of origin on the perception of FFs. The differences between populations were tested with the t-test and correlation analysis with the bootstrapping method for sociodemographic factors. The results show that Kosovo consumers generally show a higher positive attitude toward FFs than Albanian consumers. Albanian consumers prefer fresh foods over FFs. The lack of trust in food safety institutions was expressed with concern for the conditions of the frozen chain applied both on the imported and domestic frozen products. Similarly, the findings show that Albanian consumers are willing to pay more than the baseline price to obtain fresh products instead of frozen compared with Kosovo consumers. Additional studies are needed to explore whether the lack of trust in food safety institutions inhibits the successful development of FFs in Albania and Kosovo. In both countries, responsible authorities should help consumers to have a more profound knowledge of the quality of FFs and boost these activities to increase farmers’ incomes and play an active role in reducing food loss and waste.

Résumé Sardon Jean-Paul.-L'évolution démographique des Balkans depuis la fin de la décennie 1980 La décennie 1990, celle de la chute, comme dans toute l'Europe de l'Est, des régimes communistes et des profondes transformations économiques et sociales qui l'ont accompagnée, a été marquée dans les Balkans par la succession de guerres qui ont résulté de l'éclatement de l'ancienne Yougoslavie. Outre de lourdes pertes en vies humaines, ces guerres ont entraîné des déplacements massifs de populations, volontaires ou forcés, dont les effets sont toujours visibles aujourd'hui. Fin 1999, on compte encore 917 000 réfugiés issus de l'ancienne Yougoslavie. La dégradation des conditions de vie engendrée par la transition vers l'économie de marché a provoqué de nombreux départs en Bulgarie et surtout en Albanie, où 16 % de la population a quitté le pays entre 1990 et 1998. Elle est aussi à l'origine d'une stagnation, voire d'une régression de l'espérance de vie à la naissance dans tous les pays de la région, à l'exception de la Croatie et de la Slovénie, jusque vers 1997. Depuis cette date, des progrès rapides ont toutefois permis de dépasser le niveau de la longévité observé en 1990. Dans le même temps, les indicateurs de nuptialité et de fécondité ont fortement baissé, bien que de façon un peu plus modérée dans l'ancienne Yougoslavie. À la lumière des évolutions décrites, il n'est pas aisé de dégager des spécificités du monde balkanique en matière de comportement démographique. L'influence de la longue appartenance de ces pays au monde socialiste et de sa disparition brutale est telle qu'elle écrase, pour l'instant, toutes les autres distinctions, au niveau national du moins. Si la spécificité du monde balkanique réside sans doute dans la diversité des situations d'une région à l'autre sous l'effet de l'hétérogénéité du peuplement, celle-ci recule singulièrement du fait des opérations de «nettoyage ethnique» qui ont touché le territoire de l'ancienne Yougoslavie depuis une dizaine d'années.

This article explores the dynamics of care obligations and family solidarity within Balkan-Swiss families, specifically concerning ageing parents, against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic. Through interviews with adult children residing in Switzerland whose ageing parents reside in Kosovo, North Macedonia and Serbia, we uncover the challenges exacerbated by the pandemic’s global border closures and lockdowns. Our conceptual framework places a spotlight on family solidarity, central during our interviews in contrast to major discussions in social science literature on ageing in cross-border families revolving around moral obligation. We explore how family solidarity plays a pivotal role in the support systems for ageing parents in the interviewed families. We contextualize by the history of migration between the Balkans and Switzerland and the relevant migration laws before we shed light on the conditions of parents in the Balkans both before and during the pandemic. We analyse the impact of international border closures on family relationships, support structures and international travel patterns. We highlight a pattern of cooperation and unity, a solidarity as it manifests in specific relationships within families. Yet, the notion of solidarity encompasses the broader ‘public’ sphere and social movements. Solidary connections transcend one’s immediate (family) circle, encompassing also a global dimension of solidarity. We argue that the intricate dynamics of cross-border family caregiving for ageing parents during the COVID-19 pandemic represent a contemporary social issue suitable for discussion in the context of the solidarity concept. This discussion, we believe, offers a valuable contribution to the discourses on solidarity.

Many Roma across Europe continue to face a range of social problems, including ethnic discrimination, marginalisation, residential segregation, socio‐economic inequality, and extremist violence. The lack of effective policies to address these issues has reinforced a climate of hatred against Roma, further isolating many of them. It has also affected their position in the political arena, where Roma remain severely underrepresented. In this article, we analyse the situation of Roma in three Western Balkan countries and the policies developed to support them. We discuss the institutional structures for managing and improving the socio‐economic conditions of identity‐based communities and examine the position of the Roma within these institutional contexts. We also explore attitudes towards Roma‐related policies and how Roma citizens themselves in these three countries perceive their position.

Abstract Background A significant proportion of the global population is displaced, many being women. Qualitative studies can generate in-depth findings that will contribute to an understanding of their experiences, but there is a need for further synthetization efforts. The aim was to provide a comprehensive perspective about adult women’s experiences of armed conflicts and forced migration, focusing on women in or from countries in the Middle East, Balkans, or Africa. Methods Systematic review of English reports presenting empirical qualitative studies published in scientific journals 1980 or later, utilizing searches performed in September 2021 within three databases combined with manual screening. Of the 3 800 records screened in total, 26 were included. Methodological details and quality were appraised using pre-specified extraction and appraisal tools. The findings within the included reports were analyzed with thematic analysis. Results Most reports utilized interviews, including in total 494 participants, and were appraised as having insignificant methodological limitations. The first theme concerns changed living conditions, involving reduced safety, insufficient access to resources meeting basic needs, forced migration as a last resort, and some positive effects. The second theme concerns the experienced health-related consequences, involving psychological distress, risks during pregnancy and childbirth, exposure to violence and discrimination as a woman, as well as a lack of adequate healthcare services and social support. The third theme concerns the resources and strategies that enhance resilience, involving social support and family life, as well as utilization of internal resources and strategies. Conclusion When experiencing armed conflicts and forced migration, women face significant challenges related to changed living conditions and are exposed to health-related consequences. Consistently, women are targets of severe structural and personal violence, while lacking access to even the most basic healthcare services. Despite facing considerable hardships, these women display extraordinary resilience and endurance by finding strength through social support and internal resources. Synthesized qualitative research illustrates that women value social support, including peer support, which is a promising intervention that needs to be evaluated in future experimental studies.

This article contributes to debates on visuality in international politics by focusing on how images come to matter in the context of migration and border politics. It examines how political actors mobilized photographic images during Germany’s so-called “refugee crisis” 2015 and how the mobilization of images influenced bordering practices. The article suggests understanding visual (border) politics as situated processes of meaning-making. Whether images can be mobilized to legitimate policies depends on a number of contextual factors, such as previous policies, the wider public and policy discourse, collective visual memories, and viewing habits. Developing a multimodal analytical framework and applying it to the case of Germany, I argue that visual memories of the Holocaust centrally affected how images of the “refugee crisis” were discussed in policy discourses and became politically performative. As the analysis illustrates, the iconic image of “Alan Kurdi” was not the key visual motif in Germany, but political actors primarily referred to images of welcome culture, train stations, and the “Balkan Route” when legitimating appropriate policy responses. The article concludes by arguing that this humanitarian framing and focus on German “welcome culture” contributed to create conditions of possibility for restrictive policies in the aftermath of the “refugee crisis.”