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1
Luft, David S. "Austrian Intellectual History before the Liberal Era: Grillparzer, Stifter, and Bolzano". Austrian History Yearbook 41 (abril de 2010): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780999004x.
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In 1960, Robert A. Kann pointed out in A Study in Austrian Intellectual History: From Late Baroque to Romanticism that “[h]istorians of the future will still have to meet the challenging task of writing the comprehensive German-Austrian intellectual history.” The value of the project Kann called for is generally acknowledged, but there is no clear agreement in the field about what a survey of German-Austrian intellectual history should look like. In 2007, I argued in an article for The Austrian History Yearbook that the scope of Austrian intellectual history still needs to be circumscribed and characterized adequately—geographically, linguistically, and comparatively. Rather than concentrating on Vienna or extending the field to the whole of the Habsburg monarchy, including Hungary and Galicia, I proposed that we concentrate our approach to this question on the historic core of the Austrian state: the Austrian and Bohemian Crownlands, a unity from at least 1749 to 1918. This was the region where state-building, centralization, and reform were most coherently pursued in the century after 1749, when the German language was dominant in education and public life. I contrasted this view to the disembodied approach to the German intellectual life of the entire Habsburg monarchy, which relies on conventions that were developed for dynastic and diplomatic history, conventions that also work quite well for economic history or even for cultural history, neither of which is so directly dependent on language. The region I have in mind is the southeastern part of the German Confederation that was included in the Frankfurt Parliament in 1848 but excluded from Bismarck's Germany in 1866. The very existence of this region, let alone its long and rich history since the Middle Ages, often gets lost in political narratives of German nationalism and the Habsburg monarchy (Figure 1).
2
Šedivý, Miroslav. "Metternich and the Suez Canal: Informal Diplomacy in the Interests of Central Europe". Central European History 55, n.º 3 (setembro de 2022): 372–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001412.
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AbstractKlemens von Metternich played an important role as leader of the Austrian bureaucrats and diplomats in supporting construction of the Suez Canal. He participated in many ways, often informal ones, which before 1848 resulted from his political circumspection and afterward from the fact that he was just a private individual. His so-to-speak informal diplomacy is interesting not only because it discloses the high level of interest he and other Austrian dignitaries paid to the issue but also because it reveals how accessible Metternich was to those involved in the project regardless of nationality, political leanings, and religion. Metternich's interest in the Suez Canal brought him into contact with Europeans as well as Ottomans, conservatives as well as liberals, and even Saint-Simonians: in other words, all who wished to cooperate for the benefit of central Europe and beyond.
3
Bonnell, Andrew G. "Transnational Socialists? German Social Democrats in Australia before 1914". Itinerario 37, n.º 1 (abril de 2013): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000284.
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Emigration from the German states was a mass phenomenon in the “long” nineteenth century. Much of this migration was of course labour migration, and German workers were very much on the move during the nineteenth century: in addition to the traditional Wanderschaft (travels) of journeymen, the century saw increasing internal migration within and between German-speaking lands, migration from rural areas to cities, and the participation of working people in emigration to destinations outside Europe. Over five million Germans left the German states from 1820 to 1914, with a large majority choosing the United States as their destination, especially in the earliest waves of migration. By comparison with the mass migration to North America, the flow of German migrants to the British colonies in Australia (which federated to form a single Commonwealth in 1901) was a relative trickle, but the numbers were still significant in the Australian context, with Germans counted as the second-largest national group among European settlers after the “British-born” (which included the Irish) in the nineteenth century, albeit a long way behind the British. After the influx of Old Lutheran religious dissidents from Prussia to South Australia in the late 1830s, there was a wave of German emigrants in the 1840s and 1850s, driven by the “push” factor of agrarian and economic crisis in the German states in the 1840s followed by the attraction of the Australian gold rushes and other opportunities, such as land-ownership incentives. While the majority of German settlers were economic migrants, this latter period also saw the arrival in the Australian colonies of a few “Forty-Eighters,” radicals and liberals who had been active in the political upheavals of 1848–9, some of whom became active in politics and the press in Australia. The 1891 census counted over 45,000 German-born residents in the Australian colonies.
4
Fedorova, Oleksandra A., Svitlana M. Lutsak e Iryna Y. Mykytyn. "The Hutsul Springtime of Nations by Kajetan Abgarowicz: the discourse of the borderland as a state of culture awareness". Rusin, n.º 67 (2022): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/15.
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This literary study of the Carpathian manifestation of The Springtime of Nations (1848-1849) is based of the short story “At the Hunting Campfire” from the collection “Rusini” [The Rusins] by Kajetan Abgarowicz (Abgar-Soltan), a Polish writer of Armenian descent of the late 19th - early 20th century. The imagological reflection of public sentiments of the 19th century is analysed through the lens of the discourse of the borderland as a state of culture awareness: the Polish (“ours” from the perspective of the Polish author) and “theirs” (i.e. Hutsul). The authors determine the Carpathian society before The Springtime of Nations as cultural borderlands of the Polish, Hutsul, German, Jewish, and Gypsy ethnic groups coexisted in daily life, with their fundamental values unchanged. They argue that the Hutsul community unconditionally accepted the imperative the Austrian highlanders, the model of neighborhood with the Poles, and trusting relations with the gypsies, but infernally mythologized of the Germans in the person of the local officer and his entourage. The focus is placed on the peculiarities of the Hutsul reception of news about the uprising against the Habsburgs outside the Carpathians and the development of the revolutionary events of the local “strange spring” in the contezt of the confrontation between the highlanders and the local authorities during the Carpathian stay of the Hungarian army, which rebelled against the Austrian emperor. The impact of revolutionary events on the HutsuL community is analyzed within their cultural identity awareness as of representatives of a separate ethnic group with its own history of resistance in in the context of opryshoks, an unusual, non-Polish cultural landscape, axiology, and ontology. In his “At the Hunting Campfire”, Kajetan Abgarowicz creates a literary version of the The Springtime of Nations in the Carpathians, with a new Look on the dialogue in the relationship between “our” and “their” cultural universes.
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Sondhaus, Lawrence. "Schwarzenberg, Austria, and the German Question, 1848–1851". International History Review 13, n.º 1 (março de 1991): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1991.9640570.
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Austensen, Roy A. "Metternich, Austria, and the German Question, 1848–1851". International History Review 13, n.º 1 (março de 1991): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1991.9640571.
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Bowman, William D. "Religious Associations and the Formation of Political Catholicism in Vienna, 1848 to the 1870s". Austrian History Yearbook 27 (janeiro de 1996): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005828.
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One of theironies of the Revolution of 1848 in Austria is that one of the most attacked institutions, the Roman Catholic Church, was able to draw the most benefit from the revolutionary upheaval. By the time Cardinal-Archbishop Eduard Milde returned to his palace in the Wollzeile from his safe mountain retreat, the dreadedKatzenmusik(mock serenading) had died down and it was clear that real social reform, not to speak of social revolution, was dead as well. Along the way, however, Catholic agitators, including Catholic priests, had learned how to use the revolution to further their own purposes.
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Aliprantis, Christos. "Transnational Policing after the 1848–1849 Revolutions: The Habsburg Empire in the Mediterranean". European History Quarterly 50, n.º 3 (julho de 2020): 412–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420932489.
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This article investigates the policing measures of the Habsburg Empire against the exiled defeated revolutionaries in the Mediterranean after the 1848–1849 revolutions. The examination of this counter-revolutionary policy reveals the pioneering role Austria played in international policing. It shows, in particular, that Vienna invested more heavily in policing in the Mediterranean after 1848 than it did in other regions, such as Western Europe, due to the multitude of ‘Forty-Eighters’ settled there and the alleged inadequacy of the local polities (e.g., the Ottoman Empire, Greece) to satisfactorily deal with the refugee question themselves. The article explains that Austria made use of a wide array of both official and unofficial techniques to contain these allegedly dangerous political dissidents. These methods ranged from official police collaboration with Greece and the Ottoman Empire to more subtle regional information exchanges with Naples and Russia. However, they also included purely unilateral methods exercised by the Austrian consuls, Austrian Lloyd sailors and ship captains, and ad hoc recruited secret agents to monitor the émigrés at large. Overall, the article argues that Austrian policymakers in the aftermath of 1848 invented new policing formulas and reshaped different pre-existing institutions (e.g., consuls, Austrian Lloyd), channelling them against their opponents in exile. Therefore, apart from surveying early modes of international policing, this study also adds to the discussion about Austrian (and European) state-building and, furthermore, to the more specific discussion of how European states dealt with political dissidents abroad in the nineteenth century.
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Šedivý, Miroslav. "The Path to the Austro-Sardinian War: The Post-Napoleonic States System and the End of Peace in Europe in 1848". European History Quarterly 49, n.º 3 (julho de 2019): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853481.
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The aim of this article is to explain the long-term process leading to the decision of Sardinian King Charles Albert to wage war against Austria in March 1848. Moving beyond the normal stress on Italian national consciousness, the article focuses more on the King’s attitude towards the conduct of European powers in Italian affairs and attempts to prove that repeated illegal and aggressive actions of the European powers after 1830 destroyed the King’s faith in the fairness of the political-legal system established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, leading also to his loss of faith in the strength of law and increasing his belief in the power of armed force in international relations. All this significantly contributed to his final decision to start a war of conquest against Austria, which he regarded as weak and thus no longer respected, much like his attitude towards the existing political-legal order in general.
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Stimmer, Gernot. "The History of Austrian Students Between Academic Status and Socio-Political Activity 1848-1938". CIAN-Revista de Historia de las Universidades 25, n.º 1 (7 de junho de 2022): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cian.2022.6994.
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The development of a scholarly and objective historiography of students in the Habsburg monarchy and the First Austrian Republic only began at the end of the twentieth century. Several factors explain why it was only after gaining a certain temporal and emotional distance that historians were able to write a more scientifically objective history of universities and students. It was not until the middle of the 19th century that students, who were strictly controlled by the state and the Catholic Church until 1859, were able to emerge as an independent group of actors. The multitude of associations founded according to the ideal model of the German fraternities were subject to a highly ideological polarisation process. This also extends to the professoriate of the university, which was belatedly established as an autonomous institution. Therefore, the history and humanities departments in particular became the forerunners of a nationalist antisemitic ideology rather than rationally scientific critical instances. The politics of exclusion continued uninterruptedly into the First Republic and ultimately led to the loss of university autonomy and the students’ right of free association after Austria became part of the National Socialist German Reich in 1938.
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Bruckmüller, Ernst. "Was There a “Habsburg Society” in Austria-Hungary?" Austrian History Yearbook 37 (janeiro de 2006): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016726.
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Was there a sense in which there existed a single, integrated society under the Habsburg monarchy–what we might call “Habsburg society,” or even “Austro-Hungarian society,” in the same way we talk of “American,” “French,” or “German” society? Anyone seeking to answer this question stands in a long, continuous line of historical and sociological discussion that reaches back at least to the era before the 1848 revolutions, when Victor Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg diagnosed with great clarity the emergence of different, language-based nations in the Austrian Empire. Andrian-Werburg spoke of a process of separation and felt that an awakening of “Austrian” national feeling was lacking. Naturally, Robert A. Kann also occupies a prominent position within this historical debate. Unfortunately, the present writer cannot claim to have been closely acquainted with Kann. Nor did I belong, unlike Karlheinz Mack, Horst Haselsteiner, and Arnold Suppan, to the circle of his card partners– Kann was a passionate and skillful player of Tarock, a card game popular in Central Europe. I can only recall one brief meeting, when Kann once came to our Institute of Economic and Social History in Vienna to look for some statistical works on the theme that he was researching. At the time, it seemed remarkable to me that such a great scholar, who was then at a fairly advanced age, should still be seeking out original, basic information. That was a typical mistake for an academic greenhorn to make, for I had yet to realize that, for certain historical problems, it is sometimes necessary to go back to the same sources to ask new questions of them and to analyze them with new methods. But let us turn back to our subject for today.
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VanDemark, Christopher M. "Empress Elisabeth (‘Sisi’) of Austria and Patriotic Fashionism". Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (11 de outubro de 2016): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.254.
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In this article, Christopher VanDemark explores the intersections between nationalism, fashion, and the royal figure in Hungary between 1857 and the Compromise of 1867. Focusing on aesthetics as a vehicle for feminine power at a critical junction in Hungarian history, VanDemark contextualizes Empress Elisabeth’s role in engendering a revised political schema in the Habsburg sphere. Foreseeing the power of emblematic politics, the young Empress adeptly situated herself between the Hungarians and the Austrians to recast the Hungarian martyrology narrative promulgated after the failed revolution of 1848. Eminent Hungarian newspapers such as the Pesti Napló, Pester Lloyd, and the Vasárnapi Újság form the backbone of this article, as publications such as these facilitated the dissemination of patriotic sentiment while simultaneously exulting the efficacy of symbolic fashions. The topic of study engages with contemporary works on nationalism, which emphasize gender and aesthetics, and contributes to the emerging body of scholarship on important women in Hungarian history. Seminal texts by Catherine Brice, Sara Maza, Abby Zanger, and Lynn Hunt compliment the wider objective of this brief analysis, namely, the notion that the Queen’s body can both enhance and reform monarchical power within a nineteenth-century milieu.
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Swenson, Benjamin J. ""Arnold the Traitor": George Lippard, the Mexican-American War, and the Search for an Antebellum George Washington, 1846–1852". Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 147, n.º 1-2 (janeiro de 2023): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2023.a909545.
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Abstract: During the Mexican-American War (1848–1846), Pennsylvania native and literary giant George Lippard promoted the nation-changing conflict by invoking the heroes and villains of the revolutionary era—most notably Benedict Arnold. An active member of the urban Democratic movement Locofocoism, Lippard used Arnold's infamy to paint political opponents and Mexican War skeptics as traitors while actively seeking to recruit the conflict's hero, General Zachary Taylor, for the presidential election of 1848 as a non-party candidate and antebellum era George Washington. Disillusioned by Taylor's affiliation with the Whig Party, Lippard went on before his death to form a secret society to further his expansionist goals. Although previous historians have examined Lippard's political activities, scholars have overlooked his role in propagating Arnold's traitorous legacy during a contentious period in American history.
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Herrmann, Michael, e Ulrich Sieberer. "The basic space of a revolutionary parliament: Scaling the Frankfurt Assembly of 1848/49". Party Politics 25, n.º 6 (9 de janeiro de 2018): 841–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817749778.
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We examine whether there is a basic space in a parliament which grew out of a revolution and had no prior history of parliamentarism: the Frankfurt Assembly of 1848/49. We scale all 299 roll call votes to determine the dimensionality of voting as well as the positions of deputies and their party groups. We find two dimensions of disagreement and show that they can be interpreted in line with historical scholarship as conflict over who should govern (the people or the monarch) and conflict over state borders (inclusion or exclusion of Austria). We find that the party groups line up on the first dimension in ways consistent with historical scholarship on their political inclinations, but we also find wide variation in deputies’ positions within and across parties. Moreover, deputies’ positions turn out to be polarized on the territorial dimension but not on the government dimension. We conclude that ideological constraint was the primary structuring force in parliamentary voting. Our results underscore the pervasiveness of low dimensionality in parliamentary voting even in the absence of strong parties and agenda control.
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Sondhaus, Lawrence. "The Austro-Hungarian Naval Officer Corps, 1867–1918". Austrian History Yearbook 24 (janeiro de 1993): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005257.
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Two Decades Ago, Holger Herwig's The German Naval Officer Corps: A Social and Political History, 1890–1918 (1973) chronicled the story of the new military elite that rose to prominence when imperial Germany went to sea: a corps that sought to emulate the traditions of the Prussian army, its middle-class officers eager to embrace the values and attitudes of the more aristocratic army officer corps.1 Recently Istvan Deak's excellent work Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918 (1990) has provided a comprehensive picture of the officer corps of the Habsburg army.2 Like imperial Germany, Austria-Hungary was a central European land power with few long-standing traditions at sea, but differences in social composition, training, and outlook distinguished the Austro-Hungarian naval officer corps from its German counterpart. Within the Dual Monarchy the navy had to deal with the nationality question and other challenges that also faced the army, but in many respects its officer corps reflected the diversity of the empire more than the Habsburg army officer corps did, contributing to the navy's relatively more successful record as a multinational institution.
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Cohen, Gary B. "Neither Absolutism nor Anarchy: New Narratives on Society and Government in Late Imperial Austria". Austrian History Yearbook 29, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1998): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001479x.
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A reevaluationby historians of political life in late imperial Austria and the capacity of the state to accommodate modern modes of popular political engagement is long overdue. Over the last twenty years lively discussions have developed about the extent of political modernization in Germany and Russia during the last decades before World War I. A number of historians have argued that modes of government and popular politics changed much more significantly in those empires than was previously recognized. In the meantime an important new monographic literature has arisen on popular political action, government, and civil administration in the Habsburg monarchy that suggests that much the same may have taken place there, too.
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Varga, Attila. "Between Dynastic Loyalty and the Nationalism of the “People of the Masters”: Avram Iancu and the “Invisible War” of Decorations". Transylvanian Review 31, n.º 3 (19 de maio de 2024): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2024.1.04.
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This study presents a very important and sensitive part of the life and activity of the Romanian national hero Avram Iancu, after the end of the Revolution of 1848–1849. Given their achievements during the revolutionary battles, he and his comrades-in-arms should have been decorated and rewarded accordingly. Despite the testimonies and recommendations of important personalities of his time, Avram Iancu did not receive the recognition and the distinctions due from the Emperor Franz Joseph I. Moreover, he and his comrades-in-arms were humiliated, falling victim to the intrigues of the Transylvanian Saxon elites in the high political spheres of Vienna. This analysis shows how the heroes of the Romanian nation from Transylvania of the first half of the 19th century, caught between dynastic loyalty, the intrigues of the Transylvanian Saxons and the nationalism of the “master people” of Austria, suffered disappointments and thus ended a difficult chapter of their modern history. It was a time of struggle for political and national rights.
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Luft, David S. "Austrian Intellectual History and Bohemia". Austrian History Yearbook 38 (janeiro de 2007): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021445.
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This is an essay about the cultural, political, and geographical location of Austrian intellectual history and the special place of Bohemia and Moravia in that history. A great deal has been written about the multinational and supranational quality of Austrian culture and intellectual life. In practice, however, the Austria referred to in such arguments is usually the Habsburg monarchy of the two generations before World War I. Austrian intellectual history has generally been either strongly centered in Vienna or oriented to a very broad concept of Austria that includes the monarchy as a whole in the late nineteenth century. What is lost between the metropolis and the vast monarchy of many peoples is the centuries-long relationship between Austrian and Bohemia that was the basis for Austrian intellectual life in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. I argue here that we should think of Bohemia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as part of Austrian intellectual history in a way that other regions and historic lands in the Habsburg monarchy were not.
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Marentes, Luis A. "Before Chicano: Citizenship and the making of Mexican American manhood, 1848–1959". Latino Studies 17, n.º 4 (16 de outubro de 2019): 570–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41276-019-00202-1.
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Kern, Edmund M. "An End to Witch Trials in Austria: Reconsidering the Enlightened State". Austrian History Yearbook 30 (janeiro de 1999): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001599x.
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For a Long time, scholars of witch-hunting presented Enlightenment political reforms as a kind of ”cure” for the “craze” of witchcraft, but despite these efforts, relatively little attention was truly paid to the end of witch-hunting. Without were formulated, historians attributed changes in state policy to an emerging skepticism and rationalism within the judicial and political elites of Europe.1 At times, scholars focus upon specific, local trials in which a loss of confidence emerged among those hearing witchcraft cases, but somewhat more frequently, they examine specific regions in which, they claim, scientific values and attitudes fostered skepticism among the elites formulating policies on the crime of witchcraft.2 Although there is an undeniable validity to both approaches, their conclusions are not without controversy. Several scholars have pointed out that judicial skepticism toward the crime of witchcraft emerged even before widespread intellectual change, and they have noted that the centralization of judicial administrations led to a decrease in the number and intensity of trials well in advance of enlightened thinking.
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Roy, Michaël. "‘Throwing pearls before swine’: the strange publication history of Vie de Frédéric Douglass, esclave américain (1848)". Slavery & Abolition 40, n.º 4 (21 de fevereiro de 2019): 727–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2019.1582961.
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Morelon, Claire. "Social Conflict, National Strife, or Political Battle? Violence and Strikebreaking in Late Habsburg Austria". European History Quarterly 49, n.º 4 (outubro de 2019): 650–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419875564.
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This article analyses the practices of violence during strikes in Habsburg Austria from the 1890s until the outbreak of the First World War. As the number of social conflicts rose at the turn of the century, strikes increasingly became one of the main sites of public violence in Austrian society, alongside demonstrations. Violent confrontations between strikers, strike-breakers, and the state forces protecting them frequently occurred. The first section discusses the state repression used to quell internal unrest and its consequences on the rule of law. The following sections explore the micro-dynamics of strikebreaking within the larger context of the reaction against Social Democracy in the period. Especially after the successful mobilization for suffrage reform in 1905–906, employers and other propertied classes saw strikers as part of a general threat. The Czech and German nationalist workers’ movements can also be reassessed through the lens of these social conflicts, rather than only as manifestations of radical nationalism. Strikes are here analysed as one case study addressing current debates in the historiography on the Habsburg Empire: first on the implementation of the rule of law on the ground in Habsburg Austria, then on the impact of democratization in the decades before 1914.
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Ritter, Gretchen. "Jury Service and Women's Citizenship before and after the Nineteenth Amendment". Law and History Review 20, n.º 3 (2002): 479–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1556317.
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The Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution had surprisingly little impact on women's citizenship or the American constitutional order. For seventy-two years, from 1848 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, suffrage was the central demand of the woman rights movement in the United States. Women demanded the right to vote in the nineteenth century because they believed it would make them first class citizens with all the rights and privileges of other first class citizens. Both normatively and instrumentally, the suffragists believed that voting would secure equal citizenship for women by raising their civic status and allowing them to assert their political interests. Yet in many ways women were more politically efficacious in the years just prior to the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment than they were afterward. Further, their ability to claim rights from the courts and legislatures, on the basis of their new status as voting citizens, was limited.
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Caruso, Amerigo, e Claire Morelon. "The Threat from Within across Empires: Strikes, Labor Migration, and Violence in Central Europe, 1900–1914". Central European History 54, n.º 1 (março de 2021): 86–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000448.
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AbstractThe decade before the First World War saw a heightened level of social and political conflicts throughout Germany and Austria-Hungary. Strikes in pre-1914 central Europe have largely been examined as part of the development of the workers’ movement, but much less often from the perspective of the employers and government elites. Their strategies to counteract “strike terrorism” included hiring replacement workers through private strikebreaking agents, who provided a variety of services such as recruitment, transportation, housing, and providing “willing workers” with weapons for their self-defense. The discourses around “strike terrorism,” and the repressive strategies to counter it, are a lens through which we can look afresh at some of the most crucial issues in the history of central European empires in the prewar years, namely the structure of violence embedded in social conflicts, migration, growing political antagonism, and fears surrounding social democracy. This article analyzes the public debate around the protection of “willing workers” as well as concrete episodes of antilabor violence in a transnational framework. It offers a reassessment of social conflicts in the period following the 1905 social mobilizations in central Europe, and it explores the circulation of antilabor measures between Germany and Austria-Hungary, their radicalizing impact, and their connections with labor migration patterns.
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Kokaisl, P., e V. Šťastná. "Rusins in Czech Newspapers and Magazines from the Revolutionary 1848 to the Outbreak of WWI". Rusin, n.º 65 (2021): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/65/7.
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Using the Czech press from the revolutionary 1848 to the period before WWI as the source of information, the authors revise the established view of the Rusin question in the Habsburg Empire in the mid 19th – early 20th century. The analysis suggests that the Slavic population in Galicia and Subcarpathian Rus retained their ethnic identity and distanced themselves from the mainstream population. If in 1848 all Slavic residents of Galicia, whose political leaders opposed the Poles, were referred to as Rusins in the Czech press, by the end of the 19th century the Czech press had already regarded this people as an independent nation.
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Townsend, Mary Lee. "The Politics of Humor: Adolph Glassbrenner and the Rediscovery of the PrussianVormärz(1815–48)". Central European History 20, n.º 1 (março de 1987): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011559.
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In the postwar search for German national heroes, preferably committed democrats, scholars have rediscovered the Berlin wit and journalist Adolph Glassbrenner (1810–76). In the series of exhibitions about Prussia which flooded West Berlin in 1981 Glassbrenner's memorabilia surfaced with regularity. He even merited a small exhibition of his own and a biography in the seriesPreussische Köpfe. Berlin enthusiasts and aficionados of German folk culture praise him as a quaint, local humorist while others, primarily academic Germanists and historians, point to his activities as a liberal opponent of the Prussian state before the revolution of 1848. None of these many admirers would argue, however, that Glassbrenner was a major literary talent or a particularly original political thinker.
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Hakkarainen, Heidi. "Contagious Humanism in Early Nineteenth-Century German-Language Press". Contributions to the History of Concepts 15, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2020): 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.150102.
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This article explores the ways the emerging concept of humanism was circulated and defined in early nineteenth-century German-language press. By analyzing a digitized corpus of German-language newspapers and periodicals published between 1808 and 1850, this article looks into the ways the concept of humanism was employed in book reviews, news, political reports, and feuilleton texts. Newspapers and periodicals had a significant role in transmitting the concept of humanism from educational debates into general political language in the 1840s. Furthermore, in an era of growing social problems and political unrest, humanism became increasingly associated with moral sentiments. Accordingly, this article suggests that its new political meanings and emotional underpinnings made humanism culturally contagious, particularly immediately before and during the 1848/49 revolutions.
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Wegs, J. R. "Education and Middle-Class Society in Imperial Austria, 1848-1918. By Gary B. Cohen (West Lafayette, Indiana: Purdue University Press, 1996. xxi plus 386pp. $36.95/cloth)". Journal of Social History 31, n.º 4 (1 de junho de 1998): 987–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/31.4.987.
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Hayduk, Ron, Marcela Garcia-Castañon e Vedika Bhaumik. "Exploring The Complexities of “Alien Suffrage” in American Political History". Journal of American Ethnic History 43, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 2024): 70–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.2.03.
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Abstract Although historians and political scientists have long acknowledged the significant place of immigrants in American political history, the role of “alien suffrage” has not been well appreciated, and gaps remain in the scholarship about the nature of its practice. How extensively was “alien voting” practiced and what were its effects? This study addresses these questions by examining eleven of the forty states that allowed non-citizens to vote before obtaining citizenship. These states, located in the Midwest, South and West, were selected because immigrants comprised a significant proportion of their total population and allowed alien suffrage for an extended period of time (1848–1920). We develop estimates of non-citizen voters and examine ethnic voting patterns in these states to gauge their impacts on partisan dynamics in gubernatorial elections. Our findings show non-citizens voted and factored into election outcomes, furthering the incorporation of European immigrants. We also shed light on the unsavory side of alien suffrage, which contributed to a form of settler colonialism and functioned to block or delay the enfranchisement of African Americans and women. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for our understanding of immigrant political incorporation in American political history, as well as for contemporary debates about the revival of the legal practice of non-citizen voting in the United States.
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Holzer, Werner, e Rainer Münz. "Ethnic Diversity in Eastern Austria: The Case of Burgenland". Nationalities Papers 23, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1995): 697–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408412.
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Unlike the Habsburg Empire, the Republic of Austria established in 1918 saw and sees itself basically as an ethnically homogeneous state—as did the Weimar Republic and Federal Republic of Germany. Austria's constitution of 1920 made German the official language, just as Hungarian became the official language in Hungary. The relatively high degree of ethnic homogeneity in Austria and Hungary were a result of the collapse of the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire and the new borders of these two successor states. Before 1918, the German-speaking and Hungarian-speaking population of the Empire were politically dominant, but. from a quantitative point of view, “minorities.” It was only the borders established by the Entente in the peace treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon that reduced Austria and Hungary geographically to two territories, in which the German-speaking population on one side and the Hungarian on the other also became numerically superior, while creating large German and Hungarian minorities in the neighboring countries of Italy, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and SHS-Yugoslavia.
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Nyhart, Lynn K. "The Political Organism". Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 47, n.º 5 (1 de novembro de 2017): 602–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2017.47.5.602.
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How do the discourses of biology and politics interact? This article uses the case of Carl Vogt (1817–1895), the notorious German “radical materialist” zoologist and political revolutionary, to analyze the traffic across these discourses before, during, and after the revolutions of 1848. Arguing that metaphors of the organism and the state did different work in the discourse communities of German political theorists and biologists through the 1840s, it then traces Vogt’s life and work to show how politics and biology came together in his biography. It draws on Vogt’s political rhetoric, his satirical post-1849 writings, and his scientific studies to examine the parallels he drew between animal organization and human social and political organization in the 1840s and ’50s. Broadening back out, I suggest that the discourses of organismal and state organization, both somewhat transformed, would align more closely over the 1850s and thereafter—yet asymmetrically. Although the state metaphor became more attractive for biologists, the organism as state did not harden into a dominant concept in biology. On the political side, a new wave of political theorizing increasingly viewed the state as resembling a biological organism. These shifts, I speculate, brought the discourses closer together in the post-revolutionary era, and may be seen as contributing to a new configuration of mutual legitimation between science and the state. This essay is part of a special issue entitled REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS AND BIOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE AND GERMANY edited by Lynn K. Nyhart and Florence Vienne.
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Pater, Ivan. "OLGERD BOCHKOVSKYI: THE ATTITUDE OF THE CZECHS AND TOMÁŠ GARRIGUE MASARYK TO THE UKRAINIAN ISSUE". Contemporary era 7 (2019): 178–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-178-216.
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The author analyzes works of Olgerd Ipolyt Bochkovskyi about such "awakeners" of the Czech national revival as František Palacký, František Ladislav Rieger, Jan Koubek, Karel Havlíček Borovský, Karel Havík Janophiles who were Slavophiles and in individual actions Russophiles, but at the same time really and correctly assessed the Ukrainian issue, for the first time brought it to an international forum. They supported the Ukrainians' language and rights in 1849 in the Austrian post-revolutionary parliament against Polish and Russian fraud, the independence of the Ukrainian people among the Slavs. The "awakeners" were against Russian claims to the Ukrainian Galicia, Bukovina and Transcarpathia, the anti-Ukrainian policy of tsarism, and defended the leading role of Ukraine in the final settlement of inter-Slavic relations. O. Bochkovskyi's journalistic activity in different European magazines is revealed. Special attention is paid to the coverage of the Ukrainian issue, the situation of Galician-Bukovynian Ukrainians, the national development of the Slavic peoples. The ideological influence of the notable Czech scientist, public and political figure Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk on the scientific way of Olgerd Bochkovskyi as a sociologist and nationalist is highlighted. In the works of O. Bochkovskyi, it was emphasized that T. Masaryk, before the war interpreted the Ukrainian question, based primarily on the real content and vitality of the Ukrainian movement. He emphasized the absolute undoubted right of Ukrainians to self-determination and political independence. It is noted that concerning the Ukrainian issue T. Masaryk had mainly political reasons. It is stated that O. Bochkovskyi proved T. Masaryk's warnings against Ukraine's independence during the war by recent history and the adjustment of life. The author singled out tactics and methods of the Czechoslovak liberation action as the top of T. Masaryk's nation-building art, a perfect example for Ukraine in further liberation directions, the guarantee of the future triumph of Ukrainian independence. Keywords: Olgerd Bochkovskyi, Tomáš Masaryk, Ukraine, Ukrainian issue, Ukrainians, Czechs, independence, statehood.
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McLean, Eden. "What Does It Mean to Be a(n Italian) Borderland? Recent Literature on Italy's ‘New Provinces’ of South Tyrol and the Julian March". Contemporary European History 30, n.º 3 (21 de janeiro de 2021): 449–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000545.
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In the era of the Schengen Area (at least in the days before Covid-19), travel from Munich to Bozen/Bolzano or Ljubljana to Trst/Trieste is a decidedly unremarkable, albeit beautiful, adventure. Just as meaningful as the lack of border controls, travellers find all public signage in both Italian and German (and sometimes Ladin, too) upon arrival in Bozen/Bolzano. Signs in the streets of Trst/Trieste less reliably have Slovene alongside the Italian, but assistance with translation can be found with little difficulty. The Italian autonomous regions ‘with special statutes’ in which these cities reside – Trentino-Alto Adige (South Tyrol) and Friuli Venezia Giulia (the Julian March) – are multilingual territories that, at least on an official level, embrace a multiethnic heritage and reality. In fact, Trentino-Alto Adige's consociational democracy is widely regarded among political scientists as an international role model for how states can successfully protect and give voice to minority populations. Those unfamiliar with the more recent history of these regions might be surprised to learn of these avowedly multiethnic political and cultural structures. For much of the first half of the twentieth century, the regions’ two states – Austria-Hungary until 1919 and thereafter Italy – employed the ‘nationality principle’ to define policies and populations in these territories. As in most of Europe at the time, sovereignty was increasingly predicated on the contemporary ideal of the nation state, in which borders, ethnicity, language and citizenship were all bound together. Of course, as a multiethnic empire, Austria-Hungary was much more concerned about centralising state authority (and then fighting a world war) than national homogeneity, while Italy's nationalisation campaign in the interwar period became fundamental to its presence in the new provinces. Still, both states sought to classify and ultimately to control their border populations by privileging ethnolinguistic categories of citizenship.
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Robert W. Gray. "Bringing the Law Back In: Land, Law and the Hungarian Peasantry before 1848". Slavonic and East European Review 91, n.º 3 (2013): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/slaveasteurorev2.91.3.0511.
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Doran, Susan. "Juno versus Diana: The treatment of Elizabeth I's marriage in plays and entertainments, 1561–1581". Historical Journal 38, n.º 2 (junho de 1995): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019427.
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ABSTRACTIn the plays and entertainments performed before the queen from 1561 to 1578, the virginity of Elizabeth was not idealized but instead marriage was celebrated as a preferable state to chastity. Robert Dudley in particular commissioned such dramatic works to assist his courtship of the queen, but the earl of Sussex, and possibly others, used masques to press on her the suit of the Archduke Charles of Austria. The iconography of chastity appeared for the first time in 1578 when Elizabeth embarked on the Anjou marriage negotiations. During the queen's visit to Norwich in the summer she was offered entertainments which implicitly criticized the matrimonial project by idealizing her virginity. For the next three years, opponents of the match followed this lead and cultivated the image of the Virgin Queen as a means of sabotaging the royal marriage plans. Thereafter Elizabeth exploited the image for her own political purposes.
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Kirilina, Liubov A. "The Austro-Hungarian Agreement of 1867 and the Specifics of Slovenian Politics". Central-European Studies 2021, n.º 4(13) (2021): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.7.
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The specific attitude of Slovenian politicians to the introduction of Austro-Hungarian Dualism in 1867 was determined by their understanding of the ways in which the Austrian Monarchy could be transformed, as well as the main provisions of their national-political programme, which had been formulated during the Revolution of 1848–1849. In the mid-1860s, when political life in the empire revived, they sought to adapt their demands to the idea of an Austrian federation that had been put forward by Czech national figures, and they developed programs for the unification of the Slovenian lands based on not natural, but historical law, without redrawing the borders of the provinces. These were the programs of Inner Austria and the Kingdom of Illyria, which did not meet with the support of Slavic politicians. In 1866, shortly before signing of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, many Slovenian liberals returned to the demand for a United Slovenia. The introduction of dualism in the empire caused strong dissatisfaction among Slovenian politicians who sought to form an Austrian federation; their protest was expressed in the national press, in speeches by Slovenian deputies in the Reichsrat, and in the Tabor movement. New realities in the empire, as well as Bismarck's victories in the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, pushed Slovenian and Croatian politicians to actively discuss various options for creating a political South-Slavic union. For example, at a meeting in Sisak even the idea of abandoning the Slovenian lands in Cisleithania and concluding a real union between Hungary and an autonomous Slovenia and Croatia was discussed. The rejection of Dualism as a form of political organisation of the empire and the desire to replace it with one or another version of the federation were characteristic of the ideology of most Slovenian politicians until the First World War.
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Stogov, Dmitrii I. "The Rusin agenda in the works of Russian Conservatives of the late 19th - early 20th century". Rusin, n.º 67 (2022): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/67/10.
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The article analyses the statements of a number of right-wing conservative politicians, publicists, and thinkers concerning various aspects (socio-economic, political, religious, and cultural) of the life of the Rusinian population of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Analyzing the socio-political life of the Austro-Hungarian Rusins, Conservatives drew attention to their difficult economic situation, criticized the Austro-Hungarian authorities and the Polish public and called for the development of possible ways to improve the situation. Russian Conservatives mostly focused on the spiritual and cultural life of the Rusins in Austria-Hungary and emphasised that, despite Uniatism imposed on them, the Rusins preserved a living Orthodox tradition. The author concludes that some Conservatives advocated the unity (primarily spiritual) of the Rusins, Little Russians and Great Russians, regardless of their citizenship to a particular state, be it Russia or Austria-Hungary. Obviously, the cornerstone in their reasoning was the idea of a once unified Russian people that existed in the days of Old Rus, but due to various circumstances but due to various circumstances fell apart into separate conglomerations on the territory of different states. However, before the outbreak of the First World War, the conservative camp conveyed two positions in relation to the “Rusin question”: the active support of the Rusins from the moderate-right and nationalists and the more restrained position of the extreme right, who did not want to aggravate relations with Austria-Hungary. With the outbreak of the war, the extreme right also began to actively support the Rusin movement.
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Maxim V., Medovarov. "The Formation of Feudal and Christian Socialism in British Public Thought in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (30 de outubro de 2022): 126–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-126-142.
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The article is devoted to posing the question of the formation of feudal and/or Christian socialism in the first half and middle of the 19th century in Great Britain in an All- European context. The doctrine of K. Marx and F. Engels about feudal socialism and its lack of clarity in Soviet historiography are considered. The question is raised as to which of the thinkers before 1848 the characteristics of feudal socialism from the “Manifesto of the Communist Party” could refer. The article focuses on the formation of the socio-economic and political views of W. Cobbet and representatives of the “Lake School”: W. Wordsworth, S.T. Coleridge, R. Southey. An assessment is made of the combination of their patriarchal landowner conservatism with peasant radicalism and the protection of workers’ rights, as well as their reception in Russia. The socio-economic doctrine of T. Carlyle and the question of the relationship between his early and late works are being addressed in a broad historiographical context. The work of Carlyle is regarded as a turning point in the history of British feudal socialism, and the activities of the “Cambridge Apostles” in 1848–1854 (F.D. Maurice, C. Kingsley, J.M. Ludlow) are interpreted as the transition of Christian socialism to the stage of institutionalization with serious practical results
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Finney, Gail. "Performing Vienna: Theatricality in Jelinek's 'Burgtheater' and Bernhard's 'Heldenplatz'". German Politics and Society 23, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2005): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889110.
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Where better to begin talking about Viennese identity in the late twentieth century than in the work of Elfriede Jelinek and Thomas Bernhard—specifically, in two plays whose titles immediately evoke the city as well as pregnant moments in its history: Jelinek's Burgtheater (published 1982; premiered 1985 in Bonn) and Bernhard's Heldenplatz (premiered 1988 in Vienna's Burgtheater). Insofar as the two plays dramatize the extent to which National Socialism took hold and persisted in Austria, they epitomize both authors' perennial roles as keen observers and harsh critics of Austrian society. Burgtheater and the scandal it generated established Jelinek's function as "Nestbeschmutzerin," whereas Heldenplatz, appearing the year before Bernhard's death, can be regarded as the capstone of his career as a critic of Austrian mores and politics.
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Thompson, John M. "A “POLYGONAL” RELATIONSHIP: THEODORE ROOSEVELT, THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2016): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000626.
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As Eric Hobsbawm recounts in his classic work, The Age of Empire: 1875–1914, the final decades of the nineteenth century and the initial decades of the twentieth century were years of enormous change and activity across the globe. It was the apogee of imperialism for the West; mass, or at least more broadly based, democracy emerged in many countries; total wealth increased dramatically; technological changes greatly reduced travel times and facilitated rapid, even instantaneous, communication between states and continents, which, in turn, allowed the spread of mass culture in a way the world had never seen before. At the center of these events were the great powers of Europe—in particular Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary—and the United States. Indeed, the interaction between Europe's great powers and the United States drove much of the political, economic, cultural, and technological ferment that culminated in the First World War. No American played a more important role in this process than Theodore Roosevelt, and this special issue is devoted to exploring key facets of TR's, and by extension his country's, relationship with Europe.
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Prendergast, Thomas R. "The Sociological Idea of the State: Legal Education, Austrian Multinationalism, and the Future of Continental Empire, 1880–1914". Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, n.º 2 (30 de março de 2020): 327–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000079.
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AbstractIf historians now recognize that the Habsburg Monarchy was developing into a strong, cohesive state in the decades before the First World War, they have yet to fully examine contemporaneous European debates about Austria's legitimacy and place in the future world order. As the intertwined fields of law and social science began during this period to elaborate a binary distinction between “modern” nation-states and “archaic” multinational “empires,” Austria, like other composite monarchies, found itself searching for a legally and scientifically valid justification for its continued existence. This article argues that Austrian sociology provided such a justification and was used to articulate a defense of the Habsburg Monarchy and other supposedly “abnormal” multinational states. While the birth of the social sciences is typically associated with Germany and France, a turn to sociology also occurred in the late Habsburg Monarchy, spurred by legal scholars who feared that the increasingly hegemonic idea of nation-based sovereignty threatened the stability of the pluralistic Austrian state. Proponents of the “sociological idea of the state,” notably the sociologist, politician, and later president of Czechoslovakia Tomáš Masaryk and the Polish-Jewish sociologist and jurist Ludwig Gumplowicz, challenged the concept of statehood advanced by mainstream Western European legal philosophy and called for a reform of Austria's law and political science curriculum. I reveal how, more than a century before the “imperial turn,” Habsburg actors came to reject the emerging scholarly distinction between “nations” and “empires” and fought, with considerable success, to institutionalize an alternative to nationalist social scientific discourse.
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Zaytsev, Ilya. "“They Began to Bring Me More and More Tatar Things…”: Alexander Berthier de la Garde Crimean Tatar Collection in His Letters to Nikolay Veselovsky (1907—1913)". ISTORIYA 12, n.º 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018496-4.
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The article publishes 8 letters by the Crimean collector and historian Alexander Berthier de la Garde (1842—1920) addressed to the outstanding Russian Orientalist Nikolay Veselovsky (1848—1918). The letters from 1907 to 1913 are preserved now in the Archive of the Institute for the History of Material Culture of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg and in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art in Moscow. These documents are an important source for the history of the Crimean Tatar part of the collection of A. L. Berthier De la Garde, which was sold in parts in 1919 shortly before the collector's death. References to the origin of objects, their descriptions and Arabic inscriptions on weapons are very important in the letters. The Appendix contains two notes by N. I. Veselovsky about the portrait of the Crimean Khan Shahin-Giray and the sabre from the collection of A. L. Berthier-De la Garde.
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Antic, Cedomir. "Montenegro as perceived by a British diplomat: The Hugh Rose's report of 1852." Balcanica, n.º 32-33 (2002): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0233211a.
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The following article deals with the image of Montenegro, a little country from the south-east European periphery, as perceived by a member of the nineteenth century British political elite. The history of this petty entity, less populated than an average English city, became especially important on the eve of the Holly Places Crises (of Palestine, 1853). A single dispute over the Montenegro-Ottoman border threatened to turn into European war, just a year before the Crimean War commenced. In regard the Montenegrin question, the always sensitive European "balance of power" was upset with the appearance of the unexpected alliance between Russia and Austria. The unique interest of the British Empire then started, for a short period of time, to be tied in with this almost unknown principality. The attitude of British diplomacy to Montenegro, image of the principality reconstructed in the Colonel Hugh Rose's report and its sources, could contribute not only to the advance the history of British foreign relations, but also to the development of the history of Montenegro.
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Rampley, Matthew. "Houze, Rebecca Textiles, Fashion and Design Reform in Austria-Hungary Before the First World War (review)". Slavonic and East European Review 94, n.º 3 (julho de 2016): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.2016.0103.
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Rampley, Matthew. "From Potemkin Village to the Estrangement of Vision: Baroque Culture and Modernity in Austria before and after 1918". Austrian History Yearbook 47 (abril de 2016): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000126.
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The artistic and cultural life of Austria after World War I has often been presented in a gloomy light. As one contributor to a recent multivolume history of Austrian art commented, “the era between the two world wars is for long periods a time of indecision and fragmentation, of stagnation and loss of orientation … the 20 years of the First Republic of 1918–1938 did not provide a unified or convincing image.” For many this sense of disorientation and stagnation is symbolized poignantly by the deaths in 1918 of three leading creative figures of the modern period, Otto Wagner, Gustav Klimt, and Egon Schiele, two of whom succumbed to the influenza epidemic of that year. According to this view, war not only led to the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy (and a dramatic political caesura), it also caused or, at the very least coincided with, a profound interruption to artistic life and brought Vienna's cultural preeminence in central Europe to an end. The inhabitants of the newly constituted Austrian Republic were forced to contend with significant challenges as to how they might relate to the recent past. On the one hand, some—including, most famously, Stefan Zweig—sought refuge in a twilight world of nostalgic memory; others, such as Adolf Loos, used the events of 1918 as the opportunity to advance a distinctively modernist agenda that sought to create maximum distance from the Habsburg monarchy.
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Schwerda, Mira Xenia. "Visualizing Kingship in a Time of Change". Manazir Journal 5 (9 de outubro de 2023): 177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/manazir.2023.5.9.
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Despite artistic engagement with photography in Iran almost immediately after the invention of the daguerreotype in 1839, the field of Islamic art history has had difficulty accepting the modern period and the medium of photography as part of its discipline. Studies on painted Iranian portraiture have often stopped before the introduction of photography, and only in more recent years has photographic portraiture and its influence on painting been examined. Due to this nascent state of the field, large gaps exist even on more traditional topics, such as the question of royal portraiture. This article presents the first examination of photographic royal portraiture and the visualization of kingship during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1905-1911). This topic, in comparison with earlier Iranian painted royal portraiture, has received considerably less attention. Photographic portraiture, together with printed and painted examples, from the reigns of the Qajar rulers Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848-1896), Muzaffar al-Din Shah (r. 1896-1907), Muhammad ʿAli Shah (r. 1907-1909), and Ahmad Shah (r. 1909-1925), will be analysed in connection with social and political developments in order to better understand the development of royal image making during a time of political turmoil.
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Robbins, Bruce. "A Little Muzhik, Muttering to Himself". boundary 2 47, n.º 2 (1 de maio de 2020): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-8193245.
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The night before her suicide, Anna Karenina has a strange nightmare about a muzhik, or former serf, who speaks French and is doing something with a piece of iron. Given the place of class in the novel, if mainly on the Levin side rather than the Anna side, critics of Tolstoy have said less than might have been expected about the simple fact that this is a wealthy woman dreaming uneasily about a poor man. This essay attempts an interpretation of the dream, which Anna shared, more or less, with Vronsky, relating it both to Anna Karenina as a whole and to the general issue of the marginal existence of the poor in novels by, for, and about their social superiors. Reference is made to Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude (1967), John James Bezer’s Autobiography of One of the Chartist Rebels of 1848, Edmund Wilson’s 1942 novella, “The Princess with the Golden Hair,” and Jacques Rancière’s The Philosopher and His Poor.
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Maksimovic, Jovan. "Contribution of physicians from Vojvodina to establishing Health service in Serbia and founding and working of Medical Society of Serbia". Medical review 61, n.º 3-4 (2008): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/mpns0804191m.
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It was in the middle of the J 8th century, when Serbia started the process of getting independent from the long-lasting period of the Turkish rule, that the necessity for the organized health care emerged. Despite the fact that it had not existed before, the process advanced rather quickly regarding the contemporary political, social and cultural conditions and the Medical Society of Serbia (MSS) was founded in Belgrade on the 22nd of April, 1872. Although it is known that the doctors from Vojvodina, which was an integral part of Austria of that time, contributed significantly to establishing both the civil and military medical service, this period of our medical history has neither been searched enough nor published in one piece. The author of this paper points out four characteristic activity segments through which the doctors from Vojvodina gave their contribution. An important role in health education and promotion of health culture in the still vassal Serbia was played by the doctors from Vojvodina and popular educators at the very beginnings of the health journalism in Serbian which reached Serbia from Austria. Somewhat later the doctors of Vojvodina went to Serbia to contribute to the establishment and promotion of the civil and military medical services and to take an active part in the Inaugural Meeting and the forthcoming activities of the Medical Society of Serbia. They were also among the initiators and first teachers at the Medical Faculty in Belgrade. This paper highlights and encircles a very important period of our national health culture history by analyzing thoroughly the four above mentioned segments of activities and their protagonists.
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Thomas, Riley, Jocelyn Alcantára-García e Jan Wouters. "A Snapshot of Viennese Textile History using Multi-Instrumental analysis: Benedict codecasa’s swatchbook". MRS Advances 2, n.º 63 (2017): 3959–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/adv.2017.604.
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AbstractThe Habsburg Empire was a sovereign dynasty ruled by the Habsburgs between the 15th and 20th centuries. Although its borders were not defined before the 19th century, what is now Austria, Hungary, some areas of the Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Italy were at some point part of the Empire. Starting in the 17th century, the Empire had Vienna as the capital, which was a hub for culture and craft where silk was a valued commodity. Despite the political and cultural importance of the Empire, little is known of its trade practices and sources of raw material. Using a combination of X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and High Performance Liquid Chromatography-Photodiode Array Detector (HPLC-PDA) for the study of a Viennese swatch book, we conducted the first systematic approach to understanding the industry. Benedict Codecasa, a prominent merchant active in Vienna between the late 18th and early 19th century sold silk and other textile goods. Authorized by the Royal Court, Codecasa was assumed to sell luxurious and high-quality textiles. However, our results suggested colored goods were dyed with more focus on aesthetics (finding a similar color) rather than quality through unique recipes. This greatly contrasts with other contemporary textile industries praised for their quality and which, in turn, might be related to comparatively lesser quality textiles sold in Vienna.
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Stojanović, Dubravka. "Private Yugoslavism and Serbian Public Opinion, 1890–1914". East Central Europe 42, n.º 1 (8 de agosto de 2015): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201002.
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This article addresses manifestations of Yugoslavism in the pre-1914 period that have been neglected by recent scholarship. Its focus on everyday life reveals that since the mid-1890s there were constant contacts between the major ethnic groups that would constitute Yugoslavia after 1918. These contacts were not initiated by the political elite or by official activities. They were instead the reactions of ordinary residents of Belgrade who “discovered” peoples speaking the same language and having similar problems, “as we do.” There were many visits from Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia to Belgrade in the period 1890–1914 organized by different associations or individuals. Some of them organized public gatherings in the center of Belgrade that allowed residents to show “their love” to “our compatriots” from the South Slav lands of Austria-Hungary. Some of these events turned into real public demonstrations even before 1903, under the Obrenović dynasty and government, which was not Yugoslav oriented. And under the succeeding Karađorđević dynasty, even its leading Radical politicians favored the Yugoslav idea for a future state, although withholding public support until after the Serbian victory in the First Balkan War in 1912.