Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Authoritarianism – fiction"

Empirically successful stories of both authoritarianism and democracy in materializing economic achievement as well as securing political stability may make some people confused in evaluating the two systems, whether they are suitable for humanism or not. There have been contested views on their virtues related to the preservation of human security as one of the most critical aspects of humanism. This study investigates which one of the two existing political regimes is more suitable for the sustainability of secured human security. Relying on the case of Indonesia, which experienced in adopting the two different political regimes, I argue that in the long run democracy is better and conducive for securing sustainable human security than authoritarianism. This study used a qualitative method enriched by diachronic approach. Keywords: authoritarianism; democracy; human security.

Abstract: In Hotel Minotauro (2013-2015), Doménico Chiappe combines creative fiction and non-fiction and makes use of digital media to rearticulate, reorient and deepen iconic narratives to make them resonate with contemporary Latin American cultural dilemmas: the actuality and legacy of authoritarianism and exploitation. Hotel Minotauro exemplifies the potential of digital media to reinvigorate and perpetuate classical discourses as expressions of Latin American reality.

Starting with George Orwell’s liberal problem of meaning, this article investigates liberalism as cultural structure and myth, drawing on the theory of civil sphere by Jeffrey C. Alexander and the science fiction novels of Ian M. Banks. Following Alexander, it is argued that liberal societies are built around a sacred core described by the cultural structures of the civil sphere, which are structures of meaning as well as feeling. Civil discourses and movements in liberal (and not so liberal) societies mobilize powerful sym-bols of the sacred and profane and are thus able to inspire an almost religious devotion. The article then continues to explore the meaning structure, cultural contradictions and possible future of the liberal order discussing Bank’s Culture series. These novels are set in the borderlands of “the Culture”, a galactic civili-zation and liberal utopia. It is precisely this utopian setting, which allows Banks to probe the internal dilemmas of liberalism, for example between pacifism and interventionism, while addressing issues of contemporary relevance, such as the liberal problem of meaning, the allure of authoritarianism or the social status of artificial intelligence. With their literary imagination, science fiction writers construct “a myth of the future” (Banks), which may often reflect the myths of their time, but which can also—as in the case of Banks—reflect on those myths, their implications and contradictions. Finally, the fictional possibilities of social order in science fiction can be a valuable source for our imagination as sociologists contemplat-ing the very possibility of social order.

ABSTRACT The phrase “ambiguous utopia” was coined by Ursula K. Le Guin in the subtitle of her novel, The Dispossessed: An Ambiguous Utopia (1974). That work appeared when utopian narratives had been displaced by dystopian imaginaries. This article embarks on a comparative analysis of three short stories: Ursula K. Le Guin’s “The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas” (1973), Angélica Gorodischer’s “Of Navigators” (1979), and N. K. Jemisin’s “The Ones Who Stay and Fight” (2018). Each author installs ambiguity at the center of their open-ended utopian imaginaries as a way to challenge dogma, pessimism, and complacency. Le Guin interrogates the boundary between belief and knowledge to hold the threat of authoritarianism at bay. Gorodischer, a friend and contemporary of Le Guin, is considered a central figure of Argentine science fiction and fantasy. Her story imagines the discovery of a second Earth set in 1492 and highlights the need for utopianism to challenge the legacy of colonization. Finally, Jemisin’s story is a critical homage to “Omelas.” Jemisin shares the decolonial impetus of Gorodischer’s fiction, and she constructs Um-Helat on an explicitly antiracist foundation. Instead of walking away, her characters actively fight the creeping threat of intolerance while working toward that better place.

In the modern, changing, uncertain world, life is becoming more and more complex and difficult. Only those who are well prepared for it will be able to function in this world. Thus, the article raises the question of whether teaching children democracy, liberation behaviour, participation, but also responsibility, is a fantasy, a fiction, or a whim, which teachers and researchers who seek, and parents who reject authoritarianism are often accused of, or whether it is a necessity of the modern times and an expression of an awareness that it is essential wisely to prepare the younger generation for life in contemporary society. In this paper the author also outlines the role of educational institutions that can and should be aware of this task and search for opportunities for the creation of conditions for the development of children’s democratic competences.

Eco-criticism is an emerging area of investigation in literary and critical studies aiming at the analysis of the role and representation of nature and environment in literary works. Eco-critics speak for nature which, they believe, is silenced, and oppressed by anthropocentric mindset and human lust for profit and comfort. Critique of modern industrial civilization and celebration of pre-colonial primitive cultures are the important concerns in the contemporary eco-critical discourse. Anarchism aims at the eradication of modern civilization, advocating the restoration of pre-modern and pre-egalitarian primitive mode of existence. Anarcho-primitivism, combining anarchists’ distrust for modern civilization and authoritarianism with primitivists’ interest in simple and primitive mode of living, involves a critique of modern industrial civilization, advocating a return to non-civilized primitive ways of life. Anarchist and anarcho-primitivist elements are perceptible in Lawrence’s post-war fiction which exudes his aversion for modern industrial civilization for its barrenness, decay and sterility, and its unspeakable damage to the natural environment, and his predilection for non- European primitive cultures and societies which, in comparison to dead European existence, present a better alternative with their vitality and healthier mode of existence. This paper, by adopting the qualitative research method and using the key concepts of the representative anarchist, primitivist and ecocritical thinkers as theoretical framework, has attempted to analyse anarcho-primitivism in Lawrence’s post-war fiction from ecocritical perspective. Keywords: Eco-criticism, Anarchism, Primitivism, Anarcho-primitivism, Future primitive

This study aims at discovering social desires and conflicts from subculture narrative multimedia. Since one of the primary purposes in the subculture consumption is vicarious satisfaction, the subculture works straightforwardly describe what their readers want to achieve and break down. The latent desires and conflicts are useful for understanding our society and realizing smart governance. To discover the social issues, we concentrate on that each subculture genre has a unique imaginary world that consists of inventive subjects. We suppose that the subjects correspond to individual social issues. For example, game fiction, one of the popular genres, describes a world like video games. Under game systems, everyone gets the same results for the same efforts, and it can be interpreted as critics for the social inequality issue. Therefore, we first extract subjects of genres and measure the membership degrees of subculture works for each genre. Using the subjects and membership degrees, we build a genealogy tree of subculture genres by tracing their evolution and differentiation. Then, we extract social issues by searching for the subjects that come from the real world, not imaginary. If a subculture work criticizes authoritarianism, it might include subjects such as government officials and bureaucrats. A combination of the social issues and genre genealogy tree will show diachronic changes in our society. We have evaluated the proposed methods by extracting social issues reflected in Korean web novels.

The subject of the article is Fuller’s concept of the (not) good law paradigm defined by three notions: “internal morality of law,” “natural law of a formal nature,” and “formal rule of law” — in the perspective of its application in the current legal order of the Republic of Poland. The discourse was conducted in two stages: on a general, theoretical, and axiological levels as well as on a detailed, practical, and praxeological ones. The epistemological level with its retrospective view bears resemblance of two models: bad law and good law. The first, encapsulated in literary legal fiction, describes eight cases (anti-values) of King Rex’s legislative failures. King Rex is monarch with authoritarian and conservative traits who excludes the system of government based on the proportional cohabitation of three powers — legislative, executive, and judicative — in favour of anocracy, which is a hybrid regime “suspended” between democracy and authoritarianism. The second is a remedy in the form of axiological contours, postulates (values) of good law: generality, promulgation, prospectivity, clarity, non-contradiction, reality, stability, and compliance. These principles of the formal rule of law, contained in the concept of “soft” jusnaturalism, are a specific professional and ethical code for the public authority which constitutes, executes, and applies the law. The practical-cognitive level refers to subjectively selected examples of abusing the good lawstandard in the Polish legal and administrative order. It shows the omnipotent and simultaneously dysfunctional executive power in the area of governance and administration, aimed at a radical reconstruction of the social and legal system.

Abstract: There exists a constant within the trajectory of Diamela Eltit’s contributions to New Chilean Fiction: the turn to the body’s revelatory capacity as a corporal archive of human existence. Simultaneously exploring and rejecting the confines of the traditional testimonial reliance on language, Eltit moves the reader to a re-consideration of the truth-telling function of the biological materiality of the body, placing imperfect corporalities on display as a means of speaking, even where the voice itself may falter. This essay locates Eltit’s move to the corporal within the trajectory of feminist criticism, the traumatic realities of the Chilean dictatorship and post-dictatorship periods, and the search for the recuperation of those bodily knowledges represented by the disappeared. Next, it turns to Eltit’s Impuesto a la carne as her most recent re-visioning of the importance of corporal textualities, whether or not the subject-matter of the body’s denunciation is connected to the dictatorship. Lastly, this essay reconsiders the rejective power of the traditional archive, analyzing the effect set models have on those who seek to tell their stories outside of the traditional testimonial model. I argue that the case of Diamela Eltit is an example of the way writers and producers of cultural texts which actively inscribe alternative memories of the past are resisting the authoritative power of the archive and subversively inscribing narrative memory onto bodily materialities, re-orienting the view of the corporal from an evidentiary showing to an active process of re-telling the past. Eltit’s novels, inscribed with her corporal textual model, give voice to survivors, articulating an alternate historical model for the archive, embracing the biological and making it speak against the rigid abuses of authoritarianism.

The Polish People’s Republic is a matter of the past, but not entirely. Finally, nolens volens, the current version of our old statehood is its continuation, manifested in numerous formal solutions. This is in an evident manner a republican form of statehood and a democratic system. Similar to the Stalinist Constitution of 1952, it was called a people’s democracy, but from 1976 a socialist democracy as the effect of changes in the written Ius Supremum. In the political practice, after partial totalitarianism came authoritarianism. Before 1980, there were no changes in the institutional state power system. Theoretically, the first in this structure was the Sejm — the official emanation of the Volonté Générale. The collective head of the state was the State Council with a more republican identity than the contemporary president. The Council of Ministers actually has the same shape as before 1989, as well as the parliamentary cabinet system of government. In similar situation are: the Supreme Court, the Administrative Court, the Constitutional Court, the State Tribunal, the Ombudsman, and the Supreme Chamber of Control. Their identity and philosophy of action are similar to the socio-political reality from before the system transformation, mythologized in many aspects. This does not mean that it is fiction. Its result, according to the ancient nomenclature, was the transformation of socialist democracy into bourgeois people’s rule. Actually, we rather talk about the transition from “communism” or totalitarianism to liberal democracy. But Marxist-Leninist classics claimed that communism will be a post-state society without class opposites. Finally, in the Polish People’s Republic real socialism existed, with partial totalitarian character, replaced shortly after Stalin’s death by authoritarianism, which in the socio-economic and cultural spheres tolerates spontaneous manifestations of activity, without inspirations of the authorities, its culmination being in the time of the several-month-long “Carnival of Solidarity”. The Gdańsk Agreement we can understand as a social agreement, later transformed into the Round Table Agreements. After the continuation of these events it is possible to find on the constitutional ground in 1989, and then in 1997, when the new, formalized and complete Highest Law was created, as a formal recapitulation of political transformation. So we observe the mild transition of the Polish People’s Republic into the Third Polish Republic. The first one does not exist in the text of the actual Constitution, but it is impossible to not see a certain continuity. In the situation of the important difference between the two forms of our statehood — old and new — probably in the case of a system transformation there significant revolutionary accidents would have been unavoidable, but they have not happened. Parliamentary democracy was liberalized, which manifested in in the replacement of Gierek’s famous slogan of moral and political unity with the conviction that an official electoral struggle for power between parties is necessary. The second important change in the political sphere is the greater consideration of Montesquieu’s dogma concerning the division of state power. Other changes are less significant. Also, the republican democracy has maintained its fundamental identity, although the system of institutionalized rule had changed.

Resumo: Este artigo parte do conceito Justiça de transição, especificamente de seu pilar Memória e Verdade, no contexto de transição democrática no Brasil, para destacar a relevância do cinema nacional quanto à problematização da memória sobre o passado de ditadura civil-militar no país (1964-1985). Analisa-se o filme A freira e a tortura, de Ozualdo Candeias, lançado em 1983, que, ambientado nos anos 1970, mostra a repressão às religiosas em instâncias do Estado de exceção – em que direitos foram suspensos e outros violados. Considera-se que esse longa-metragem, de ficção, integra a produção conflitiva de memórias que se realiza no país, desde o início da abertura política (1974), para enfrentar o passado de ditadura – marcado pela violência perpetrada pelo Estado. Observa-se que a despeito de suas ambiguidades e contradições, o artefato cultural estabelece uma visão menos conciliadora sobre aquele processo político, desvelando, isto sim, o autoritarismo e a violência política do período, inclusive a violência de gênero.Abstract: This article is based on the concept of Transitional Justice, specifically its pillar Memory and Truth, in the context of democratic transition in Brazil, in order to highlight the relevance of national cinema to the problematization of memory about the past of civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). In particular, we analyze the film A Freira e a tortura by Ozualdo Candeias, released in 1983, which, set in the 1970s, shows the repression of women religious in the instances of the State of exception, where rights have been suspended and others violated. It is considered that this film, fiction, integrates the conflictive production of memories that takes place in the country, from the beginning of the political opening (1974), to face the past of dictatorship - marked by the violence perpetrated by the State. It is observed that, despite its ambiguities and contradictions, the cultural artifact establishes a less conciliatory vision about that process of dictatorship, revealing, rather, authoritarianism and political violence of the period, including gender violence.

The Scandal in Academia [32] [33] [34] [35] is an extended fictional case-study intended for use as a teaching and discussion aid for educational practitioners looking to introduce elements of computer ethics into their curricula. Inspired by Epstein [17] [18] it is a full-cycle scenario involving many individuals which touches upon the complexity and interrelations of modern computer ethics. It has been trailed and evaluated as a teaching tool by the authors [36] and with multiple groups since then. However its utility as a general resource is limited without the academic context that supports deeper investigation of the material. It is to address this issue that the authors offer this commentary on the Scandal, with a focus on the ninth and tenth newspaper items presented within. Specifically these are Culture of Fear and Nepotism at University and Witch-Hunts at the University - IT Crackdown Causes Criticisms.

Resumo: O presente artigo tem como principal objetivo analisar e compreender a família nuclear burguesa oitocentista e como a figura feminina é representada no romance Rio do Esquecimento (2016), da escritora portuguesa contemporânea Isabel Rio Novo. A obra se desenvolve em torno de diferentes núcleos familiares e, por isso, optamos por analisar somente a personagem Maria Adelaide, da família Clarange. Frisa-se que o aporte teórico de nossa pesquisa é baseado nos circunscritos de teóricos que elaboraram estudos contundentes sobre a sociedade burguesa, a família nuclear e a figura feminina no século XIX, como: Hobsbawm (1977), Andrade (2013), Vaquinhas (2004), Kehl (2008), entre outros. Como resultado averiguou-se que a obra evidencia uma sociedade na qual predomina o autoritarismo masculino e a submissão da figura feminina no seguimento às regras sociais impostas pela sociedade machista e patriarcal, deixando de viver suas próprias escolhas e, consequentemente, sua liberdade, para expressar seus sentimentos e suas vontades, além de evidenciar a sociedade burguesa e como ela era obcecada pela aparência e pelas regras morais que muitos bravejavam e defendiam com orgulho, mas que uma grande parcela não as praticava, tornando ainda mais evidente a hipocrisia social.Palavras- chave: Família; Representação da mulher; Ficção portuguesa contemporânea; Isabel Rio Novo.Abstract: This article aims to analyze and understand the 19th century bourgeois nuclear family and how the female figure is represented in the novel Rio do Esquecimento (2016), by contemporary Portuguese writer Isabel Rio Novo. The work is developed around different family nuclei and, therefore, we chose to analyze only the character Maria Adelaide, from the Clarange family. It is emphasized that the theoretical contribution of our research is based on the circumscriptions of theorists who elaborated strong studies on bourgeois society, the nuclear family and the female figure in the 19th century, such as: Hobsbawm (1977), Andrade (2013), Vaquinhas (2004), Kehl (2008), among others. As a result, it was found that the work shows a society in which male authoritarianism predominates and the submission of the female figure following the social rules imposed by the macho and patriarchal society, ceasing to live its own choices and, consequently, its freedom, to express his feelings and his will, in addition to showing bourgeois society and how it was obsessed with appearance and moral rules that many proudly defended and defended, but that a large portion did not practice, making social hypocrisy even more evident.Keywords: Family; Representation of women; Contemporary Portuguese fiction.

Portuguese literature questions the concept of authoritarianism through a variety of discursive forms. Starting from an attempt to conceptualize it and restricting the corpus to fictional and non-fictional narrative, we try in this paper a diachronic theme approach concerning reference works published between the 15th and the 21st centuries.

Telephone surveys were conducted in Virginia and Wisconsin to explore attitudinal predictors of exposure to and enjoyment of reality-based and fictional crime programs. Punitive attitudes about crime, higher levels of racial prejudice, and higher levels of authoritarianism were associated with more frequent viewing and greater enjoyment of reality-based programming, but were unrelated to enjoyment of fictional programming. Reality-based viewing and enjoyment were also more common among younger respondents, respondents with lower levels of education, and respondents who were heavier television viewers.

This article aims to demonstrate that in Os homens dos pés redondos Antônio Torres used innovative aesthetic strategies to build a biting and daring portrait of the dictatorship of António de Oliveira Salazar in Portugal. The novel represents an avant-garde fictional work which offers an implicit denunciation of the dictatorship installed in Brazil with the 1964 military coup. Renewing the tradition of national engaged literature, it describes the authoritarianism, censorship and violence of the dictatorial regimes in both countries.

Popular music plays important roles in two related films portraying Brazilian slum life. Based on a 1953 play by Vinícius de Morais, Marcel Camus's 1959 film Orfeu Negro, and a 1999 feature by Brazilian director Carlos Diegues titled Orfeu, augment traditional samba styles with bossa nova and rap, respectively. Interpreting musical style as allegorical texts within fictive landscapes, this paper examines conflation and conflict among musical meanings, Brazilian social histories, and discursive identities marking the twentieth century. Broad aspects of Brazilian political and socio-cultural development are implicated, such as authoritarianism, the politics and sociology of race, technological advances, mass media, and modes of modernisation. Here, bossa nova and rap engage society through reflexive and generative interpretations within a narrative designed to illustrate connections between processes of innovative, trans-national cultural production, myths of national identity, social change, and the powerful role of popular music in film.

In addition to accusations of authoritarianism, arbitrariness, and inefficiency, one of the more persistent criticisms of bureaucracy is that it tends to be rather boring. Yet while this boringness has historically informed both scholarly and popular forms of anti-bureaucratic critique, in this article I argue that it also might reflect necessary, and even desirable, aspects of democratic political practice. Working with fictional texts that have sought to represent bureaucratic boringness, in particular The Apartment (1960) and The Pale King (2011), this article traces how the aesthetic quality of boringness has historically been understood as a means by which bureaucratic systems can facilitate oppressive and anti-democratic forms of politics. However, with reference to recent attempts to automate and streamline contemporary bureaucratic systems, I argue that it does not necessarily follow that the elimination of boringness makes such systems more accessible and responsive. Instead, I suggest that boringness is better understood dialectically as a difficult but potentially necessary part of living together in complex societies. In doing so, I aim not to redeem bureaucracy and boringness, but also to argue for the necessity of an anti-heroic, pragmatic mode of politics.

Sabahattin Ali's first novel, Kuyucaklı Yusuf, published in 1937, is a historically important text within Turkish literature as the first realistic novel about Anatolian life as well as a critique of the social system. However, the novel remained incomplete due to Ali’s murder in 1948 amid a rising tide of authoritarianism and nationalism he consistently critiqued. This study examines the novel's demand for narrative identity in the context of its creator's untimely death. Drawing from Berna Moran's (2001) perspective on Yusuf's incomplete identity, which attributes Yusuf's existential uncertainty to Sabahattin Ali’s death, the research reveals three interwoven themes. These themes—'the silent language of victimhood,' the extreme experience of loneliness, and the finality of the author's death—function as barriers impeding the realization of personal narratives. This exploration is also an attempt to mourn the death of the author by revisioning the incompleteness of Yusuf's identity as an example of an ethical mode of authoring, one that requires giving up the author's authoritative control over life stories, real or fictional. Acknowledging the existence of untold stories alongside the potential for new narratives attests to the power of storytelling through the vulnerability of a life story

This article aims to explore the intersection between George Orwell's dystopian work, "1984," and the principles of psychoanalytic theory, seeking to understand mass phenomena in totalitarian contexts, with an emphasis on the phenomenon of fascism. Additionally, it intends to analyze the relevance of these concepts in contemporary times, using Brazil in 2022 as an illustrative example. By articulating Orwell's fictional narrative with insights from psychoanalysis, this study aims to deepen the understanding of power dynamics, social control, and individual alienation present in authoritarian governments. Fascism, like other mass phenomena, is based on the idea of unity and the suppression of individual subjectivity in favor of a collective purpose. As Freud observes in his analysis of massification processes, in the dynamics of crowds, individuals lose their distinctive characteristics, giving way to a "collective soul" that shapes the thinking and behavior of participants (Freud, 2013). In this context, Orwell's work "1984" emerges as a powerful allegory, depicting the protagonist Winston's struggle against the annulment of his individuality in a totalitarian society dominated by Big Brother. By connecting these co ncepts with contemporary events, such as those observed in Brazil in 2022, it is possible to identify worrying patterns of mass behavior and political manipulation. The dissemination of totalizing discourses, political polarization, and manipulation of collective emotions are key elements in constructing a society prone to submission and authoritarianism. By exploring these themes, this essay seeks to shed light on the underlying mechanisms of totalitarian regimes and their influence on the collective psyche. In this sense, throughout this study, concrete examples will be examined of how surveillance and control devices present in "1984" resonate in contemporary political practices, especially in the Brazilian context.

Resumo: Este trabalho é fruto da necessidade de refletir sobre os percursos narrativos ficcionais e de resistência em face do trauma e do esquecimento históricos relacionados à ditadura militar no Brasil. Esta apreciação tem como amostra a obra O corpo interminável (2019), de Claudia Lage, cujas personagens estão inseridas no âmbito da barbárie e da violência de Estado. Na tentativa de alcançar vivências que foram extorquidas pelo autoritarismo político, o romance apresenta a busca por vidas e histórias silenciadas em razão dos anos de barbárie impostos pela ditadura militar brasileira. Alternando vozes narrativas e tempos históricos, perpassa por O corpo interminável a noção de um passado que ainda se faz presente e que, mergulhado no sigilo e no esquecimento, permanece marcado por ausências, vazios, imprecisões, lacunas e memórias fraturadas. Propõe-se a mobilização da narrativa ficcional como instrumento de reconstrução dos destroços desse passado, na luta de evitar que as mesmas violações sejam repetidas no presente. O intuito desta leitura é contribuir para a caracterização política e estética do romance, pois, ao explorar as estratégias narrativas em O corpo interminável, espera-se discutir a relevância e a essencialidade da literatura brasileira contemporânea no processo de recuperação de um passado sombrio. Como base teórico-crítica, serão utilizadas as considerações de Dalcastagnè (2017), Figueiredo (2017), Ginzburg (2000 e 2017), Seligmann-Silva (2003, 2008 e 2016), entre outros.Palavras-chave: narrativa de resistência; escrita do trauma; memória; ditadura militar brasileira; O corpo interminável.Abstract: This work is the result of the need to reflect on fictional narrative paths and resistance in the face of historical trauma and forgetfulness related to the military dictatorship in Brazil. This appreciation has as sample the work O corpo interminável (2019), by Claudia Lage, whose characters are inserted in the scope of barbarism and state violence. In an attempt to reach experiences that were extorted by political authoritarianism, the novel presents the search for lives and histories silenced due to the years of barbarism imposed by the Brazilian military dictatorship. Alternating narrative voices and historical times, the notion of a past that is still present and that, immersed in secrecy and oblivion, remains marked by absences, voids, inaccuracies, gaps, and fractured memories. We propose the mobilization of fictional narrative as an instrument of reconstruction of the debris of this past, in the struggle to prevent the same violations from being repeated in the present. The intention of this reading is to contribute to the political and aesthetic characterization of the novel, because, by exploring the narrative strategies in O corpo interminável, it is hoped to discuss the relevance and essentiality of contemporary Brazilian literature in the process of recovering a dark past. As a theoretical-critical basis, the considerations of Dalcastagnè (2017), Figueiredo (2017), Ginzburg (2000 and 2017), Seligmann-Silva (2003, 2008 and 2016), among others, will be used.Keywords: resistance narrative; trauma writing; memory; Brazilian military dictatorship; O corpo interminável.

In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking “curious” feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance. Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of ‘serious’ investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004). As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli’s The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and ‘his’ problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system– both militarily and economically– while sovereignty evokes the Hobbesian Leviathan (the Devil), with its masculine nature and might. Raewyn Connell responds to these masculine conceptualizations by pointing out that hegemony includes organized social domination in all spheres of life, from religious doctrines to mundane practice, from mass media to taxation (1998: 246). As Connell reminds us, “hegemonic masculinity” expresses the domination of men over women intellectually, culturally, socially, or even politically, thus establishing an unequivocal linkage between gender and power (Connell, 1998). Just as the Western approach to reading and identifying the East and its fiction found an answer in Edward Said’s critique of Orientalism, the theory of political realism put forth by Hans Morgenthau was criticized by Ann Tickner for conceptualizing international politics through the lens of an assumed masculine subject (Tür & Koyuncu, 2010: 9). Critical theory and postmodernism, as alternative approaches in International Relations, drew attention to the otherization of different geographies, civilizations and identities. Yet, on the issue of gender equality, the otherization of women has not been sufficiently recognized; the superiority of man and patriarchy is made possible through the othering of women. From this point of view, it would be beneficial to make a holistic reading of the International Relations literature, and to dismantle these masculine concepts by asking “curious” questions of the discipline. In Terrell Carver’s words, “Gendering IR” is...a project; “gendered” IR is an outcome” (Carver, 2003: 289). In order to achieve such outcome, it bears utmost importance for the gender-equality advocates to insist on, institutionally and practically, gender-based approaches and to not agree with the priority list of the masculine agenda. Security, order, control and retaliation increasingly dominate the discourse shaping the world politics. The gender perspective in International Relations develops to create alternative paradigms that would break this vicious circle of (in)security. Feminist theory in International Relations has demonstrated significant progress since the 1990s and opened pathways in an uncharted territory. Cynthia Enloe, Ann Tickner, Spike V. Peterson and Christine Sylvester, among others, are the most prominent forerunners of this field. Through their works, feminist theory has adopted a perspective critical of the masculinity and the masculine values of international politics by taking not only ‘women’ but a wider category of gender into its centre. These feminist scholars have deconstructed International Relations theories by posing gender-related questions and displayed the masculine prejudice embedded in the definitions of security, power and sovereignty. The feminist theories of International Relations have thus distinguished themselves from the other theories of the discipline by paying a ‘curious’ attention to the power hierarchies and relation structures through inclusiveness and self-reflexivity (True, 2017: 3). As Cynthia Enloe puts it, the gender perspective in International Relations must first be guided by a feminist consciousness (2004: 97). The feminist International Relations, however, although more than a quarter of century has passed since its emergence, are still struggling with the masculine theories to be considered as an equally legitimate way of understanding how the world works. Various epistemological, ontological and ethical debates may have enriched the field (True, 2017: 1), but at the same time, too many as they are, such debates may paradoxically be accusing the spreading-thin of the gender coalition. The capacity of the feminist International Relations’ ethical principles to participate in the global politics has been limited to the United Nations Security Council’s decision number 1325 and the Swedish feminist foreign policy. The feminist attempt to facilitate substantial change and interaction by creating a normative agenda has been called ‘normative feminism’ by Jacqui True (2013: 242). Normative feminism is a project of institutionalising gender in foreign policy by focusing on socio-economic and political changes. The special issue here is our attempt to partake in this project of change in international relations. We have aimed to enhance the visibility of the gender norms of behavior and decision-making with the presupposition that they would pose an alternative to the masculine norms in International Relations by better supporting the human priorities of peace and co-existence. Adopting Judith Butler’s notion of performativity, the feminist existence in international politics has an undeniable connection to engaging in continuous activities. As Rihannan Bury suggests, “what gives a community its substance is the consistent repetition of these ‘various acts’ by a majority of members.” “Being a member of community,” therefore, “is not something one is but something one does” (2005: 14). In Turkey, too, in order to challenge the recognition of the ‘hyper’ version of the hegemonic masculinity as the only viable world view, gender-charged normative discourses, interactions and agendas must be continuously created and multiplied. We hope that the Turkish literature-review and the articles published here will serve this purpose. As is the situation in all disciplines, the feminist International Relations has nurtured many onto-epistemologies, some in competition with one another. Such multitude, though definitely a richness, has been challenging the feminist stance’s capacity to stand united against the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity. In her latest book, Enloe calls for a continuous struggle of a new and wider feminist coalition against the updated authoritarianism of the patriarchy –inspiring our title “Don’t Give Up! Don’t Give In!.” Such expanded coalition could rise on the common purpose of fighting male dominance and ignore the differences of discourse created by the debate on identity. The gender-guided change and transformation desired in international politics could be achieved more easily in this way (Hemmings, 2012: 148, 155). On this account, in parallel with Enloe’s proposal of establishing a wider consensus simply on peace and co-existence (2017), a new era, in which questions of identity will, for some time, not be asked, may be dawning. A grand coalition of consensus has better chance of resisting the authoritarian leaders of hyper hegemonic masculinity. Our special issue of Gender and International Relations opens with a Turkish literature review with the aim of introducing the topic to Turkish readers. Çiçek Coşkun, against a historical background, presents some of the prominent feminist scholars who have left their footprints in this very masculine area with their fresh gender perspectives. In doing that she offers us a comparative framework in which works by the Turkish and international scholars could be assessed simultaneously. Nezahat Doğan’s article seeks to establish the relation between global peace and gender by using the data obtained from the Global Peace Index, Gender Inequality Index and Social Institutions and Gender Index. In this way, adopting a currently trendy approach, Doğan investigates the interaction between gender and International Relations through a quantitative method. Zehra Yılmaz’s article discusses the temporary position of Syrian women asylum seekers in Turkey from the perspective of the post-colonial feminist concept of subaltern. The article aims to combine feminist migration studies and post-colonial feminist literature within the context of International Relations. Sinem Bal’s article questions whether the EU has designed its gender policies as an aspect of the human-right norms of the European integration or as a way to regulate market economy. Bal pursues such questioning through the reading of the official documents of the EU that prescribes what Europeanization is for Turkey. Thus, all articles constitute a well-rounded understanding of what gendered approaches can achieve in the current practice of international studies. The co-authored article written by Bezen Balamir-Coşkun and Selin Akyüz examined how the images of women leaders in international politics were presented in the international media. The selected images the three most powerful women political leaders list of Forbes in 2017 –Angela Merkel, Theresa May and Federica Mogherini were analysed in the light of the political masculinities literature from a social visual semiotics perspective. It is believed that such an analysis will contribute to the debates about gendered aspect of international relations as well as the current debates on political masculinities. Gizem Bilgin-Aytaç points out that the global policy that emerged after the Cold War and the emergence of the new way of approaching the IR from a feminist perspective have improved the scope of conceptual analysis in peace theories as well. Bilgin-Aytaç discusses global peace conditions with a gender perspective - in particular, referring to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, with a focus on exemplary contemporary issues. Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu, in her article, discusses the debate between Ukraine-based feminist group FEMEN staged several protests in support of Amina Tyler, a Tunisian FEMEN activist receiving death threats for posting nude photographs of herself online with social messages written on her body and the Muslim Women Against FEMEN who released an open letter criticizing the discourse FEMEN used in these protests, which they found to be white colonialist and Islamophobic. Thus, İbrahimhakkıoğlu aimes to examines the discursive strategies put forth by the two sides of the very debate, and unveiling the shortcomings of liberalism as drawn on by both positions, the author attempts to rethink what “freedom” might mean for international feminist alliances across differences.

Abstract In the twenty-first century Latin America has become the most urbanized region on the planet and, at the same time, the one that has the highest level of inequality. This article discusses how this tension is expressed in cinema, an eminently urban art, through two case studies: the Mexican Nuevo orden (dir. by Michel Franco, 2020) and the Brazilian film Era uma vez Brasília (dir. by Adirley Queirós, 2017). Both works are independent films that deal with issues of urban violence and authoritarianism through a distinct style that combines the techniques of realist representation with fictional elements borrowed from dystopian and science fiction genres. While the two show a preoccupation with the economic and racialized inequality that characterizes urban space in the capital cities of Mexico and Brazil, they ultimately evoke two modes of utopian discourse. Whereas the first film can be considered anti-utopian, criticizing the impulse to seek social change, the second one, though pessimistic, retains a utopian call for political action.

Ideology is a mystification, a mythologizing of reality. The purpose of ideology is to formulate a simple image of reality that will be clear to the average person; to develop an arsenal of techniques and methodologies for the mystification of the socio-political system. Ideology is related to the social structure, economic system of production and politics. Each ideology determines the forms of government, economic systems, social guarantees. The study of ideology is very important in political discourse, ideology influences the strategies of society. Ideology is always an escape from reality. Ideology as well as fiction is very attractive, the real world is imperfect, and ideology offers a perfect world. In favorable political conditions (authoritarianism, totalitarianism), ideology becomes a privileged and hidden form of government, a powerful way of manipulating consciousness in conditions of poverty, despair, social crisis. Ideology forms a vector on which the understanding of important political concepts is built at different ends: rights and freedoms, legality, economy, power, civic institutions, and so on. The action of ideology is determined, on the one hand, by irrational attitudes, on the other - by the context of communication and socio-cultural features of society. In contrast to highly specialized disciplines, philosophy is able to reach a universal level of generalization, which allows us to look at ideology as a systemic, holistic phenomenon. The study of ideology is not defined by political parties and ideals, it also covers the economy, education, health care, army, etc., but still, most ideology is manifested in the political space, where in addition to left-right ideology, in modern realities is gaining momentum populist ideology (populism). the problem of finding a new strategy for the development of the state. Democratic institutions, ways of overcoming corruption and raising the level of education of citizens, formation of critical thinking can overcome rigid ideology.

The closing phase of the Victorian age, especially the nineties, witnessed radical changes in its massive literary output. As a reflection of collective taste and stable order of reality, the novelwas slowly getting marginalized by other genres that wouldhave far-reaching repercussions even in the early twentieth century. This was the period dominated by G. B. Shaw and the Fabians, H. G. Wells, Henry James, Thomas Hardy, Oscar Wilde, Thompson, Kipling, Henley, the early Yeats, Housman and Davidson. Due toseveral socio-political and economic factors,the unquestioned authoritarianism of the Victorian age was coming to an end, though the sunlight years of the Edwardian era would continue to exude warmth for some more time for the British public. Among thesewriters,Wells, with his scientific humanism, and Shaw, with his Socialist philosophy, represent new attitudes to society by incorporating radical ideas in their writings.

From its inception in Plato’s Republic and revival in Thomas More’s Utopia, the concept of a perfect (or as More originally put it in a qualification often lost, “best”) form of a republic has been dogged by the spectres of hypocrisy, contradiction, and authoritarianism. However, the matter is more complicated than a simple declaration that utopias provide a vehicle for totalitarian fantasy, that totalitarian governments inevitably portray themselves as creating a utopia. While today’s readers, at a comfortable distance from the early sixteenth century, may bridle at the lack of privacy, or at the ideological coerciveness in More’s Utopia, that does not eradicate how, in Walter Kendrick’s words, “what for us are problems are for them solutions.” It can be argued that the negative elements are a response to social ills. The same goes for Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World and Dave Eggers’s The Circle. While the negatives in all three fictions undermine or put into question the positives, our realization that the authors also intended the negatives as genuine attempts at resolving genuine problems that cause untold misery invites us to complicate our judgments. The undermining is itself undermined. L’idée d’un gouvernement parfait (ou « meilleur » pour reprendre l’expression même de More), de son apparition dans la République de Platon jusqu’à son renouveau dans l’Utopie de Thomas More, a été traquée et mise à profit par les partisans de l’hypocrisie, de la contradiction et de l’autoritarisme. Toutefois, la question est plus complexe que la simple affirmation qui voudrait que les utopies favorisent les phantasmes totalitaires, ou que les gouvernements totalitaires se présentent inévitablement comme la réalisation d’une utopie. Ces éléments négatifs répondent en fait souvent à de véritables problèmes sociaux, et, bien que le lecteur d’aujourd’hui, dans la confortable distance qui le sépare du début du XVIe siècle, puisse s’indigner du manque de vie privée et de l’intransigeance idéologique de l’Utopie de More, cela ne change pas le fait que, pour emprunter la formule de Walter Kendrick, « ce qui pour nous sont des problèmes, sont pour eux des solutions ». Il en va de même pour le Brave New World de Aldous Huxley et The Circle de Daver Egger. Alors que les aspects négatifs dans ces trois fictions compromettent leurs aspects positifs, le fait de reconnaître que ces auteurs, par ces moyens discutables, ont sincèrement tenté de régler de vrais problèmes entraînant des misères infinies, amène le lecteur d’aujourd’hui à nuancer ses jugements. Et ainsi, les aspects compromettants de ces oeuvres sont eux-mêmes remis en question.

In the history of thought, the effort to get rid of the religious and theological teachings of the Middle Ages, together with the Renaissance and reform movements, causes an evolution in the search and perception of reality. As a matter of fact, it is seen that the questioning about the belief in God increased in the period after the Industrial Revolution, starting with the modern period, and especially during the 19th century. One of these ideas, in which man is put in the center for the sake of independence from God and religious authorities, belongs to the German materialist Ludwig Feuerbach (1804-1872). Contrary to the innate approach of modern thought that became systematized with Descartes, Feuerbach argues that the idea of God is formed in the human mind afterwards and through experiences, and the concept of God is a manifestation and result of man's reflection of his own nature outward. Man, who thinks that he submits to God and loves him, creates a sort of external "other" imagination in order to attribute the features he wants to have but cannot have indeed. In other words, the source of man's vision and belief in God is the weakness inherent in his nature, then the search for an external existence that he can complete this weakness. By attributing the feelings or values that inherently exist in the human-human relationship, to a sacred other, man becomes alienated from himself. Thus, attributing the features that exist in him to God as another being, includes the meanings of man's alienation from himself, denial of his own self or essence. This alienation caused by religion and theology exposes the detachment of man from his own essence and nature, the desire to complete the deficient nature of his self with an absolute other who does not have this deficiency in himself. Alienation, which causes human depreciation, is a result of religious theology's assuming that man is a weak being in the face of God, an external other. Representing the transition from classical German idealism to materialism and positivism, Feuerbach continues to use Hegel's idealism and dialectic as a tool. However, by reading/interpreting it in reverse, he adopts the flow of thought towards the search for truth from the Absolute Spirit to the individuality. Hegel, in the problem of the relationship between mental objects and external objects, emphasizes that the thought corresponds to existence, and the guarantee of this is the Absolute Mind. Hegelian monistic idealism claims that the Absolute mind, which provides the unity between the mind and the external world, existed before the world. On the other hand, Feuerbach argues that general knowledge can be reached from particular minds. Because he argues that the truth can be acquired only if a path is followed from the object to the thought, not from the thought to the object. Thus, Feuerbach, who adopted the inductive method in his criticisms of religion and theology, said that atheism should essentially be real humanism and theology should actually be anthropology; therefore, he argues that the being believed to be God is actually human. Despite the claim that the belief in a perfect God is in human nature and innate, he claims that this belief arises from experiences through lifetime. God, when evaluated from an objective point of view, is nothing but a subjective and individual feeling. Theology should be replaced by anthropology and religion should be replaced by philosophy in order to ensure that people have a true understanding of religion instead of their baseless beliefs full of unrealistic speculations. Because, according to him, religion consist of nothing but love, where the human seeks his own truth in the reflection of reality that has become unreal due to theology, but can find it (his own truth) directly in relation between you and me. Thus, any union between two people through love is religion. The aim of our study is to reveal that in Feuerbach's thought, God is a result of human psychological weaknesses and deficiencies in his nature. It is emphasized that Feuerbach's philosophical background, his views on human nature and alienation are decisive in the formation of the aforementioned thought. Indeed he argues that God is a fictional being created by man, and that all the characteristics attributed to God are essentially belong to human nature. Therefore, by believing in God and glorifying him, man becomes alienated from his own nature. This shows that Feuerbach clearly adopted an anthropomorphic idea that sublimates human nature instead of a classical idea of God. However, although this approach generally includes serious criticisms of the belief principles of all holy religions, it is based on a body of humanistic principles that specifically and predominantly targets Christian theology, which claiming authoritarianism in the interpretation of belif in God and other principles of Christianity.