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Bibliografias temáticas / Australia Politics and government 1972-1975

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Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Australia Politics and government 1972-1975"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junho de 2021

Última modificação: 20 de fevereiro de 2023

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Australia Politics and government 1972-1975"

1

Benvenuti, Andrea, e David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973". Journal of Cold War Studies 12, n.º 4 (outubro de 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.

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2

Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia". Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, n.º 2 (27 de maio de 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.

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3

Skorobogatykh, Natalya. ""Welfare State" in Australia according to Gough Whitlam's Labor Government". South East Asia Actual problems of Development, n.º 4 (53) (2021): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-4-4-53-225-239.

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The article examines one of the most important aspects of Gough Whitlam Labor government activities in 1972–1975 – its social policy. Its main directions and the reasons for the short-lived rule of the ALP in the early 1970s are analyzed.

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4

Rowan, Michael. "“On Their Knees”: Politics, Protest, and the Cancellation of the Pickering Airport, 1972–1975". Articles 45, n.º 2 (18 de setembro de 2018): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051385ar.

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The Pickering Airport in Ontario was announced in March 1972 and cancelled in September 1975. During that three-year period there was a bitter struggle between protesters, whose land was expropriated for the airport, and the federal government. The expropriation process gave both protesters and bureaucrats the opportunity to plead their cases through public forums on why the Pickering Airport was necessary or not. By the 1970s, citizens became more distrustful of experts and believed they deserved a full seat at the policy table, while bureaucrats were frustrated by challenges to their authority and the slow policy process. The debate over the Pickering Airport raises important questions about the effectiveness of public forums like hearings or public inquires in determining policy. Citizens groups may have a seat at the policy table, but the policy process has remained bitter and divisive.

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5

Bates, Gerry. "Environmental Assessment Australia's New Outlook under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 (Cth)". Environmental Law Review 4, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2002): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146145290200400402.

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Environmental law in Australia owes much of its origins to British ancestry, but as a political federation of states and territories, Australia has also looked to other federal jurisdictions in the USA and Canada to help determine appropriate legal responsibilities for protection of the environment and management of natural resources. Environmental assessment of activities at Commonwealth level indeed was initially influenced by the American and Canadian models; but in recent years Australian governments have sought a more refined approach that reflects the realities of a new era of ‘co-operative federalism’ ushered in by the Inter-governmental Agreement on the Environment 1992. The promulgation of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 (Cth) (EPBCA) represents the conclusion of this search for the most appropriate statement of Commonwealth/state responsibilities for the environment; and represents the most fundamental reform of Commonwealth responsibility for the environment in the past 30 years. The Act, which came into force on 16 July 2000, replaces five existing statutes; the Endangered Species Protection Act 1992 (Cth); the Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974 (Cth) (EPIP Act); the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act 1975 (Cth); the Whale Protection Act 1980 (Cth), and the World Heritage Properties Conservation Act 1983 (Cth).1 The passage of the Act has been controversial because it appears to limit the legal responsibilities of the federal government to a narrow list of defined circumstances, omitting in the process some environmental issues in Australia that might appear to demand a national approach. The purpose of this paper is to describe the background and philosophy behind the new legislation, and outline the provisions for Commonwealth environmental assessment and approval of actions that might significantly affect the environment.

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6

McAllister, Ian. "Australia: 11 July—Consolidating the Hawke Ascendancy". Government and Opposition 22, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 1987): 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00066.x.

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ON 11 JULY 1987 THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY (ALP) WAS returned, with an increased majority, to an unprecedented third term in federal government. The election result was doubly remarkable. First, the ALP has traditionally been unable to gain more than two terms in office. Schisms and factional conflict have generally ruined Labor's chances of a third period in office, as in 1949, when Ben Chifley failed to gain a third term, and in 1975, when the same fate befell Gough Whitlam, following a constitutional crisis. Secondly, the party retained office during a period of economic crisis unprecedented in Australia's modern history, a crisis which might have been expected to sweep the opposition Liberal–National coalition to power.

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7

MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS". Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, n.º 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.

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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.

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8

Lee, David. "Labor, the External Affairs Power and the Rights of Aborigines". Labour History 120, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2021): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.4.

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The Australian Constitution gave the Commonwealth not a “treaty power” but a vague power over “external affairs,” the precise meaning of which was elusive for most of the twentieth century. From the 1930s, Labor judges and politicians such as H. V. Evatt saw its potential to extend Commonwealth power by legislating international agreements throughout Australia. The non-Labor parties rejected the idea of using the “external affairs” power to legislate in areas formerly the responsibility of the states but the federal Labor Party continued in the Evatt tradition. After significant uncertainties, the Whitlam government used the external affairs power to pass the Racial Discrimination Act 1975, the first significant human rights legislation in the country, which in turn had a profound effect on the law of the land in the country by making the second Mabo Case possible.

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9

Blaylock, Malcolm. "Subsidy, Community, and ‘Excellence’ in Australian Theatre". New Theatre Quarterly 2, n.º 5 (fevereiro de 1986): 75–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00001937.

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The Australian Labour government elected in 1972 (and sacked in highly controversial circumstances by the Governor-General in 1975) instituted under the premiership of Gough Whitlam a policy of greatly increased subsidy for the arts. But this was succeeded by a period of neglect, culminating in a drastic policy of cutbacks in 1981; and the election of a new Labour government in 1983 thus coincided with a major debate over both the nature and the distribution of arts subsidy, which has resulted in a wider spread of funding for culturally diverse forms of theatre. Malcolm Blaylock works both as director of one of the new community-based companies. Junction Theatre, and as a member of the federal funding body, the Theatre Board of the Australia Council: he talked to Graham Ley about both aspects of his work, and the background to the present funding policy.

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10

Crofts, Stephen. "Hansonism, Right-Wing Populism and the Media". Queensland Review 5, n.º 2 (dezembro de 1998): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000101x.

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AbstractThis essay aims to explicate the conditions enabling Hansonism. Politically, it argues that the party's exploitation of cynicism about mainstream politics and deepening economic and social divisions have been enabled by the Howard government's zealous pursuit of neo-liberal politics, its dismantling of Labor's welfare safety net, its wedge politics, its cynical reneging on election promises, and its attacks on the fourth estate, not to mention his endorsement of Hanson's freedom of speech'. In terms of the media, the essay argues that Hansonism's protest vote is based on a ‘plague o’ both your houses'. The allied populist prejudices of several radio talkback hosts have drawn their strength from television's virtual displacement of political debate in its posture as voice of the people, its actual address to viewers as domestic, atomised consumers and the increasing populism of vernacular genres such as lifestyle programs and sitcoms. Examples include the most popular Australian film of the Howard-Hanson era, The Castle.We live in the most polyglot and hybrid moment of human history […] Apostles of purity are the most dangerous people in the world. (Salman Rushdie 1994)People who can accept their own contradictions do not kill people. (Ariel Dorfman 1998)The media are […] so much more effective in disseminating information simultaneously to large groups of people that they not only supplement the political and educational systems but in some respects supplant them, because of their enormous power. (Anthony Wedgewood Benn 1972)

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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Australia Politics and government 1972-1975"

1

Carey, Patrick Bernard 1946. "Administrative jurisdiction and coordination : the case of the Australian Department of Urban and Regional Development 1972-5". Phd thesis, Department of Government and Public Administration, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4128.

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2

Baird, Julia Woodlands. "Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.

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This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.

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3

Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998". University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.

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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a

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4

Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.

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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.

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5

Winton, Brett Andrew. "Secession in Bougainville and the Australian government response". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1993. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26637.

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Bougainville is part of the North Solomons Province of Papua New Guinea and is located nearly 1,000 kilometres from Port Moresby (refer to maps on pages 3 and 4). In November 1988, a dispute at the Panguna copper mine on the island between landowner s and the owners of the mine, Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL), erupted into violence. The subsequent formation of the Bougainville Revolutionary Army and demands for secession led to the most serious political and economic problems facing Papua New Guinea (PNG) since independence was granted in 1975. In the four years since the initial trouble began, more than 1,500 people have been killed - in military conﬂict on the islands of Bougainville and Buka, and the mine, which until 1989 provided employment for 3,500 people, has closed.1 A blockade of Bougainville by Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) resulted in shortages of food, fuel and the Papua New medical supplies to the island, the latter resulting in the deaths of 3,000 innocent civilians.2 Terence Wesley-Sm ith of the University of Hawaii writes, " Except for the independence struggle in Irian Jaya, no other conﬂict in the Paciﬁc Islands region has produced this level of human suffering since World War 11.3 The Namaliu Government and the country's image abroad were weakened by allegations of human rights abuses and indiscipline amongst the security forces. The role of the Australian Government, largely through its training of military personnel and the supply of military hardware to the PNGDF, has also been placed under scrutiny by a Commonwealth parliamentary committee and human rights activists. The dispute has had a signiﬁcant impact on the economy of the mainland. Closure of the mine resulted in the loss of approximately 40 per cent of export earnings for the country and 17 per cent of the Government's budget revenue. The blockade of Bougainville led to the loss of export earnings from cocoa (45 per cent of PNG's total cocoa production), copra (the province was the second highest producers of copra) and timber. The loss of national income from the mine and other cash crops forced the Government to announce in January 1990 a 10 per cent devaluation of the kina, cuts in government recurrent spending and a ﬁrmer line on wage increases.

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6

Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.

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7

Laing, Kate. "‘A KIND OF LOVE’: Supergirls, Scapegoats and Sexual Liberation The response to Junie Morosi, Jim Cairns, and the scandal that rocked the Australian Government, 1975". Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7758.

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The ‘Morosi affair’ captured the fascination of the public in 1975 during the turbulent political atmosphere of the Whitlam government. The Treasurer of the government, Dr Jim Cairns, hired the beautiful and controversial Junie Morosi to work in his office, causing an unprecedented media scandal. This thesis will use the scandal to look at the wider societal anxieties and cultural assumptions of the time, and analyze the responses from three different perspectives: the media, Morosi and Cairns themselves, and the Australian Labor Party (ALP).

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8

Aldrich, Rosemary Public Health &amp Community Medicine Faculty of Medicine UNSW. "Flesh-coloured bandaids: politics, discourse, policy and the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Public Health and Community Medicine, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27276.

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This thesis concerns the relationship between ideology, values, beliefs, politics, language, discourses, public policy and health outcomes. By examining the origins of federal health policy concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 I have explored the idea that the way a problem is constructed through language determines solutions enacted to solve that problem, and subsequent outcomes. Despite three decades of federal policy activity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children born at the start of the 21st Century could expect to live almost 20 years less than non-Indigenous Australians. Explanations for the gap include that the colonial legacy of dispossession and disease continues to wreak social havoc and that both health policy and structures for health services have been fundamentally flawed. The research described in this thesis focuses on the role of senior Federal politicians in the health policy process. The research is grounded in theory which suggests that the values and beliefs of decision makers are perpetuated through language. Using critical discourse analysis the following hypotheses were tested: 1. That an examination of the language of Federal politicians responsible for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples over three decades would reveal their beliefs, values and discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 2. That the discourses of the Federal politicians contributed to policy discourses and frames in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment, and 3. That there is a relationship between the policy discourses of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment and health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. The hypotheses were proven. I concluded that there was a relationship between the publicly-expressed values and beliefs of politicians responsible for health, subsequent health policy and resulting health outcomes. However, a model in which theories of discourse, social constructions of people and problems, policy development and organisational decision-making were integrated did not adequately explain the findings. I developed the concept of "policy imagination" to explain the discrete mechanism by which ideology, politics, policy and health were related. My research suggests that the ideology and values which drove decision-making by Federal politicians responsible for the health of all Australians contributed to the lack of population-wide improvement in health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the late 20th Century.

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9

Harris, Christopher C. "British Columbia 1972-75 : the genesis of a two-party system". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26829.

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The purpose of this thesis is to posit an explanation for the rather spectacular reversal of Social Credit fortunes in British Columbia during the 1972-75 period and the concomitant creation of the province's present two-party system. A detailed examination of the political events of the period was undertaken in an attempt to determine what had taken place and in what order. The research involved analysis of electoral statistics and press clippings, personal interviews and the traditional review of available academic literature. The thesis rejected a monocausal explanation of Social Credit's 1975 electoral victory. Research indicates that Socred leader Bill Bennett was able to capitalize on "the widespread -and largely self-created - disenchantment with the NDP government and position his party to be seen by the public as the only credible alternative. Contrary to popular perception, the post-1972 version of Social Credit was not a "coalition" in the political sense. Rather, Liberal and Conservative elites recognized Bennett's success in projecting Social Credit as the only realistic alternative to the NDP and joined him to protect their legislative seats and further their respective political careers.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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10

Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932". Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.

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Livros sobre o assunto "Australia Politics and government 1972-1975"

1

Lopez, Mark. The origins of multiculturalism in Australian politics, 1945-1975. Carlton South, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2000.

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2

Invasion to embassy: Land in Aboriginal politics in New South Wales, 1770-1972. Sydney, N.S.W: Sydney University Press, 2008.

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3

Invasion to embassy: Land in aboriginal politics in New South Wales, 1770-1972. St. Edwards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin in association with Black Books, 1996.

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4

Goodall, Heather. Invasion to embassy: Land in Aboriginal politics in New South Wales, 1770-1972. Sydney, N.S.W: Sydney University Press, 2008.

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5

The Hawke ascendancy: A definitive account of its origins and climax 1972-1983. Crows Nest, N.S.W: Allen & Unwin, 2008.

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6

Templeton, Hugh. All honourable men: Inside the Muldoon cabinet, 1975-1984. Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1995.

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7

R, Menzies Arthur, ed. Australia & the South Pacific: Letters home, 1965-1972. Manotick, ON: Penumbra Press, 2009.

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8

Jeff, Doyle, e Grey Jeffrey, eds. Australia R&R: Representations and reinterpretations of Australia's war in Vietnam. Chevy Chase, MD: Vietnam Generation, 1991.

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9

The Indochinese in Australia, 1975-1995: From burnt boats to barbecues. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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10

Viviani, Nancy. The Indochinese in Australia, 1975-1995: From burnt boats to barbecues. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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