Artigos de revistas: "Australian politicians"

1

West, Marc, e Bernard Kachoyan. "Survival modelling of Australian politicians". Political Science 71, n.º 2 (4 de maio de 2019): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2019.1701948.

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Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste". British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, n.º 1 (13 de janeiro de 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.

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Zulkarnain e Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste". Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, n.º 2 (16 de junho de 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.

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Horne, James. "Australian water decision making: are politicians performing?" International Journal of Water Resources Development 36, n.º 2-3 (20 de novembro de 2019): 462–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07900627.2019.1685950.

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Kabir, Nahid Afrose. "Are Young Muslims Adopting Australian Values?" Australian Journal of Education 52, n.º 3 (novembro de 2008): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000494410805200302.

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Recently politicians in Australia have raised concerns that some Muslims are not adopting Australian values to a sufficient extent. In this paper I explore the notion of Australian values with respect to immigrant youth. By analysing interviews with 32 Muslim students who are 15-18 years of age and of diverse backgrounds in two state schools in Sydney, I focus on the extent to which these young people seem to be adopting Australian values. I discuss the factors that hinder the adoption of Australian values, and whether such hindrance can lead to a possible jihadi threat. This paper relies on oral testimonies and secondary sources, including international literature.

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Clyne, Michael. "The use of exclusionary language to manipulate opinion". Journal of Language and Politics 4, n.º 2 (5 de outubro de 2005): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.2.03cly.

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This article explores the role of language used by the Australian prime minister and other politicians in swaying Australian public opinion against ‘boat people’, focusing especially on particular lexical items. The article contextualizes the representation and treatment of asylum seekers and the language used to do this, both generally in the contemporary period and in the history of Australia as a British outpost in the Pacific. It relates this to other issues expressed linguistically concerning national identity.

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Moyal, Ann, e Roslyn Russell. "Politicians and the Telephone: Assessing the Australian Evidence". Australian Journal of Politics & History 34, n.º 3 (28 de junho de 2008): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1988.tb01183.x.

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McLean, Hamish, e Jacqui Ewart. "Hindrance or Help? A Model for the Involvement of Politicians in Communicating with Publics during Disasters". International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 33, n.º 2 (agosto de 2015): 228–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072701503300205.

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Australia has experienced a number of significant natural disasters during the past few years with politicians increasingly involved in the provision of information to publics before, during and after disasters. Drawing on data from interviews with senior executives of Australian emergency management agencies we explore how these organisations manage the involvement of political actors in the public communication of disasters. We also investigate how emergency agencies manage their relationships with their political leaders in the recovery phase. We identify that improvements can be made to the ways politicians communicate with publics about disasters and we outline a preliminary best practice model for the involvement of politicians in delivering disaster warnings and information in the lead up to and during a disaster, and in the recovery process.

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Eisenhuth, Susan. "Telling stories that nobody wants to hear". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2010): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i1.1018.

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Australian director Robert Connolly’s aspiration for his film Balibo—and the challenge of bringing it to a wider audience—was similar. As was his take on our propensity for not wanting to know. Certainly the death of the six Australian-based journalists—including New Zealander Gary Cunningham—seeking to tell the truth about Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor in 1975 was an episode that Australians, or more particularly their politicians, didn’t want to know about. Not then, not now, and not over the intervening period, when dreadful crimes were being perpetrated in Timor and Australian governments were averting their eyes, shamefully, in our name.

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Ali, Jan A. "Muslims as Archetypal Suspect Citizens in Australia". Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, n.º 2 (27 de setembro de 2020): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.309.

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Muslims as archetypal suspect citizens in Australia is a product of Australian state approach to manage a section of supposedly “rogue population.” Muslims have been increasingly framed as a security problem and, therefore, their securitisation. The horrendous atrocities of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States followed by a new period of similar attacks in various parts of particularly the Western world provided a new stage for an extensive range of discourses involving politicians, public intellectuals, academics, and journalists swiftly securitised Islam as an existential threat to Australian liberal democracy. This paper probes the politics of Muslim suspect and how securitizing and “othering” of Australian Muslims in the name of managing security threat to Australian national order are rendered Australian Muslims archetypal suspect citizens. It suggests that the politics of suspect and securitizing and “othering” of Muslims in Australia transforms security from the problem of producing national order to making Muslims feel unwelcome citizens.

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Aird, Michael J., Ullrich K. H. Ecker, Briony Swire, Adam J. Berinsky e Stephan Lewandowsky. "Does truth matter to voters? The effects of correcting political misinformation in an Australian sample". Royal Society Open Science 5, n.º 12 (dezembro de 2018): 180593. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.180593.

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In the ‘post-truth era’, political fact-checking has become an issue of considerable significance. A recent study in the context of the 2016 US election found that fact-checks of statements by Donald Trump changed participants' beliefs about those statements—regardless of whether participants supported Trump—but not their feelings towards Trump or voting intentions. However, the study balanced corrections of inaccurate statements with an equal number of affirmations of accurate statements. Therefore, the null effect of fact-checks on participants’ voting intentions and feelings may have arisen because of this artificially created balance. Moreover, Trump's statements were not contrasted with statements from an opposing politician, and Trump's perceived veracity was not measured. The present study ( N = 370) examined the issue further, manipulating the ratio of corrections to affirmations, and using Australian politicians (and Australian participants) from both sides of the political spectrum. We hypothesized that fact-checks would correct beliefs and that fact-checks would affect voters’ support (i.e. voting intentions, feelings and perceptions of veracity), but only when corrections outnumbered affirmations. Both hypotheses were supported, suggesting that a politician's veracity does sometimes matter to voters. The effects of fact-checking were similar on both sides of the political spectrum, suggesting little motivated reasoning in the processing of fact-checks.

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Missingham, Roxanne. "What the politicians think of the Australian Parliamentary Library". Australian Library Journal 57, n.º 2 (maio de 2008): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049670.2008.10722462.

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McAllister, Ian. "Keeping Them Honest: Public and Elite Perceptions of Ethical Conduct among Australian Legislators". Political Studies 48, n.º 1 (março de 2000): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00248.

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Public confidence in politicians across all democratic countries has fallen to historic lows in recent years. In Australia, around one in three voters believe that legislators use their public office for financial gain, and only one in four believe that legislators have a high moral code. Governments in many countries have attempted to deal with this problem by establishing codes of ethical conduct for legislators. This paper examines what standards citizens expect from their politicians and, in turn, what standards politicians themselves regard as important. The data come from the 1996 Australian Election Study survey which asked voters and elected representatives what importance they attributed to the eight principles laid out in the federal parliament's own ethical guide. The results show that voters expect higher standards from legislators than do legislators themselves, particularly with regard to the proper use of public resources and rejecting favouritism. A range of hypotheses are tested to account for citizen and elite beliefs about legislators' ethical conduct. The results show that stronger democratic culture and political skills are important for the public, and lengthy exposure to political parties and democratic institutions for the elite.

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Nielsen, Ingrid, e Russell Smyth. "What the Australian Public Knows About the High Court". Federal Law Review 47, n.º 1 (8 de fevereiro de 2019): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x18816238.

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Existing studies for the United States examine the extent to which the public is knowledgeable about US courts, arguing that knowledge of the courts is linked to public support for their role. We know little, though, about the Australian public’s awareness of the High Court of Australia. We report the results of a survey of a representative sample of the Australian adult population, administered in November 2017. We find that few Australians know the names of the Justices, the number of Justices on the Court, how the Justices are appointed or for how long they serve. Awareness of recent cases decided by the Court is mixed. We find that age and education are better predictors of awareness levels than is gender. Our findings are important because in the absence of awareness of the High Court, the potential exists for the public to see the Court as having a more overt political role than it has, which may lower esteem for the Court. The potential for this to occur is exacerbated if, and when, politicians attempt to drag the High Court into the political fray, by attributing political motives to it that it does not have.

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Cruickshank, Joanna. "Race, History, and the Australian Faith Missions". Itinerario 34, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000677.

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In 1901, the parliament of the new Commonwealth of Australia passed a series of laws designed, in the words of the Prime Minister Edmund Barton, “to make a legislative declaration of our racial identity”. An Act to expel the large Pacific Islander community in North Queensland was followed by a law restricting further immigration to applicants who could pass a literacy test in a European language. In 1902, under the Commonwealth Franchise Act, “all natives of Asia and Africa” as well as Aboriginal people were explicitly denied the right to vote in federal elections. The “White Australia policy”, enshrined in these laws, was almost universally supported by Australian politicians, with only two members of parliament speaking against the restriction of immigration on racial grounds.

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Jenkins, Cathy. "Women in Australian politics: Mothers only need apply". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2006): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i1.845.

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When Julia Gillard considered running for the leadership of the Australian Labor Party in early 2005, her political enemies immediately raised three reasons for opposing her: she is female, single and without children. These criticisms prompted a flurry of discussion in the media about the relevance of a person’s family situation to their ability to work effectively in politics. This article examines the treatment of female politicians by the press over the more than 80 years since the first woman appeared in any Australian parliament. It finds that there continues to be pressure on women to continue in the traditional roles of wife and mother, while more recently, female politicians have had to contend with an extra layer of coverage concentrating on their sexual attributes.

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FIELKE, SIMON J., e DOUGLAS K. BARDSLEY. "A Brief Political History of South Australian Agriculture". Rural History 26, n.º 1 (9 de março de 2015): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095679331400017x.

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Abstract:This paper aims to explain why South Australian agricultural land use is focused on continually increasing productivity, when the majority of produce is exported, at the long-term expense of agriculturally-based communities and the environment. A historical analysis of literature relevant to the agricultural development of South Australia is used chronologically to report aspects of the industry that continue to cause concerns in the present day. The historically dominant capitalist socio-economic system and ‘anthropocentric’ world views of farmers, politicians, and key stakeholders have resulted in detrimental social, environmental and political outcomes. Although recognition of the environmental impacts of agricultural land use has increased dramatically since the 1980s, conventional productivist, export oriented farming still dominates the South Australian landscape. A combination of market oriented initiatives and concerned producers are, however, contributing to increasing the recognition of the environmental and social outcomes of agricultural practice and it is argued here that South Australia has the opportunity to value multifunctional land use more explicitly via innovative policy.

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Johnson, Carol. "Playing the Gender Card: The Uses and Abuses of Gender in Australian Politics". Politics & Gender 11, n.º 02 (junho de 2015): 291–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000045.

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Former Australian Labor Prime Minister Julia Gillard was accused of unfairly playing the gender card against then Opposition Leader Tony Abbott in her accusations of sexism and misogyny. It was also claimed that she had thereby initiated the first “gender war” in Australian politics. Analyzing Australian politicians’ discursive mobilizations of gender during the Gillard period provides useful insights that are relevant to the broader international literature on gender and politics, particularly given that Gillard's experiences have similarities with those of prominent female politicians in other countries, including Hillary Clinton. The article argues for a much broader understanding of playing the gender card that includes both issues of femininity and masculinity and that also emphasizes the close relationship between issues of playing the gender card and issues of gender performativity.

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Burns, Maureen. "Review: Media Tarts: How the Australian Press Frames Female Politicians". Media International Australia 114, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2005): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0511400118.

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Patmore, Glenn. "Justifications for Initiating a Constitutional Amendment to Establish an Australian Republic: An Empirical Study". Federal Law Review 40, n.º 1 (março de 2012): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.40.1.4.

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Under section 128 of the Australian Constitution federal parliamentarians have the power to initiate constitutional amendments. This paper examines the justifications of politicians and public figures for proposing a referendum to introduce an Australian republic. From interviews conducted between 2008 and 2011, three important justifications for proposing change emerged: promoting a new national identity; success in passing a referendum and in re-election; and timeliness. An examination of these justifications raised additional questions, including: what reasons did politicians and public figures think were significant? How did their justifications form and develop? What were the reasons that inspired political action? The reasons for initiation of a referendum for a republic, and recognition of indigenous people in the Australian Constitution are also compared. The paper adds to the literature on formal constitutional change, and also offers a critique of the field.

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Zhou, Ye, e Li Zou. "On Development History of Australia’s Language Policy and the Enlightenment to China’s Foreign Language Education". Theory and Practice in Language Studies 7, n.º 5 (1 de maio de 2017): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0705.06.

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As is well-known, Australia is the first English country to officially make and efficiently carry out multi-lingual and plural culture in the world, whose language education policy has been highly spoken of by most linguists and politicians in the world in terms of the formulation and implementation. By studying such items as affecting factors, development history, implementing strategies of Australian language education policy under the background of multiculturalism, researchers can get a clue of the law of development of the language education policy in the developed countries and even the world. To be specific, through studying the development history of Australian language education policy under the background of multiculturalism, the paper puts forward some enlightenment and presents some advice on the China’s foreign language education.

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Cook, Margaret. "Australia's Entanglement in Global Cotton". Agricultural History 96, n.º 1-2 (1 de maio de 2022): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-9619788.

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Abstract Cotton in Australia has always been entwined with America and England. From the initial stimulus of the American War of Independence to the boost created by the boll weevil outbreak in the 1920s, the fortunes of Australian cotton producers have been shaped by American history as much as their own nation's political and economic imperatives. Scientists and farmers relied on American experience, importing seed, knowledge, personnel, and technology. The global market reflected fluctuations in the US cotton industry and the demands of English cotton mills. Australia relied on the imports of the English cotton mills and an injection of funds by the British Cotton Growing Association (BCGA) in the 1920s to boost industry. While Australian politicians promoted cotton as a domestic economic and demographic stimulant, fulfilment of these nation-state objectives was deeply entangled with, and dependent on, those of America and England.

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Black, Joshua. "“Our Side of the Story”: The Political Memoirs of the Rudd-Gillard Labor Cabinet". Labour History 120, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2021): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.5.

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Political memoirs and autobiographies are an increasingly prolific form of political and historiographical communication. Few attempts have been made to explain why Australian politicians have written these books, beyond the observation that they can be self-serving narratives. This paper identifies some of the major causes of and motivations for political memoir writing in Australia, adopting the Rudd-Gillard Labor cabinet as a collective case study. Using a combination of empirical, literary and oral research methodologies, I argue that political memoirs are manifestations of political and historiographical purpose, written in response to and enabled by particular political and market environments. This case study explains the rapid proliferation of political memoirs at a particular moment in the mid-2010s, but also leads toward a more structural explanation as to why these books have been published prolifically in Australia since the mid-1990s. Politicians have considered themselves antagonised by hostile political and media narratives and, following internal and electoral defeat, have been presented with publishing opportunities with which to tell their side of the story or, as they see it, to “set the record straight.”

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Zimmet, Paul Z., e W. Philip T. James. "The unstoppable Australian obesity and diabetes juggernaut. What should politicians do?" Medical Journal of Australia 185, n.º 4 (agosto de 2006): 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.2006.tb00527.x.

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Liashuk, A. M. "LINGUOCONCEPTUAL REPRESENTATION OF THE AGE CATEGORY OF UKRAINIAN AND AUSTRALIAN POLITICIANS". Тrаnscarpathian Philological Studies, n.º 18 (2021): 229–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/tps2663-4880/2021.18.42.

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Grant, Will J., Brenda Moon e Janie Busby Grant. "Digital Dialogue? Australian Politicians' use of the Social Network Tool Twitter". Australian Journal of Political Science 45, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2010): 579–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.517176.

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Crawford, Mary, e Barbara Pini. "Gender Equality in National Politics: The Views of Australian Male Politicians". Australian Journal of Political Science 45, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2010): 605–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.517177.

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Fielding, Kelly S., Brian W. Head, Warren Laffan, Mark Western e Ove Hoegh-Guldberg. "Australian politicians’ beliefs about climate change: political partisanship and political ideology". Environmental Politics 21, n.º 5 (setembro de 2012): 712–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2012.698887.

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Coutts, Di. "Hardship's Road in a White World". Aboriginal Child at School 22, n.º 2 (agosto de 1994): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0310582200006350.

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National Aborigines Week begins on July 5, and with it, a major campaign to force politicians and Australian educators to reverse the disturbing pattern of failure at all levels of Aboriginal education.

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Bruns, Axel. "Tweeting to save the furniture: the 2013 Australian election campaign on Twitter". Media International Australia 162, n.º 1 (26 de setembro de 2016): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16669001.

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Past years have seen continuing experimentation in the use of social media for political campaigning. By the time of the 2013 Australian federal election, social media of various forms had become comparatively mainstream in Australia and were widely used by members and candidates: more than 350 candidates operated Twitter accounts during the campaign, for instance. This article explores the key patterns both in how politicians and their parties campaigned on Twitter during the 2013 federal election campaign and in how the public responded to and engaged with these campaigns. It documents significant, systematic differences between the major party blocs and interprets these as reflecting the Coalition’s ‘small target’ strategy and Labor’s last-ditch attempts to ‘save the furniture’, respectively.

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Fuller, Glen, Angus Jolly e Caroline Fisher. "Malcolm Turnbull’s conversational career on Twitter: the case of the Australian Prime Minister and the NBN". Media International Australia 167, n.º 1 (10 de abril de 2018): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18766081.

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Politicians’ use of Twitter during election periods has been extensively researched. There has been less scholarly focus on the way politicians’ use of Twitter changes depending on their political circumstances. This article reports on an analysis of Malcolm Turnbull’s Twitter account from October 2008 to July 2016 examining his ‘engagement’ in terms of ‘conversations’ with political journalists, specialist technology writers and other Twitter users. It found Turnbull ‘conversed’ with the general public more than elites and revealed heated exchanges with specialist technology writers about the National Broadband Network (NBN) and more genial ‘banter’ with political journalists. It also showed a peak in ‘conversations’ when he was Shadow Minister for Communications and a sharp decline once he became Minister for Communications and then Prime Minister. This article points to the need for further long-duration research to better understand the impact of changing political contexts on politicians’ use of social media.

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Hall, Carolyn. "Connections for resilience: sharing land management knowledge between farmers and politicians". Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 133, n.º 1 (2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rs21004.

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Sharing knowledge is essential if Australian politicians are to effectively support farmers to be more resilient and adapt to climate change. Transformational change takes time; it can be fostered by on-ground examples of best practice in land management and innovative new approaches such as landscape rehydration. Farmers and politicians need to connect, to view and understand these methods and approaches and share their learnings. However, we need to go from connections for resilience to actions in the form of outcomes-based policy and financial support to achieve change.

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Stockwell, Stephen. "Review: Party Games: Australian Politicians and the Media from War to Dismissal". Media International Australia 109, n.º 1 (novembro de 2003): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900123.

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Chubb, Philip, Stephanie Brookes e Margaret Simons. "Watchdogs or Masters? The changing role of the Canberra Press Gallery". Media International Australia 167, n.º 1 (maio de 2018): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18767424.

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This Special Issue tackles increasing urgent questions about the role and performance of the Federal Parliamentary Press Gallery, a unique and valuable institution central to Australian political journalism. These questions about the Press Gallery’s contribution to political life include: how might we understand the changing authority and effectiveness of the Press Gallery? Has Australia entered an era when media failures are damaging the country’s ability to affect reform? Are we witnessing a twin assault on the quality of Australian democracy from politicians and the media? The articles gathered here offer a variety of tools and perspectives useful for thought and action in this moment in history – when political reporting is fundamentally disrupted, and with it the democratic forms that have grown up in lockstep with mass media. They chart changes and longer-term trends, and particularise broader shifts in political journalism and communication, providing both information and theoretically engaged analysis.

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Murray, Jill C. "Framing and blaming in times of economic crisis". Journal of Language and Politics 13, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2014): 814–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.1.10mur.

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This article takes a critical approach to the language used by Australian politicians during the global financial crisis of 2007–8. Critical periods in history provide a rich substrate for the appearance of new expressions with the potential to frame the debate, influencing the ways events are interpreted and blame attributed. Passing unnoticed into usage, such memes have the potential to become part of unexamined background knowledge and covertly co-opt hearers and users into shared systems of value and belief. The study focusses on one specific neologism deployed by opposition politicians, firstly in an attempt to create the erroneous impression that a recession was occurring and secondly that it was the fault of the Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd. Patterns of occurrence were tracked against local and international events, indicating a life cycle with several distinct phases: chance emergence, a strategic deployment, cross-genre diffusion, resistance and eventual rejection.

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Fisher, Caroline, David Marshall e Kerry McCallum. "Bypassing the press gallery: from Howard to Hanson". Media International Australia 167, n.º 1 (10 de abril de 2018): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18766077.

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Traditionally politicians have been dependent on political news media to get their message across to the public. The rise of social media means that politicians can bypass the Press Gallery and publish directly to their target audiences via Facebook, Twitter and other social media platforms. This article argues that Prime Minister John Howard’s (1996–2007) use of talk back radio and early forays on YouTube were pivotal in the trend towards ‘disintermediation’ in Australian politics. It draws on two studies. One involving interviews with 87 key media actors from the Howard era including journalists, broadcasters, politicians and media advisers; and a second, which includes fresh interviews with contemporary press secretaries. This article examines the shift from a ‘mass media logic’ to a ‘hybrid logic’, considered from a mediatization theoretical position. We also ask important questions about the press gallery’s ongoing relevance in the digital era, when politicians preside over their own social media empires.

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Oberin, Julie. "Guest Editorial: Fourth Australian Women's Health Conference: Politics, Action and Renewal, 19-20 February, 2001, Adelaide". Australian Journal of Primary Health 7, n.º 1 (2001): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py01001.

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The Fourth Australian Women's Health Conference, Politics, Action & Renewal, organised by the Australian Women's Health Network, was held in Adelaide between 19 and 21 February, 2001. Conference organisers were delighted with an attendance of more than 500 delegates from a diverse range of service sectors and occupational groups, geographic areas and cultural backgrounds. The Conference was targeted at a wide audience of consumers, health practitioners, academics, government workers, politicians, community organisations and women's health activists.

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Mugford, Stephen K. "Drug Policies in Australia: Alternatives to Prohibitionism". Journal of Drug Issues 16, n.º 2 (abril de 1986): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204268601600204.

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After an overview of the current Australian situation, five arguments that are used to justify prohibitionist stances are reviewed. All are shown to be inadequate. The real conditions under which a successful prohibition might be attempted are discussed, and it is shown that these do not exist in Australia at present, at least not as far as some currently illegal drugs are concerned. This paper examines reasons why prohibitionist stances continue to be adopted in the face of their persistent failure, and examines some possible alternatives, without suggesting that any of these are likely to receive serious consideration from politicians involved in formulating policy.

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Burridge, Nina. "Perspectives on Reconciliation & Indigenous Rights". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, n.º 2 (16 de setembro de 2009): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1046.

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This paper provides an overview of discourses of the movement for national reconciliation prevailing within the Australian socio-political context since the inception of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation in 1991, to the national apology delivered by the Prime Minister Kevin Rudd on 13th February 2008. It provides an framework for the various discourses of reconciliation, by exploring and analysing the accrued meanings to such terms such as ‘genuine’, substantive or ‘true’ reconciliation; the Howard’s Government’s ‘practical reconciliation’ and the Rudd government’s great attempt at ‘symbolic’ reconciliation in the national apology to Indigenous Australians. In the changing political context in Australia today this paper revisits the debates on reconciliation, and endeavours to locate the movement solidly within a human rights framework that includes first nation rights. This requires an examination of the roots of the reconciliation movement including community attitudes to reconciliation and the nature of the peoples’ movement as well as the differing perspectives of policy makers, politicians and of course, Indigenous peoples. It asks crucial questions about the progress of reconciliation and the type of reconciliation mainstream Australians will accept. In truth therefore, was the ‘National Apology’ a grand symbolic gesture by mainstream Australia to maintain the status quo and divert our eyes from the more searching questions of the ‘unfinished business’ of ‘substantive’ reconciliation which encompasses first nations rights for Indigenous peoples.

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Bennett, India. "Political Barriers to Reform: Analysing Australia’s Legitimation of Its Guardianship Framework". Journal of Refugee Studies 35, n.º 1 (30 de dezembro de 2021): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feab108.

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Abstract The guardianship of unaccompanied asylum-seeker children is a contentious aspect of Australian asylum-seeker law and policy. The current legislative framework for guardianship is curtailed by migration legislation and policy and is ineffective for realizing the rights of these children under international law. This paper contributes to existing scholarship on guardianship by critically examining political discourse on child asylum seekers. It combines the discourse-historical approach with doctrinal analysis to uncover the historical and political context and outcomes of the legislation. Critical discourse analysis examines statements made by politicians from both major Australian political parties and the parliamentary report rejecting the most recent attempt at reform. This paper reveals that, to reject reform and justify maintaining the status quo, the government has rationalized the detention of child asylum-seekers as essential to the success of deterrence measures, and moralized these measures by framing them as necessary to protect the lives of those attempting to reach Australia by boat.

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Monnox, Chris. "“Men, money, and motors”: The motor car as an emerging technology in Australian Federal Election Campaigns, 1903–31". Journal of Transport History 40, n.º 2 (27 de fevereiro de 2019): 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619831396.

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The appearance of the car in early twentieth-century Australia significantly re-shaped election campaigns. Political parties used cars to bring voters to polling places, and some voters took advantage of elections by making their voting contingent on these free rides. Politicians and other campaigners took exception to the cost of supplying cars and to the attitudes evident in demands for rides. Some saw compulsory voting as a way of forcing voters to provide for their own transportation. Introduced mostly in the 1920s, compulsory voting’s impact was initially muted. But over time it did change how cars were used in Australian politics. One hundred years on compulsory voting remains in force in Australia, and cars are still seldom used on election day. This serves as an enduring example of how new technologies could have a disruptive impact on campaigning prior to the advent of radio and television.

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Flew, Terry. "Book Review: Party Games: Australian Politicians and the Media from War to Dismissal". Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 6, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2005): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146488490500600108.

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Higgie, Rebecca. "Playful politicians and serious satirists: comedic and earnest interplay in Australian political discourse". Comedy Studies 6, n.º 1 (2 de janeiro de 2015): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2040610x.2015.1026077.

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Gomes, Catherine. "Living in a Parallel Society". Journal of International Students 10, n.º 1 (15 de fevereiro de 2020): xiii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1850.

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Whenever I write an opinion piece in any online media outlet about international students in Australia, I brace myself for the responses that appear in the comments section below the article. Often, a repeated complaint is that international students refuse to engage with local culture and society and hence keep to themselves by hanging out with co-nationals and speaking their native languages. While the general public in Australia does not engage in open conflict with international students over such grievances, they will instead discuss these anonymously online and with each other. Often these grievances have public airing through the media (e.g., Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Four Corners episodes “Degrees of Deception,” 2015, and “Cash Cows,” 2019) or for political point scoring by Australian politicians (e.g., Senator Pauline Hanson of the right-wing, nationalist and anti-immigration party One Nation; Kainth, 2018). However, the reception international students receive in terms of the attitudes of the citizenry unsurprisingly does not assist in any way in helping them feel a sense of belonging to their host country Australia. In 2013 I interviewed 47 Asian international students in the Australian city of Melbourne on their self-perceived identities, social networks, and engagements with media and communication technologies, in order to understand how they create a sense of belonging for themselves while overseas (Gomes,2015, 2017). The results revealed that international students create a parallel society with other international students in order to cope with living in a foreign country without the familiarity of family or loved ones who they left behind. While this parallel society allows international students to create a sense of community in Australia, its side effect is a perceived distancing from local society. An International Student Parallel Society International students strongly identify themselves more so as international students than their nationality. A student from India, for instance, explained that while in Australia, he prefers to be identified as an international student rather than by his nationality. Taking this point further, a student from Vietnam explained that while he is proud of his nationality, he prefers not to reveal that he is from Vietnam for fear of any negative assumptions the citizenry make about Vietnamese people. These negative assumptions he felt, would then be translated into ways the citizenry might treat him. At the same time, the Asian international students also revealed that they did not consider ethnicity as significant to them. This was played out interestingly in how they viewed Asian Australians. Here the students felt that they had very little in common with Asians who were born or grew up in Australia. An international student from China explained that Australians of ethnic Chinese descent or ABCs (Australian-born Chinese) as she called them, were more Australian than they were Chinese. Meanwhile an Indian student undertaking postgraduate study vividly explained that he thought Indian-Australians were “not true Indians.” He said that while they may look like him, they were significantly different because he considered Indian-Australians culturally Australian and not culturally Indian. These responses are not surprising. In a separate study where colleagues and I surveyed 6,699 international students in Australia on who made up their friendship circles, we found that less than 1% of international students were friends with Australians who were of the same ethnicity as them (Gomes et al., 2015). International students identifying themselves according to their status as foreigners studying in Australia also provides itself to be a beacon for the development of friendships with other international students. The Asian international students interviewed revealed that their friendship circles were made up of fellow international students who were co-nationals in the first instance, which was followed by international students from the Asian region, and then, to a lesser extent, international students from elsewhere. These friendship circles contribute to the parallel society international students inhabit where they exist, occupy, and mimic Australian communities but do not integrate with them. For instance, international students may adopt and recreate Australian cultural practices that involve their friendship circles (e.g., having backyard barbeque parties) but do not integrate with Australian societies (e.g., the backyard barbeque parties are made up solely of fellow international students). In addition, forming friendships with fellow international students rather than with local communities has practical benefits. For instance, international students revealed that their local peers were unable to advise them on the everyday challenges they faced especially when they first arrive to Australia such as how to open bank accounts and where to find dependable Asian grocery shops. Clearly being friends with international students is important, if not necessary. Conclusion The significance of international student friendships during their study experience is enduring, if not complex. While international students may form a parallel society, they do so in order to feel a sense of belonging in Australia rather than to Australia. Though this is unsurprising, the challenge that emerges affects those international students wanting to stay longer through further study, work, or permanently reside. Not integrating somewhat into Australian society may have consequences for students in terms of their long-term plans (e.g., employment) primarily because they have not tapped into local networks.

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Minaev, Maxim. "UK Conservative Party's Political Strategists in 2019 Election Campaigns". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 4 (2022): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021036-7.

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In this article, the author examines the leading political strategists and spin doctors of the Conservative Party in the context of their involvement in the 2019 United Kingdom election campaigns. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate the political strategists’ contribution in Boris Johnson’s Tory leadership election victory and in the United Kingdom general election Conservative triumph. The focus of the article is on two main strategist groups – the Australian pool and the British pool. The main face of Australians was Lynton Crosby, of British - Dominic Cummings. The article considers the role both strategist groups’ main faces in the Conservative Party leadership election campaign and United Kingdom general election campaign, including Lynton Crosby, Dominic Cummings, Mark Fullbrook, Isaac Levido, Michael Brooks, Edward Lister, and Lee Cain. The author demonstrates that in 2019, the Conservative Party had the strongest Political Strategists Corps in its recent history. They ensured that the Tories retained their position as the main political force in the UK. The main sources of this article are publications in the British and Australian media, official Conservative Party documents, including the 2019 general election campaign manifestos, original writings of British politicians and policy-makers, especially those of Boris Johnson, and interviews with both British and Australian political analysts.

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MacDonald, Angela. "Book Review: Public International Law: An Australian Perspective". Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 36, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2005): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v36i2.5602.

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This article is a book review of Sam Blay, Ryszard Piotrowicz and Martin Tsamenyi (eds) Public International Law: An Australian Perspective, (2 ed, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 2005) (424 + xl pages) NZ$95. The book explains and illuminates the complexities of international law in the contemporary world from an Australian perspective. MacDonald praises the authors for acknowledging the geopolitical context in which conventions were agreed, and in which contemporary decisions are made by governments. Given the broad interest in international law and actions taken in its name, and given the misreporting and misuse of legal arguments in modern political discourse and public commentary, MacDonald recommends the book to students of all disciplines, journalists, commentators and politicians alike.

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Madden, Gerard. "Thomas J. Kiernan and Irish diplomatic responses to cold-war anticommunism in Australia, 1946-1951". Twentieth Century Communism 21, n.º 21 (1 de novembro de 2021): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864321834645805.

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Despite being a peripheral actor in the Cold War, Ireland in the immediate post-war period was attentive to cold war developments internationally, and the influence of the Catholic Church over state and society predominantly shaped the state's response to the conflict. Irish diplomats internationally sent home repo rts on communist activity in the countries in which they served. This article will discuss Thomas J. Kiernan, Ireland's Minister Plenipotentiary in Australia between 1946 and 1955, and his responses, views and perceptions of Australian anti-communism from his 1946 appointment to the 1951 plebiscite on banning the Communist Party of Australia, which ultimately failed. Through analysis of his reports in the National Archives of Ireland – including accounts of his interactions with politicians and clergy, the Australian press, parliamentary debates and other sources – it argues that his views were moulded by the dominant Irish conception of the Cold War, which was fundamentally shaped by Catholicism, and his overreliance on Catholic and print sources led him to sometimes exaggerate the communist threat. Nonetheless, his reports home to Dublin served to reinforce the Irish state's perception that communism was a worldwide malaise which the Catholic Church and Catholics internationally were at the forefront of combatting.

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Griffen-Foley, Bridget. "Talkback Radio and Australian Politics since the Summer of 1967". Media International Australia 122, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2007): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712200114.

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This article explores the intersections between Australian party politics and commercial talkback radio from 1967 to 1983. It considers the eagerness of individual politicians such as John Gorton and R.W. Askin to exploit the possibilities of ‘dial-in’ radio, addresses how political parties came to view the usefulness (and the dangers) of talkback radio, and assesses the political interventions of Brian White, Ormsby Wilkins and John Laws. In doing so, the article traces the radio industry's campaign against the ban on pre-election comment, the evolution of the Fairness Code for Broadcasters, and the relationship between media monitoring and talkback radio.

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Bradfield, Owen M. "Waiting lists: waiting for the evidence!" Australian Health Review 32, n.º 4 (2008): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah080589.

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On 26 February 2008, Victorian State Opposition Leader Ted Baillieu described as a ?blow out? the increase in average elective surgery waiting times from 202 days in September 2007 to 235 days in February 2008. Likewise, the Australian Medical Association is concerned that 800 000 Australians will leave private health insurance now that the federal government has increased the income threshold for the Medicare levy. They warn of ?further pressure? on public hospital waiting lists. Public hospital waiting lists are frequently used for political point scoring and are portrayed by the media and politicians as indicators of health system performance. Alarmingly, governments often develop policies in response. This paper presents the current evidence to see whether waiting lists are valid indicators of health system performance and presents some advice for policymakers.

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Junaid Ghauri, Muhammad. "‘Political Parallelism’ and the Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Australian Press: A Critical Discourse Analysis". International Journal of Crisis Communication 2, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2018): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31907/2617-121x.2018.02.02.01.

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Recent studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the ‘political parallelism’ phenomenon in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers representing Islam and Muslims. The findings showed that The Australian, which is a ‘rightist/conservative’ newspaper, toed the line of ‘right-wing’ political parties and politicians such as Ms. Pauline and Mr. Turnbull, portrayed Islam and Muslims in an overwhelmingly negative way, appreciated anti-immigration policies, criticized those who support accepting refugees, highlighted violence in Muslims countries, and collectivized Muslims while commenting on terrorist attacks in the West. On the other hand, The Age, which is a ‘leftist’/‘centre-left’ newspaper, criticized the ‘far-rights’ for appreciating and supporting the ‘rightist/conservative’ policies against Muslims, advocated the ‘leftist/progressive/liberal’ stance, portrayed Islam and Muslims in a positive, supportive and balanced way, and advocated ‘understanding’, ‘harmony’ and ‘cohesion’ in Australia. Keywords: Political parallelism, Representation, Islam, Muslims, Critical discourse analysis, ideological square, lexicalization.

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