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1
Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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2
Johnson, Carol. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj659.pdf.
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3
Pippos, Angela. "A century of subordination : women in the Australian Labor Party /". Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp665.pdf.
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4
Thornton, Harold James. "Socialism at work? : Queensland Labor in office, 1915-1957 /". Title page, abstract and contents only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pht5135.pdf.
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5
Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine, e n/a. "The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070216.133604.
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This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.
6
Leach, Michael. "Discourses of identity in Australian socialism and labourism 1887-1901 /". St. Lucia, Qld, 2001. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16511.pdf.
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7
Camroux, David. "Changements sociaux et retentissements politiques le parti travailliste fédéral australien, 1972-84". Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37596231b.
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8
Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom /". Connect to full text, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271.
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9
Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /". Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.
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10
Raymond, Melanie. "Labour pains : working class women in employment, unions and the Labor party in Victoria, 1888-1914 /". Connect to thesis, 1987. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000326.
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11
Henehan, Kathleen. "Whose party? Whose interests? : childcare policy, electoral imperative and organisational reform within the US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and Britain's New Labour". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1070/.
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The US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and British Labour Party adopted the issue of childcare assistance for middle-income families as both a campaign and as a legislative issue decades apart from one and other, despite similar rates of female employment. The varied timing of parties’ policy adoption is also uncorrelated with labour shortages, union density and female trade union membership. However, it is correlated with two politically-charged factors: first, each party adopted childcare policy as their rate of ‘organised female labour mobilisation’ (union density interacted with female trade union membership) reached its country-level peak; second, each party adopted the issue within the broader context of post-industrial electoral change, when shifts in both class and gender-based party-voter linkages dictated that the centre-left could no longer win elections by focusing largely on a male, blue-collar base. Were these parties driven to promote childcare in response to the changing needs of their traditional affiliates (unions), or was policy adoption an outcome of autonomous party elites in search of a new electoral constituency? Using both qualitative and quantitative techniques, this research analyses the correlates of policy adoption and the specific mechanisms through which party position change on the issue took place (e.g. legislator conversion versus legislator turnover). It finds that parties largely adopted the issue as a means to make strategic electoral appeals to higher-educated, post-materialist and in particular, female voters. However, the speed in which they were able to make these appeals (and hence, the time at which they adopted the issue) was contingent on the speed in which elites were able to reform their party’s internal organisation and specifically, wrest power away from both the unions and rank-and-file members in order to centralise decision making power on election campaigns, executive appointments and candidate selection processes into the hands of the leadership.
12
Lavelle, Ashley, e n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition". Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.
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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
13
Cusack, Danny. "With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944)". Thesis, Cusack, Danny (2002) With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944). PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/32/.
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As a loyal Empire man and ardent conscriptionist, Irish born Senator Paddy Lynch swam against the prevailing Irish Catholic Labor political current. He was one of those MP's who followed Prime Minister W.M. Hughes out of the Federal Labor caucus in November 1916, serving out the rest of his political career in the Nationalist ranks. On the face of things, he represents something of a contradiction.
A close examination of Lynch's youth in Ireland, his early years in Australia and his subsequent parliamentary career helps us to resolve this apparent paradox. It also enables us to build up a picture of Lynch the man and to explain his political odyssey. He emerges as representative of that early generation of conservative Laborites (notably J.C. Watson, W.G. Spence and George Pearce) who, once they had achieved their immediate goals of reform, saw their subsequent role as defending the prevailing social order.
Like many of these men, Lynch's commitment to the labour movement's principles of solidarity and collective endeavour co-existed with a desire for material self advancement. More fundamentally, when Lynch accumulated property and was eventually able to take up the occupation which he had known in Ireland, farming, his evolving class interest inevitably occasioned a change in political outlook. Lynch is shown to have been an essentially conservative Meath farmer whose early involvement in the labour movement in Australia can be largely explained as a temporary phase consequent on emigration.
A single-minded and robust politician, Lynch was able to reconcile first his Irish and then his Australian nationalist loyalties with the cause of the Empire as the best guarantee of Australia's future security and advancement. He both represented and reinforced the more conservative Irish Catholic political climate which prevailed in Western Australia, compared to the more populous eastern states. The relationship of the Catholic Irish to the early labour movement in Australia was more complex and problematical than orthodox thinking has allowed. As someone who straddled both political camps, Lynch encapsulated many of the inherent ambiguities of the immigrant Irish. A study of his career allows us to gain a deeper insight into the complexities of the Irish-Australian experience.
14
Cusack, Danny. "With an olive branch and a shillelagh : the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944) /". Cusack, Danny (2002) With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944). PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/32/.
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As a loyal Empire man and ardent conscriptionist, Irish born Senator Paddy Lynch swam against the prevailing Irish Catholic Labor political current. He was one of those MP's who followed Prime Minister W.M. Hughes out of the Federal Labor caucus in November 1916, serving out the rest of his political career in the Nationalist ranks. On the face of things, he represents something of a contradiction.
A close examination of Lynch's youth in Ireland, his early years in Australia and his subsequent parliamentary career helps us to resolve this apparent paradox. It also enables us to build up a picture of Lynch the man and to explain his political odyssey. He emerges as representative of that early generation of conservative Laborites (notably J.C. Watson, W.G. Spence and George Pearce) who, once they had achieved their immediate goals of reform, saw their subsequent role as defending the prevailing social order.
Like many of these men, Lynch's commitment to the labour movement's principles of solidarity and collective endeavour co-existed with a desire for material self advancement. More fundamentally, when Lynch accumulated property and was eventually able to take up the occupation which he had known in Ireland, farming, his evolving class interest inevitably occasioned a change in political outlook. Lynch is shown to have been an essentially conservative Meath farmer whose early involvement in the labour movement in Australia can be largely explained as a temporary phase consequent on emigration.
A single-minded and robust politician, Lynch was able to reconcile first his Irish and then his Australian nationalist loyalties with the cause of the Empire as the best guarantee of Australia's future security and advancement. He both represented and reinforced the more conservative Irish Catholic political climate which prevailed in Western Australia, compared to the more populous eastern states. The relationship of the Catholic Irish to the early labour movement in Australia was more complex and problematical than orthodox thinking has allowed. As someone who straddled both political camps, Lynch encapsulated many of the inherent ambiguities of the immigrant Irish. A study of his career allows us to gain a deeper insight into the complexities of the Irish-Australian experience.
15
Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, e mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest". Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.
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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice?
It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government
The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics.
The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial.
Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response?
Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion?
Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.
The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
16
Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan: the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom". Phd thesis, http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7450.
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The period between the depression of the 1930s and the long post-war boom saw the development of the contemporary shape of the labour movement's economic thought, with its dichotomy between moderate and left nationalist currents. This development is examined in terms of the nature of the main organisations of the labour movement, economic conditions, the ideological proclivities of different classes and the levelof the class struggle. The main areas of economic thought examined are theories of Australia's place in the world economy, the class anatomy of Australian capitalism and of economic crises.
During the late 1930s laborites continued to express a longstanding commitment to national development through tariff protection and wariness of overseas loans. Moderate ideas of the possibilities for overcoming class conflicts increasingly displaced radical Money Power theory after the depression. While monetary and real underconsumptionism continued to be the main explanations of economic crises offered by laborites, both ALP politicians and union officials became aware of Keynesian economics and the legitimacy it provided for longstanding Labor policies. The advent of the Popular Front period in the international communist movement saw the Communist Party of Australia move from a revolutionary internationalist towards a politically more conservative left nationalist position, sharing assumptions with Money Power theorists, despite the rise in the level of industrial struggle. The Communist conviction in radical underconsumptionist theory of inevitable economic crises began to weaken.
World War II and the advent of the Curtin Government saw the leadership of the ALP embrace Keynesian economics and its priorities. This was expressed in both foreign economic and domestic policies, but was qualified by a keen appreciation of the requirements of the Australian economy for both protection and foreign markets and the level of the class struggle. The promotion of Keynesian ideas and divisions in the labour movement was successful after 1947 in countering working class militancy. While retaining a fervent nationalism the Communist Party's policies shifted after the War from strong support for the Government during the War to a very radical and anti-American position after 1947. Bolstered by a return to radical underconsumptionism and a focus on the conspiratorial role of the Collins House monopolists, the Party believed it could challenge the authority of the ALP and the Chifley Government, on the basis of working class industrial struggles. But the Communist Party made its attempt when the level of united struggle was already in decline. Between 1949 and 1952 the balance of class forces shifted sharply in favour of capital.
Moderate laborites have continued to accept the main propositions of orthodox economics, while the bulk of the left in the labour movement has been nationalist and, after the Communist Party's break with Moscow, committed to a version of Keynesian economics. Although the adequacy of both approaches to working class interests is in doubt and they have not consistently promoted its struggles, their hegemony over the labour movement has not prevented the emergence of militant working class action.
17
Loreck, Thomas Victor. "An analysis of the origins and development of the educational policies of the Australian Labor Party in Western Australia between 1964 and 1982". Thesis, Loreck, Thomas Victor (1985) An analysis of the origins and development of the educational policies of the Australian Labor Party in Western Australia between 1964 and 1982. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 1985. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51473/.
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The study of the educational platforms of the major political parties in WA has been largely neglected. It is the aim of the following historical study to trace the evolution of the ALP's education policies and platforms in WA from 1964 to 1982 and the events, trends and issues which have given it its current shape. This process has been studied largely from the records of the ALP and via interviews with key participants.
One of the more important trends has been the gradual erosion of community apathy towards education. From the earliest years of this century the WA Education Department assumed control over most aspects of education, including the formation of policy. The community. Parliament and Ministers for Education largely seemed content with this state of affairs. This situation remained almost unchanged until the late 1960s. At that time national events such as the increasing involvement of the Commonwealth Government in school funding and the state aid debate aroused community interest in education. Coupled with these political events were societal changes such as the effect of technology on employment, the growing demands of ethnic groups and the emergence of the women's movement. These changes placed new demands on education and political, as well as bureaucratic solutions, were sought. Groups with interests in education brought pressure to bear on Ministers for Education and their political parties in order to achieve their ends.
The results of these events were threefold. Firstly, party platforms on education grew dramatically. Thus the 1967 platform comprising a mere one and a half pages grew to over twelve by 1984. Secondly, these platforms expanded largely because of pressure from the community and from lobby groups for more educational services. Thus the political parties had a vested interest in implementing their platforms. Finally, the implementation of these platforms resulted, in effect, in a challenge by the Ministers for Education to the de facto supremacy of the Education Department in the area of policy creation.
The first two areas, the expansion of ALP platform and the reasons for its occurrence are the major concerns of this study. During the period under study (1964 - 1982) clashes between the Minister for Education, the Director General and his Education Department have increased. Smart and Alderson (1980) have documented these events. It remains to be seen whether the implementation of the Beazley Report (1984) will further erode the historically dominant position of the Director General as the chief actor in the policy formation process.
18
Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.
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In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.
19
Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932". Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
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20
Duffy, Gavan. "The groups". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1999.
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This thesis deals with the history of the Catholic Social Studies Movement (the Movement), the ALP Industrial Groups and the events leading up to the split in the Labor Party which occurred between 1955 and 1957. These events are portrayed and analysed from the perspective of the Movement and the Industrial Groups. The thesis challenges many of the conventional propositions as to the reasons for,
and the facts surrounding the split. Directly challenged is the view that Herbert Vere Evatt was a principled champion
of traditional Labor values who acted expeditiously to save the Australian Labor Party from being subverted by a Machiavellian Catholic layman, B.A. Santamaria, for the 'sinister' purposes of Catholic action. Also challenged is the suggestion that the ideology and policies of Movement
activists within the Labor Party, were contrary to Labor's platform. It will be argued to the contrary, that Labor in the fifties was impeded by doctrinaire Marxist theory, and hence, the radicalism of the Movement did not sit easily with many of the older power brokers within the labor movement. It will also be argued that The Movement was formed on the initiative of the late B.A. Santamaria and a few associates only after repeated requests from Labour
politicians and unionists, often motivated by quite selfish concerns, for assistance in the struggle against Communism in the trade unions. Emphasis will be placed in this thesis on the importance and the role of anti-Catholic sectarianism as a weapon of the Communists and the Extreme Left of the Labor movement against their opponents. An emphasis will be placed on the importance of anti-Catholic sectarianism in determining the outcome of the struggle
within the Labor Party and the nature of the split. It will be suggested that Dr Evatt's attack on The Movement and the industrial groups of the 5 October 1954 could not have succeeded without the divisiveness of sectarianism, never far beneath the surface in Australian society of the 50s and 60s. The impact of the Petrov Affair on the internal politics of the Labor party is canvassed. In this regard startling new evidence is advanced by the writer that the
ALP parliamentary leader, Dr. Herbert V. Evatt had, in October 1953, several months before the establishment of the Petrov Royal Commission, knowledge of, or at the very least strong grounds for suspicion that his press secretary Fergan O'Sullivan, was a source of information for the Communist party and Ergo, Soviet intelligence. It will also be stated that for reasons known only to himself and about
which one can only surmise, Evatt failed to act on the intelligence provided to him concerning the activities of O'Sullivan. Historically speaking, the implications of
this revelation concerning Dr Evatt and Fergan 0' Sullivan are considerable.
21
Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform / Lionel Orchard". Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18575.
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22
Encel, John Daniel. "National factions in the Australian Labor Party". Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148652.
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23
Johnson, Carol Ann. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments / Carol Johnson". 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/20371.
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Bibliography: leaves 350-388viii, 388 leaves ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1986
24
O'Connell, Declan. "Post-mortem rituals and party reform: Australian Labor debates, 1963-1981". Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109355.
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After election defeats, parties usually engage in
post-mortem rituals. These can take a wide variety of
forms. Committees of inquiry may be established. 'Rankand-
file' members may be given opportunities to have their
say about 'what went wrong'. Parliamentary leaders may
attempt to convince voters that the party has mended its
ways. Within the party, matters of organisational
structure, programme and ideology may be debated, although
post-mortems are often effectively confined to a narrow
range of topics. Post-mortem ritual talk generally includes
reference to more effective campaigning, intra-party
democracy and 'adaptation' to 'social change'. 'Managerial'
discourses, emphasising electoral success, efficiency and
party professionalism jostle with the 'participatory'
discourses embodying activists' aspirations (emphasising the
party's mission, 'rank-and-file' rights and 'educating' the
electorate). Commentators often dismiss these rituals as
meaningless exercises, interesting only insofar as they
provide a backdrop for vealpolit-ik power plays about who is
to be 'blamed' for the defeat. However, if we analyse postmortem
rituals seriously, we have a useful vantage point for
examining what goes on within political parties. Both
'managerial' and 'participatory' forms of 'rationalistic
idealism' may be little more than camouflage for realpolitik
manoeuvre and machination. However, party reform involves
the crystallisation of new meanings as well as factional
struggles. 'Rationalistic idealism' may help new meanings to crystallise and a new self-understanding to emerge within
a party. Of course, the connections between post-mortem
rituals and party reform are contingent. Post-mortems may,
or may not, lead to party reform. They take place at a time
when party leaders have suffered a loss of confidence. The
study of post-mortem rituals allows us to examine intraparty
processes when, at least potentially, they are in a
state of flux.
By comparing different post-mortems in the same
party over time, we can also address the vexed question of
'social change' and party 'response'. The literature on
parties abounds with generalisations about the 'effects' of
'social change'. Such generalisations often rely on little
more than hunches about what goes on within parties. This
thesis explores post-mortem rituals in the Australian Labor
Party in two periods, 1963-67 and 1977-81. In each of these
periods, there were some connections between the postmortems
and attempts at party reform. Comparison of the two
cases can help us appreciate some of the complexities
involved in the relationship between changes in Australian
society and changes in the ALP. In contrast with previous
arguments about the 'middle-classing' of the ALP in a
'middle-class' society, distinctions are drawn between the
emergence of Australian Social Democracy, Mark 1 as a model
for 'new' Labor practice in the 1960s and the conflicts
between Australian Social Democracy, Mark 2 and Labor
Managerialism in 1977-81. Changes in ALP practice cannot
simply be derived from changes in Australian society. They
require analysis in their own right.
25
Abate, Tony. "A fight for Labor? The foundation of the Democratic Labor Party". Thesis, 1992. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32987/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The following thesis is about the formation of the Democratic
Labor Party(DLP). Its prime aim will be to show that ideology was
the overriding factor which brought about the DLP's existence. In
attempting to prove this contention the following thesis will be
subdivided into three parts.
Firstly, an emphasis will be placed on outlining the lack of
historiographical consensus concerning the DLP's formation. Three
main schools of thought will be identified. It is hoped the
inconsistencies within each group will allow the reader to see the
scope that exists for a new argument.
Secondly, this thesis will argue that the DLP's existence was
d i r e c t l y related to the Catholic Social Studies Movement
(Movement) and ALP Industrial Groups. This connection will be
highUghted by drawing together DLP policy, Movement/Industrial
Group directives, populist ideals and views from contemporaries
associated with Democratic Labor. Issues concerning the family,
economics, social decentralisation and patriotism will all be used
to illustrate and reinforce this link.
Thirdly, this thesis will introduce some key Catholic activists
and discuss their definition of "true" Labor ideals. By bringing
forward this final point, the following thesis will seek to complete
the argument that ideology was at the heart of the DLP's genesis
and existence.
26
Dafri. "The Australian Labor Government 1983-1993 : Strategies for maintaining office". Master's thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/125184.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
There has been much discussion and comment on the development of the
Australian Labor Party in recent decades. From this there has emerged a basic
agreement among commentators that the contemporary Labor Party is no longer the
Labor Party in its original sense. The Labor Party today is even very different from the
Labor Party, let us say, of the 1960s. Dean Jaensch (1989a: 21-22) insists that since
the late 1960s the Labor Party has increasingly shifted to the model which
Kirchheimer called a "catch-all" party. It is becoming progressively more pragmatic
and responsive rather than expressive, and is placing much less emphasis on ideology,
membership, organisational solidarity and expression. Since 1967, for instance, the
Labor Party has been involved in considerable introspection and some changes,
involving departures from traditional ideology and policy positions and fundamental
changes to its internal structures and processes. These developments are still
continuing. They received their initial momentum from the Whitlam government,
which launched reforms in almost all sectors, and culminated in the period of the
Hawke and Keating governments.
27
Thornton, Harold James. "Socialism at work? : Queensland Labor in office, 1915-1957 / Harold James Thornton". Thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18520.
Texto completo da fonte
28
Harris, Tony. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP, Leichhardt municipality c. 1970-1990 /". 2002. http://www.library.unsw.edu.au/~thesis/adt-NUN/public/adt-NUN20031029.144404/index.html.
Texto completo da fonte
29
O'Flaherty, Veronica A. "A very dim light, a very steep hill women in the Victorian branch of the Australian Labor Party /". 2005. http://wallaby.vu.edu.au/adt-VVUT/public/adt-VVUT20070517.155054/index.html.
Texto completo da fonte
30
O'Flaherty, Veronica Ann. "A very dim light, a very steep hill: women in the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party". Thesis, 2005. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1481/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis presents a contemporary approach to the problem of the lack of recognition of women in Australian society and politics using the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as background and the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party as a test case. It examines the paradox that women have had the vote in Australia for over a hundred years yet, in the largest political party officially dedicated to social equality, they still fail to hold leadership positions with the exception of Jenny Macklin who is Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (FPLP). Several writers have drawn attention to this puzzle of the lack of effective participation in general by women in Australian political life. Authors such as Joy Damousi, Anne Henderson, Marian Sawer and Marian Simms among others have begun the process of theoretical and historical analysis of women in politics in this country. Sawer and Simms are both prominent female academics in the field of Political Science. Their book, A Woman’s Place: Women and Politics in Australia (1993), is a good example of an emerging genre. Given my own particular academic interests, the thesis is based in the discipline of Political Science. It is not located primarily in the area of Women’s Studies, but feminist theories and ideas are applied, as are historical surveys and sociological perspectives to support my arguments and buttress conclusions. The aim of the work is to examine the Victorian Branch of the ALP between 1946 and 2005 and tests the hypothesis that a combination of societal and structural factors has been responsible for the exclusion of women for the most part from leadership positions in the Party. The Victorian Branch was chosen partly for reasons of access and manageable size, but also because it is representative of general trends in Australian politics. Essentially, this thesis is about the role of women in a major political party committed to the cause of working-class people. It does not deal with policy formulation or the dynamics of the parliamentary arena. Rather, it concentrates on the party’s culture and the structural and organisational factors which affect the participation rates and levels of influence of women. This thesis will contribute to knowledge by analysing the reasons for the exclusion of women from positions of power in the Victorian Branch of the ALP; it also draws lessons about the nature of politics in Australia. Indeed, it constitutes the first major study of the role of women in Victorian ALP politics—no such study currently exists. My own personal case studies will determine how and why and if male-dominated ‘traditions’ (patriarchy) are restricting the progress of women in the public sphere in this country. The research material from interviews with past and present female MPs (including former Victorian Premier Joan Kirner) and State Executive members will provide a great deal of invaluable information and opinion for other students of party politics. The thesis will give an opportunity for female ALP views to be expressed. A further contribution to knowledge will be to establish why injustices, inequalities and constraints have been placed on women which hinder their rise to power in the ALP and the Victorian Branch. It is significant to state that throughout Australia’s largely patriarchal history the nonrecognition, or misrecognition, of Australian women has been a form of exclusion resulting in their under- representation in leadership roles in the ALP and its Victorian Branch. Therefore, by studying the particular processes of how gender diversities are formed within a historical and ideological context, we can start to hypothesis on how and why women have been marginalised with the male-dominated ALP and the Victorian Branch. This thesis will examine why women in the Victorian Branch of the ALP have been largely excluded from decision-making positions. Has a combination of cultural, historical, sociological and structural reasons contributed to their exclusion until some thirty years ago when things began to appear to change? Are attempts to make the Branch more inclusive real or are they simply a form of Marcusian repressive tolerance? Therefore, in order to clarify specific aims of the project, one should ascertain why, despite the attainment of legal, political and social rights, there exists a significant inequality between the genders when it comes to achieving and exercising power and influence in the Federal ALP and the Victorian Branch. By researching those factors that create inequality, I hope to ascertain why women have been excluded from decision-making positions in the ALP and the Victorian Branch and document what changes have occurred and suggest future directional aims.
31
O'Flaherty, Veronica Ann. "A very dim light, a very steep hill: women in the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party". 2005. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1481/1/OFlaherty.pdf.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis presents a contemporary approach to the problem of the lack of recognition of women in Australian society and politics using the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as background and the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party as a test case. It examines the paradox that women have had the vote in Australia for over a hundred years yet, in the largest political party officially dedicated to social equality, they still fail to hold leadership positions with the exception of Jenny Macklin who is Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (FPLP). Several writers have drawn attention to this puzzle of the lack of effective participation in general by women in Australian political life. Authors such as Joy Damousi, Anne Henderson, Marian Sawer and Marian Simms among others have begun the process of theoretical and historical analysis of women in politics in this country. Sawer and Simms are both prominent female academics in the field of Political Science. Their book, A Woman’s Place: Women and Politics in Australia (1993), is a good example of an emerging genre. Given my own particular academic interests, the thesis is based in the discipline of Political Science. It is not located primarily in the area of Women’s Studies, but feminist theories and ideas are applied, as are historical surveys and sociological perspectives to support my arguments and buttress conclusions. The aim of the work is to examine the Victorian Branch of the ALP between 1946 and 2005 and tests the hypothesis that a combination of societal and structural factors has been responsible for the exclusion of women for the most part from leadership positions in the Party. The Victorian Branch was chosen partly for reasons of access and manageable size, but also because it is representative of general trends in Australian politics. Essentially, this thesis is about the role of women in a major political party committed to the cause of working-class people. It does not deal with policy formulation or the dynamics of the parliamentary arena. Rather, it concentrates on the party’s culture and the structural and organisational factors which affect the participation rates and levels of influence of women. This thesis will contribute to knowledge by analysing the reasons for the exclusion of women from positions of power in the Victorian Branch of the ALP; it also draws lessons about the nature of politics in Australia. Indeed, it constitutes the first major study of the role of women in Victorian ALP politics—no such study currently exists. My own personal case studies will determine how and why and if male-dominated ‘traditions’ (patriarchy) are restricting the progress of women in the public sphere in this country. The research material from interviews with past and present female MPs (including former Victorian Premier Joan Kirner) and State Executive members will provide a great deal of invaluable information and opinion for other students of party politics. The thesis will give an opportunity for female ALP views to be expressed. A further contribution to knowledge will be to establish why injustices, inequalities and constraints have been placed on women which hinder their rise to power in the ALP and the Victorian Branch. It is significant to state that throughout Australia’s largely patriarchal history the nonrecognition, or misrecognition, of Australian women has been a form of exclusion resulting in their under- representation in leadership roles in the ALP and its Victorian Branch. Therefore, by studying the particular processes of how gender diversities are formed within a historical and ideological context, we can start to hypothesis on how and why women have been marginalised with the male-dominated ALP and the Victorian Branch. This thesis will examine why women in the Victorian Branch of the ALP have been largely excluded from decision-making positions. Has a combination of cultural, historical, sociological and structural reasons contributed to their exclusion until some thirty years ago when things began to appear to change? Are attempts to make the Branch more inclusive real or are they simply a form of Marcusian repressive tolerance? Therefore, in order to clarify specific aims of the project, one should ascertain why, despite the attainment of legal, political and social rights, there exists a significant inequality between the genders when it comes to achieving and exercising power and influence in the Federal ALP and the Victorian Branch. By researching those factors that create inequality, I hope to ascertain why women have been excluded from decision-making positions in the ALP and the Victorian Branch and document what changes have occurred and suggest future directional aims.
32
Singleton, Gwynneth. "The Labour movement and incomes policy : origins and development of the accord". Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129771.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Hawke Labor government was elected for its third term of office in 1987. It owes
much of this success to its Accord with the Australian Council of Trade Unions. The
purpose of this thesis is to elucidate what consolidates and sustains the bargained
bipartite relationship that is the core of the Accord and central to its viability as a cooperative
incomes strategy for the industrial and political wings of the Australian labour
movement.
The thesis begins with an examination of what the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party
and the ACTU each sought to achieve from a co-operative incomes policy. The following
chapters trace the origins and development of the Accord, beginning with the difficulties
that arose between the Whitlam Labor government and the ACTU that prevented any
similar agreement. The post-Whitlam period brought about a change in attitude by both
the unions and the FPLP that made the Accord possible. The thesis examines the reasons
why Australian unions changed their approach from maintaining living standards
primarily through nominal increases to the industrial wage to embrace a collective
centralised incomes strategy that included the industrial wage, employment and the
social wage. The effective point of wage negotiation then lay with the ACTU. This thesis
examines the basis of ACTU wages policy and the reasons why the strategies that were
pursued to gain its implementation failed. This failure led directly to the Accord with
the FPLP. The following two chapters examine the reasons why and how the FPLP
reached similar conclusions about the necessity for a collective incomes policy with the
unions in 1979 and the subsequent negotiations that brought them to formal agreement
on the Accord with the ACTU in 1983.
The Accord has proved to be a flexible process that remains relevant nearly six years
after its inception. The operations and renegotiations of the Accord that have occurred
over this period are examined to determine why this has been possible. A discussion
about the relevance of corporatism to the Accord follows. This concludes that, while
there may be some aspects of corporatism that can be related to the Accord process, the
imprecise nature of corporatist theory raises doubts about its utility as an explanation
for the bargained bipartite relationship that is the essence of the Accord. It is suggested
that it is more satisfactory to regard the Accord as a contemporary embodiment of
traditional Australian labourism; that is, the balancing of economic, electoral and social
objectives by the trade union movement and the ALP to achieve what is politically and
economically possible through Labor in government.
33
King, Thomas Francis. "The Rise and Fall of Minor Political Parties in Australia". Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147961.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis contributes to the political science
literature by exploring why minor parties arise and decline.
This thesis explores the rise of Australian minor parties in
Australia from the time of the Labor ‘Split’ in 1955 that led
to the formation of the DLP through to the rise and continuing
rise of the Australian Greens in the 1990s and beyond. In that
time the Australian Democrats emerged in 1977 and in 1996 and
1997 Pauline Hanson’s One Nation first appeared. The thesis
goes behind these parties to explore and analyses the underlying
factors that caused these parties to be established in the first
place and succeed electorally, before, in the case of three of
the parties, meeting their decline. The Australian Greens have
not declined to any significant degree and One Nation has
experienced a political resurrection. The four parties
considered in this thesis were the minor parties that were in the
Federal parliament as at 1 January 2009 or had being in the
Federal parliament and had lost all of their seats in parliament
before that that date.
34
Robinson, Marcus Laurence. "Economists and politicians : the influence of economic ideas upon labor politicians and governments, 1931-1949". Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109804.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Throughout the period 1931-1949, the Australian Labor Party tended to be
preoccupied with the role of money as a cause of, and cure for, economic
instability. The party was very much influenced by a long tradition of economic
thought which saw the business cycle as an essentially monetary phenomenon. In
part, this tradition affected the A.L.P. through the influence of 'quack' writers in
the 'monetary radical' tradition, who combined a monetary view of the business
cycle with a fear of financial manipulation and a commitment to the abolition of
interest. At least as significant as this unorthodox. influence was, however, the
impact upon Labor thinking of the monetary views of the main school of
expansionist economics of the 1920s. Labor's preoccupation with money was due
in no small measure to the way in which much of the 'mainstream' economic
debate focussed upon money in the 1920s and into the 1930s.
Labor economic thinking was not suddenly transformed as a result of a
'Keynesian revolution' following the publication of the General Theory in 1936.
The party had absorbed much of the 'Keynesian' policy message - in particular,
about the centrality of counter-cyclical public works - well before 1936.
Nevertheless, because of its long attachment to purely monetary theories of
capitalist economic instability, Labor did not readily absorb the 'Keynesian' view
of the way in which the economic mechanism operates. The party was, for
example, inclined to view public works not so much as an instrument of 'fiscal'
policy, as a conduit for monetary expansion. Even in the 1940s, the A.L.P.
remained deeply imbued with the traditional view that monetary mechanisms
played an all-important role in the economy. In government, Labor's ideological
zeal was directed towards banking reform. By contrast, Labor politicians were
not greatly interested in the issues (concerning the role of planning in normal
peacetime economic management, and the form and social content of a full
employment program) which were dividing economists and public servants at the
time.
35
Moore, Aidan. ""It was all about the working class” : Norm Gallagher, the BLF and the Australian Labor Movement". Thesis, 2013. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/22018/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The deregistration and dismemberment of the Builders Labourers’ Federation (BLF), which
was executed by Federal and State Labor Governments, was one of the most significant
events in Australian industrial relations history. The union and its general secretary, Norm
Gallagher, continue to excite passionate debate whenever their names are invoked. Portrayed
as the ugly face of trade unionism, Gallagher and the BLF provided national and state Labor
Party reformers with a timely mechanism through which they could both assert their
dominance over the Party and broaden its electoral appeal. This thesis incorporates BLF
activities into the larger story of Labor Party transmutation that occurred between the 1960s
and 1980s. By examining these shifts in the Labor Party through the prisms of Gallagher and
the BLF, we can better understand Labor’s decision to deregister and ultimately destroy the
union. The thesis argues that the trajectories taken by the BLF and the ALP were sufficiently
divergent that conflict was inevitable. Drawing on a range of key sources, this thesis provides
a new assessment of BLF deregistration, the schisms it opened up within both the Labor Party
and Conservative interests, and the way in which destruction of a union represented a critical
moment in Australian political and industrial history.
36
Holt, Stephen James. ""A veritable dynamo" : Lloyd Ross, the Australian Railways Union and left-wing politics in inter-war Australia". Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114476.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines the role played by the longterm
labour activist Lloyd Ross (1901-1987) in the affairs of the
Australian labour movement from his formative years in the
opening decades of this century up until the consolidation of
the Curtin government in 1942. By this time, although having
years of service to the labour movement ahead of him, Lloyd
Ross's once close association with left-wing politics
(altogether a narrower cause) was at an end.
The eldest son of the socialist agitator Bob Ross
(1873-1931), Lloyd Ross inherited a commitment to radical
politics, militant trade unionism and working-class cultural
activities. He was eager to confront social and political
problems head on. In 1935, after having served with the
Workers' Educational Association for some ten years, he was
elected secretary of the Australian Railways Union in New
South Wales. In this capacity he soon became deeply involved
in Labor Party factionalism and Communist anti-war agitation
as well as formulating and pursuing the industrial demands of
railway workers.
Lloyd Ross enthusiastically accepted Communist Party
policy in the era of the united front against fascism (1935 onwards). He preached the gospel of internationalism.
However this alliance was sundered in 1940. Ever a 'broad
left' man, Lloyd Ross came to reject the renewed sectarian
emphasis in Communist thinking that accompanied the Russo-
German treaty of 23 August 1939. Following the rupture he
managed to stay on in the ARU but an attempt on his part to
sustain his radical position was frustrated by the exigencies
of his new factional situation. With the Communist Party now
alienated, he was obliged to strengthen his links with the
dominant moderate wing of the Australian Labor Party. By 1942
this process was fully evident.
Lloyd Ross's subsequent involvement in anti-communist
politics in the post-war era is surveyed in an epilogue. This
connection culminated during the Labor split of 1955 following
which Lloyd Ross gradually forsook factionalism, preferring to
concentrate on industrial issues.
The demise of Lloyd Ross's radicalism is related to
structural instability in the inter-war labour movement. The
most notable source of this instability is located in the
tension between political and industrial forms of radicalism
and in particular the divergence between old-style industrial
unionism and the political priorities of the Communist Party.
The inherent instability that arose with socialist trade
union ideologues juxtaposed alongside a workforce containing a strong Catholic component is also highlighted, notably in
relation to Lloyd Ross's dealings with the powerful Lang
Labor faction.
By succumbing to deradicalisation Lloyd Ross aligned
himself with the mainstream of Australian labour history, notwithstanding
the imprecations of his Communist detractors.
After 1940, having rid themselves of left-wing dominance,
the New South Wales Labor Party and the Labor Council in
Sydney together went on to attain adamantine stability with
consequent political dividends still evident
today. In this regard Lloyd Ross undoubtedly played a key
role in the ideological evolution of modern Australia.
37
Stephenson, Scott. "Oligarchy contested and interconnected: The New South Wales Labor Party and the trade unions from 1910 to 1939". Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/132077.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The period from 1910 to 1939 was one of the most turbulent chapters in New South Wales labour history. It was defined by intense ideological conflict, winner-take-all factional warfare, widespread accusations of corruption and multiple Labor Party splits. Intertwined within these issues were questions of democracy and oligarchy within the labour movement. To what extent should members control labour institutions? Democracy within unions and parties means control by the ordinary members and, where necessary, their accountable representatives. Oligarchy sits at the opposite end of the spectrum from democracy and entails organisational domination by a small group of leaders. This thesis examines the tensions and struggles between democracy and oligarchy within three key labour organisations. Events inside one major organisation affected what happened inside the others and my study is therefore relational and comparative, examining the Australian Workers Union (AWU), the Miners Federation and the NSW Labor Party. Both the AWU and NSW Labor Party were oligarchies and became more oligarchical over time. Conversely, the Miners Federation was highly democratic, although it too became less democratic over time. The NSW Labor Party was an interconnected oligarchy, both influencing and influenced by its affiliated trade unions. These influences were complicated and sometimes counterintuitive. At times the effects were straightforward, with organisations and leaders transposing their own methods into another organisation, but in other instances the participation of oligarchical unions and union leaders enhanced democracy within the Labor Party and vice versa. Oligarchy predominated in the AWU and NSW Labor Party but it was always contested. Countervailing tendencies against oligarchy were continuously operating in some form, even when the organisations were at their least democratic. My analytical framework comes from the sociological literature on trade union and political party democracy and I compare each organisation’s community, rules, local autonomy, rank-and-file decision-making, internal opposition, free communication and equality between officials and members. The key factor that separated the democratic Miners Federation from the oligarchical AWU and Labor Party was that the miners worked and lived within united, stable occupational communities in which the majority of union members and officials believed in democracy and worked towards its realisation.
38
Abate, Tony. "A man of principle? : a political biography of Standish Michael Keon". Thesis, 1994. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/17942/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The following study will be broken into five sections. The first will general account of Keon's whole life and thus illustrate that he was
motivated by three general principles- aiding individuals from modest
socio-economic standing, Catholicism, and disdain for the major anti-
Labor parties. The second aspect of the study will show that all
published material on Keon, whilst partially recognising one stream of
his Catholicism, fails to fully tap into his 'ideological baggage'. The other
three areas of the study will concentrate expanding upon the principles
which shaped Keon's public life. Chapter Three will demonstrate that
Keon's readiness to champion the common man's cause can be aligned
to populist thought. Chapter Four will highlight Keon's Catholic
tendencies and sub-divide them into two categories- 'general' and
'specific'. Chapter Five will draw upon the evidence provided in the
previous two sections of the study and illustrate how Labor was the only
major political grouping which could accommodate Keon's principles.
39
Robins, Daniel. "Melbourne's Maoists : the rise of the Monash University Labor Club, 1965-1967". Thesis, 2005. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30211/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The rise of the Monash University Labor Club to the most prominent radical student
group in Australia by 1967 was the result of those radicalising events and ideologies
that had been emerging internationally, nationally and locally during 1965-67. Events
such as the escalation of the Vietnam War and the emergence of the Cultural
Revolution in China were particularly influential upon the student movement in
Australia during this period. Arguably the most influential ideological force upon the
Monash Labor Club during this period was the idea of Marxism-Leninism, or
Maoism, articulated by the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, Mao TseTung.
It is this radicalising role of Maoism upon the 1960's student movement in
Melbourne that will be the core concern of this thesis. Past studies concerned with the
Monash Labor Club in 1965-67 have tended to downplay the role of Maoist ideas at
Monash during this period. However, this thesis will attempt to show that it was the
Maoist ideas of Labor Club leaders like Albert Langer that allowed the club to rise to
such prominence in 1967. Furthermore this thesis will show how the connections
achieved by Langer with the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist), and
certain Maoist-led Unions in Melbourne, played a significant role in the successful
aims, actions and campaigns carried out by the Labor Club in 1967.
40
Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
Texto completo da fonte
41
Davis, Glen Anthony. "The relationship between the established and new left groupings in the anit-Vietnam War movement in Victoria, 1967-1972". Thesis, 2001. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/36042/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This thesis examines the relationship between the various left groupings that constituted the opposition to the war in Vietnam in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The focus is on how the newer radical groups of this period interacted with and influenced the established Left and peace movement. The work concentrates on opposition to the war within the Australian State of Victoria, drawing upon interviews with participants as well as written material from primary and secondary sources.