Bibliografias temáticas / Assyrian and Babylonian literature

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Assyrian and Babylonian literature"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 26 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 28 de julho de 2024

Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos

Selecione um tipo de fonte:

Consulte a lista de atuais artigos, livros, teses, anais de congressos e outras fontes científicas relevantes para o tema "Assyrian and Babylonian literature".

Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.

Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Assyrian and Babylonian literature"

Worthington, Martin. "Dialect admixture of Babylonian and Assyrian inSAAVIII, X, XII, XVII and XVIII". Iraq 68 (2006): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001169.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Studies of language contact in Mesopotamia have tended to concern themselves principally with lexical borrowing and structural influence, and to focus on the interaction of Akkadian with Sumerian and (in later times) Aramaic. This paper attempts to innovate on the field in two respects. First, studies of language contact in Mesopotamia largely neglect the sociolinguistic aspects of the phenomenon, which have been problematized with rewarding results in a large and ever-growing body of sociolinguistic literature. A masterly study by Adams has recently shown that sociolinguistic methods can successfully be applied to corpus languages, in his case Latin. Sociolinguistic aspects of language contact are the primary focus of this paper. Second, instead of the interaction between Akkadian and another language (Sumerian, Aramaic), we shall be concerned with that between dialects of Akkadian itself, which can be distinguished through phonology, morphology and, to a lesser extent, lexicon: Neo-Assyrian and two dialects of Babylonian. The Babylonian dialects, respectively vernacular Neo-Babylonian and so-called “Standard Babylonian” (GermanJungbabylonisch), appear in different epistolary contexts. As the language of scholarship andbelles lettres, Standard Babylonian occurs in learned citations, and was used to elevate one's language. We will encounter it frequently in letters written to the king by Neo-Assyrian scholars. Vernacular Neo-Babylonian was the base dialect of numerous letters by and to Babylonians. Characteristically Neo- (as opposed to Standard) Babylonian forms are usually not found in Assyrian letters.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Waerzeggers, Caroline. "Writing History Under Empire: The Babylonian Chronicle Reconsidered". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 8, n.º 1-2 (14 de abril de 2021): 279–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2020-0015.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Abstract This article proposes to read the Babylonian Chronicle as historical literature. It argues that the text was composed in response to Babylonia’s integration in the Persian Empire. The text presents itself as a self-conscious departure from the chronographic tradition by tracing the roots of Babylon’s fate to the mid-eighth century, when a triangle of power is said to have emerged between Assyria, Babylonia and Elam—a configuration that reduced the Babylonian monarch to inaction and incompetence from the very start.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Ataç, Mehmet-Ali. "The “Underworld Vision” of the Ninevite intellectual milieu". Iraq 66 (2004): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001650.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

The Assyrian Netherworld is often depicted in literature as a grim “hell” whose residents are clad like birds, deprived of light, and have soil and clay as their food and sustenance. It is the land of no return, erṣet la târi, “the house which none who enters ever leaves”, reached by a “path that allows no journey back”. In addition to such a dreary “hell,” however, the Assyrian Netherworld should also be understood in its capacity as a locus of initiation to which the hero or the spiritual adept is able to pay a visit while still alive without being permanently engulfed by it, and as a result attains a superior level of consciousness, perhaps even immortality.This paper focuses on such initiatic aspects of the Netherworld. Especially two poems composed in the Standard Babylonian dialect of Akkadian, the Standard Babylonian Version of the Epic of Gilgamesh, a work long ingrained in the Mesopotamian religious consciousness, and the poem known as the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince, may be thought to shed light on this more covert perception of the Netherworld. Further, since both of these works come from “libraries” in Nineveh, they may after all be thought to reflect the way the Ninevite intellectual elite themselves perceived the Netherworld. This “Underworld Vision” of the Ninevite scholarly milieu is by no means confined to contemporary literature; it is also visible in the royal palaces of Nineveh through representations of gate-guardians, Mischwesen, that belong to that very Netherworld. Nor is this “Underworld Vision” exclusive to the Ninevite elite alone, as it is one which the latter inherited from a long-standing Mesopotamian mystical tradition. Here, however, I shall try to present a glimpse of this Netherworld from a Ninevite perspective.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Hasselbach, R. "The Affiliation of Sargonic Akkadian with Babylonian and Assyrian: New Insights Concerning the Internal Sub-Grouping of Akkadian". Journal of Semitic Studies 52, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2007): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgl035.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Droß-Krüpe, Kerstin. "Changing Identities at the Turn of the Common Era: The Case of Semiramis". Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, n.º 2 (16 de maio de 2023): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129809.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Babylon, a city of shifting identities, was a constant point of reference for the Mediterranean world. This article explores the portrayal of the Babylonian queen Semiramis in Greek and Roman sources, demonstrating how ancient Near Eastern identities were constructed from the external perspective of Mediterranean cultures. Herodotus first mentioned Semiramis in the fifth century bce, associating her with Babylon’s architectural wonders. Ctesias described her as an outstanding, but in many respects flawed military leader. In contrast, during the final stage of the Roman Republic, Diodorus Siculus reshaped Ctesias’ narrative and portrayed her more positively, emphasizing her beauty, virtues, courage, and intelligence. During the Roman Empire, Semiramis remained a remarkable figure who accomplished great deeds, but later authors introduced negative aspects to her story. The Augustan Age portrayed her negatively, with new elements added, such as sodomy and murder, and used her as a stand-in for Cleopatra. Both queens were denigrated as female rulers and foreigners, emphasizing cultural differences between Mesopotamian and Roman identities. The portrayal of Semiramis served to categorize and describe Mesopotamian culture, rather than to understand it. Ultimately, this article shows how Semiramis reflects different perceptions of Babylonia/Assyria and how her portrayal shifted over time in ancient literature, serving as part of Augustan propaganda to pass judgment on Cleopatra and emphasize cultural differences.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Zaia, Shana. "GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON". Iraq 81 (19 de julho de 2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.1.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interacted with each other as part of royal self-presentation. This paper shows that, despite Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's familial and cultural identity as an Assyrian, he presents himself as a quintessentially Babylonian king to a greater extent than any of his predecessors. To do so successfully, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn uses Babylonian motifs and titles while ignoring the Assyrian tropes his brother Ashurbanipal retains even in his Babylonian royal inscriptions.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Jas, R. M., e Simo Parpola. "Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars". Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, n.º 3 (julho de 1998): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606098.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Llop-Raduà, Jaume. "Presents in the Palace during the Middle Assyrian Period (1500–1000 BC)". Altorientalische Forschungen 48, n.º 1 (8 de junho de 2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0006.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Abstract This paper analyses the terminology for “present” and “giving a present” in the context of Middle Assyrian documents related to the palace. This terminology is specific to the genres of these texts and to the languages (Babylonian and Assyrian) used in them.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Nielsen, John. "Kings of Chaldea and Sons of Nobodies: Assyrian Engagement with Chaldea and the Emergence of Chaldean Power in Babylonia". Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, n.º 2 (30 de dezembro de 2021): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.89456.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

From the ninth century until the last quarter of the seventh century BCE, the Assyrian Empire first extended its power over Babylonia and then engaged in a prolonged effort to retain control. The patchwork nature of Babylonian society—divided as it was between the traditional urban centers, territories controlled by five distinct Chaldean tribes, and regions inhabited by Aramaean tribes—presented opportunities and challenges for Assyria as it sought to assert its dominance. Assyrian interactions with the Chaldean tribes of Babylonia redefined the Chaldeans’ place within power relationships in southern Mesopotamia. Starting in 878, Assyria first perceived Chaldean territory as distinct from what they defined as Karduniaš, the land ruled by the king of Babylon. Shalmaneser III exploited and accentuated this division by recognizing the Chaldean leaders as kings and accepting their tribute even as he concluded a treaty with the Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi I. By decentralizing power in Babylonia, Assyria was able to assert indirect control over Babylonia. However, periods of Assyrian weakness created opportunities for several Chaldeans—drawing upon the economic and military power they could muster—to claim the title of king of Babylon with all the accompanying ideological power. These new developments prompted Assyria under the Sargonids to create counter-narratives that questioned the legitimacy of Chaldeans as kings of Babylon by presenting them as strange and inimical to the Assyrian order even as Assyrian interactions with the Chaldeans improved Assyrian familiarity with them.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Weaver, Ann M. "The “Sin of Sargon” and Esarhaddon's Reconception of Sennacherib: A study in divine will, human politics and royal ideology". Iraq 66 (2004): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001649.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

According to his inscriptions, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, conquered and razed the city of Babylon in 689 BCE. Previous Neo-Assyrian monarchs had employed a variety of strategies while attempting to deal with what Machinist has dubbed their “Babylonian Problem”. None of these previous tactics, however, approached the level of violence and destruction evidenced in Sennacherib's own descriptions of this campaign. Indeed, as elaborated by Brinkman, the Neo-Assyrian court traditionally venerated Babylonian culture.Machinist's interpretation, while not dismissing the unprecedented destructiveness of Sennacherib's actions, positions these actions in the context of a larger struggle faced by all the Sargonid monarchs, the struggle of maintaining sovreignty over Babylonia while honoring its religious and cultural traditions. However, such an utter devastation of Babylon, its treatment as one of Assyria's many other de-cultured vassals, is disparate enough from the actions of Sennacherib's predecessors so as to place his son and successor, Esarhaddon, in a difficult position with respect to Babylon and the Babylonian population.Esarhaddon's decision to abandon his father's extreme tactics and adopt a primarily peaceful policy, comparable in aspects to those of the earlier Neo-Assyrian monarchs, was therefore a risky one. It is, however, a decision he stands by and justifies through many of the compositions produced during his reign. In the wake of the destruction and de-culturation in the service of Assyrian hegemony wreaked by his father, Esarhaddon designs a policy toward Babylonia based on construction and acculturation that influences and affects the cultures of both Assyria and Babylonia.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Mais fontes

Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Assyrian and Babylonian literature"

Adalı, Selim F. "Ummān-manda and its significance in the first millenium B.C". Connect to full text, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4890.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2009.
Title from title screen (viewed June 16, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Classics and Ancient History, Faculty of Arts. Includes appendices. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Yoder, Tyler R. "Fishing for Fish and Fishing for Men: Fishing Imagery in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East". The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429659752.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Brown, David Rodney. "Neo-Assyrian and neo-Babylonian planetary astronomy-astrology (747-612 B.C.)". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272269.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Wicks, Yasmina. "Bronze “Bathtub” Coffins In the Context of 8th-6th Century B.C.E. Babylonian, Assyrian and Elamite Funerary Practices". Thesis, Department of Archaeology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8893.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Central to this thesis are a small number of unique bronze “bathtub” coffins found in 8th–6th century B.C.E. Babylonian, Assyrian and Elamite burial contexts. These fascinating burial containers have not previously been subject to an in-depth analysis, but rather have been treated by archaeologists as little more than convenient receptacles for a body and numerous precious objects deemed more worthy of scholarly interest. This thesis takes the opportunity to narrow this gap in scholarship, by firstly drawing together the available evidence for the excavated coffins, investigating the method and place of their manufacture, and establishing a possible date range for their production and use. Then, to progress towards an understanding of the bronze “bathtub” coffin burials within the broader context of regional funerary practices, they are incorporated into an analysis of Neo-Babylonian, Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Elamite mortuary evidence, with a particular focus on burial typology, grave goods and burial location. The use of the bronze “bathtubs” as burial receptacles also demands that they be viewed in light of Mesopotamian and Elamite beliefs about what happens to people upon their death, and what the funerary ritual should involve. This thesis therefore explores the coffins in the context of these beliefs and then, building upon this analysis, considers possible ideological aspects of the coffins with emphasis on motifs, form and material, and why these may have been appropriate in a burial context. Underpinning this study is the principle that mortuary evidence is the product of intentional behaviour and that the bronze coffins, and indeed all burial containers, were not simply incidental to the funerary process. Instead they represent a deliberate choice by the burying group and each would have been the central feature of an emotionally and symbolically charged burial act. One feature of the bronze coffin burials that emerges throughout much of the analysis is their undeniable role in the expression, or even construction, of social rank. This role is consistent across all of the burials, which evidently belonged to individuals (or burying groups) of extremely high-status (measured by wealth). Based on the understanding that the bronze “bathtubs” were used in the construction and maintenance of socio-cultural ideology in Babylonia, Assyria and Elam, the known historical interaction between these three cultures is examined in the final section of the thesis, with a view to establishing the extent to which the coffins can be considered as belonging to a shared funerary practice.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Greenfield, Tina Lynn. "Feeding empires : the political economy of a Neo-Assyrian provincial capital through the analysis of zooarchaeological remains". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707969.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Wisnom, Laura Selena. "Intertextuality in Babylonian narrative poetry : Anzu, Enuma Elish, and Erra and Ishum". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f8bccacb-e9ea-426c-b722-13f1a536a41c.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Shuaib, Marwan Ghazi. "The Arabs of north Arabia in later pre-Islamic times : Qedar, Nebaioth, and others". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-arabs-of-north-arabia-in-later-preislamic-timesqedar-nebaioth-and-others(8b2d8db7-e913-4092-abbc-6406b5e4afda).html.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

This study discusses the history of the Arabs of north Arabia in later pre-Islamic times. This study provides an in-depth discussion of Arab ethnicity, which contributes to the improvement of our knowledge regarding this controversial issue. This study argues that the Arab nation is, in fact, a very old one of great importance, but the Arabs themselves had no consciousness of their unity and did not leave inscriptions proclaiming their identity as Arabs or claim to be the rightful proprietors of specific territories. An examination is made of the reasons behind the emergence of kingship in different communities through the course of history, in order to determine the general features of kingship. This study demonstrates that kingship in north Arabia had almost every feature of kingship as it appeared in other places. Particular attention is paid in the study to delivering a full and coherent account of the history of Qedar. Although, some scholars have tried to write the history of Qedar, their works remain fragmentary or inconsistent. Basing the examination not merely on most of the previous works, we subject those works to a comparison with the Assyrian inscriptions. By so doing, it has proved possible to critique the previous works and clarify many ambiguous issues in Qedarite history. Moreover, this study contributes to the improvement of our knowledge regarding Nebaioth and Na-ba-a-a-ti and their relationship with the Nabataeans. This study finds that the Nebaioth and Nabataeans were different, contemporary groups living during the sixth century BCE, even though the first direct and uncontested evidence of the Nabataeans of Petra comes from the late fourth century BCE, when the Nabataeans made their first clear appearance in Diodorus Siculus in connection with the expansion of the Seleucid Empire (312 BCE). The main settlement centres in north Arabia are discussed in depth in Chapter Five. This study traces the history of Tayma, Adummatu and Dedan, establishing the importance of those oases and their relationship with Mesopotamia. The discussion of those oases produces useful results, which contribute to improving our knowledge and assist in our understanding of issues relating to the history of those sites.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Crisostomo, Christain A. "Deity portrayals and basis for discord in biblical and Mesopotamian communal laments". Dallas, Tex. : Dallas Theological Seminary, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2986/tren.001-1219.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Crisostomo, Christian A. "Deity portrayals and basis for discord in biblical and Mesopotamian communal laments". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p001-1219.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

DRAGOMIR, Mihaela. "L'architettura templare neoassira e neobabilonese: analisi contestuale e interpretazione funzionale". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389058.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

The object of this thesis is, as the title indicates, the typology and the evolution of the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian temple structures, in the imperial capitals and the major provincial centers. I choose this subject because the archaeological literature has dealt only marginally the templar architecture of this period, usually only within works about the all Mesopotamian temple architecture, or even about the Mesopotamian architecture in general. It was defined a clear chronological period within which the temples was choose. So these are the temples that have been discovered, mostly, in the southern part (Babylon) and northern (Assyria) of Mesopotamia and dating back to the first millennium BC It is obvious that the main texts of reference were those written by the archaeologists who excavated the sites in question. For this reason it has been inevitable the analysis of different excavation reports and subsequent publications. Starting from this literature I have analyzed the temple architecture, not omitting, however, the historical context that has its own importance. In this work will be investigated a number of aspects of the temples. The layout of various temples will be studied and described in order to try to determine the elements or characteristics common and shared between them. Along with the layout of the buildings, the cult furnishings found in the temples will be studied, always with the aim of determining the common elements, and / or differences between the cult furniture of the various structures. The aim is to analyze the architecture of this period in relation to all the archaeological finds (decoration, inscriptions, objects and installations), as part of an organized space, with the goal of understanding the spatial organization and layout of the temples. In addition I would like to show that the temple in the first millennium BC is much more than just a place of worship. For this reason, in addition to chapters on the temples and their architecture, one will be dedicated to libraries and archives, and another to templar economy. The method of presentation will be as follows. The thesis is divided into eight chapters, plus the annexes and images. All these were then divided into two volumes; the first volume contains the eight chapters and the second for the annexes and the

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Mais fontes

Livros sobre o assunto "Assyrian and Babylonian literature"

Assyrian and Babylonian literature: Selected translations. New York: D. Appleton, 1986.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Frahm, Eckart. Babylonian and Assyrian text commentaries: Origins of interpretation. Münster: Ugarit, 2011.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Kwasman, Theodore. Neo-Assyrian legal documents in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum. Roma: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1988.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

War, peace, and empire: Justifications for war in Assyrian royal inscriptions. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1992.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

The religion of Babylonia and Assyria: Especially in its relations to Israel : five lectures. New York: Eaton and Mains, 1988.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Neo-assyrian prophecy and the Hebrew Bible: Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2011.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Assyriaca: Eine Nachlese auf dem Gebiete der Assyriologie. Boston, U.S.A: Ginn, 1986.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

D, Miller Robert. Covenant and grace in the Old Testament: Assyrian propaganda and Israelite faith. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2012.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Reiner, Erica. Your thwarts in pieces, your mooring rope cut: Poetry from Babylonia and Assyria. [Ann Arbor]: Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studies at the University of Michigan, 1985.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Museum, British. Assyrian sculpture. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1999.

Encontre o texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Mais fontes

Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Assyrian and Babylonian literature"

Livingstone, Alasdair. "Assyrian Literature". In A Companion to Assyria, 359–67. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118325216.ch19.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Worthington, Martin. "Ea’s duplicity and Babylonian/ Assyrian divination". In Ea’s Duplicity in the Gilgamesh Flood Story, 371–98. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: The ancient word: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424274-25.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Schaudig, Hanspeter. "Anger and Hatred in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions". In The Routledge Handbook of Emotions in the Ancient Near East, 631–47. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367822873-40.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Van De Mieroop, Marc. "In the Spell of Babylonian Writing". In Before and after Babel, 36—C2.P46. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197634660.003.0003.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Abstract In the early second millennium bc, the Babylonian concept of writing was the norm throughout the Near East. People with a large variety of mother tongues adopted it yet also modified it. Literate people in Syrian Mari, Iranian Susa, and the Assyrian trade colony Kaneš in central Anatolia creatively engaged with the Babylonian cosmopolitan system and adapted elements of it to respond to local needs. A political decision could alter scribal practices overnight. Third-millennium documents from Ebla in western Syria show how similar processes happened at that time and that the spread of Babylonian customs was the outcome of cultural influences rather than military control.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Van De Mieroop, Marc. "The Height of Cosmopolitanism". In Before and after Babel, 70–102. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197634660.003.0005.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Abstract In the second half of the second millennium bc, Babylonian literate cosmopolitanism was at its height with courts all over the Near East, including in Egypt, employing scribes who could write the language and the cuneiform script. Alongside it, other languages appeared, some of them written in distinct scripts. The multilingualism is extremely well documented in Hittite Hattusas, where a variety of local and translocal languages were used. The evidence on lexical materials and belles-lettres from various sites in Syria, Canaan, Elam, and Egypt shows multiple attitudes toward the Babylonian tradition but also a widespread familiarity with it. In their letter correspondence, scribes wrote a variety of contact languages, mixing local features with the cosmopolitan, but the latter held the system together. Early alphabetic scripts emerged, each one of them used in restricted areas in Syria-Palestine alone, while the use of Babylonian cuneiform to write local languages also expanded throughout the Near East. In this world Babylonia and Assyria stood out, the former under a dynasty speaking the foreign Kassite language and with little preserved evidence of literate creativity, the latter adopting Babylonia’s literate culture wholesale.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Van De Mieroop, Marc. "The Vernacular and Its Consequences". In Before and after Babel, 218—C10.P50. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197634660.003.0012.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Abstract The writings produced in the Near East and eastern Mediterranean in the first millennium bc document how many vernaculars, each with its own script, were used simultaneously and that the region was characterized by its multilingualism (a feature true throughout its history). The interactions with the cosmopolitan tradition preserved by a succession of empires (Assyrian, Babylonian, Achaemenid, Seleucid, and Parthian) show a range of attitudes that can be analyzed through a postcolonial lens as forms of resistance. For most genres of writing the switch to the vernacular required choices not only of language and script but also of the writing tools. The agents in the movement to write vernaculars were members of the courts, not the wider population, which refutes the commonly accepted idea that the alphabet triumphed in writing because it did not require a palace infrastructure to be taught. The multilingualism that often appears in inscriptions also challenges the notion that vernaculars were expressions of national identities. The rise of vernaculars in writing needs to be seen within the context of local elites in dialogue with the empires and the cosmopolitan literate tradition. Their emergence in alphabetic scripts had as consequence, albeit unintended, that the focus on the written text in epistemology was replaced by one that investigated physical reality instead.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

"CHAPTER XII. EARLY BABYLONIAN TEXTS". In Assyrian Discoveries, 223–41. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463207748-014.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Matonin, Vasiliy N., e Natalya N. Bedina. "The Fatherland Theme in the 18th Century Patriotic Discourse (On the Example of the Divine Service of Thanksgiving on the Great God-Given Victory at Poltava)". In Hermeneutics of Old Russian Literature: Issue 20, 423–75. А.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/horl.1607-6192-2021-20-423-475.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

The material for the article is the 18th century manuscript of the Divine Service of Thanksgiving… The authors discovered it in the Chequevo village of the Onega district in the Arkhangelsk region. The manuscript was kept near the books marked with Chequeo peasant library seal. The Abbot of the Solovetsky monastery, Archimandrite Ioannikiy, was one of the founders of this library. He was a native of the Polye village, which was part of the Chequevo. So it can be assumed that the manuscript came to the library from the Solovetsky monastery — the spiritual and cultural center of the Russian North. Divine Service of Thanksgiving... is a handwritten copy from the first printed edition of the solemn service, created immediately after the Russian troop’s victory in the Poltava battle in 1709. The author of the text is Archbishop Theophilactus (Lopatinsky). The history of the manuscript reveals the awareness of the Northern peasantry’s involvement in the Russia naval success and in the fate of the Fatherland. As a result of Peter’s the Great reform activities, Arkhangelsk lost its strategic importance for the state development, but the Emperor’s connection with the Northern peasantry formed an important part of the marginal self- consciousness of the Pomors. In the 18th century Patriotic discourse, the wars waged by Russia are assessed as liberating. In the text of the Service, the images of the Russian army, Tsar Peter I and the people are endowed with such characteristics as humility, smallness, infirmity, loyalty to the true faith and trust in the grace of God. The enemy image is based on comparisons with the vanity builders of the Babylon tower, arrogant Goliath, arrogant and fierce Pharaoh, thousands of Assyrian army, the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar, the traitor Judas. Researchers characterize the author of the Divine Service of Thanksgiving... as one of the most consistent zealots of Orthodoxy, a hidden opponent of Peter’s Church reforms and a passionate enemy of Protestantism. In the Russia and Sweden state ideology, there is a common trend: the protection and collection of lands around the empire center. The common language of Baroque European culture is typical for Swedish and Russian glorifications of the Northern war time. It involves the use of Parallels with biblical images, the combination game with emblematic signs, and ultimately — the search for the highest meaning of historical events. The presence of an enemy superior in numbers and power is one of the most important conditions for the peoples’ self-consciousness formation. The national power identity basis was not the economic and political might of the state, but it was the idea of protecting the Fatherland, its independence, Fatherland honor and glory. Peter’s Imperial ambitions grow organically from the Moscow kingdom ideology (“Moscow is the third Rome”), where the “goal of world history” was realized (A. Toynbee). In the 18th century Patriotic discourse, the interpretation of the war had a religious character despite the secularization of public consciousness. The Fatherland theme was based on traditional spiritual foundations implemented in the emerging Imperial ideology.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Schneider, Tammi J. "Assyrian and Babylonian Religions". In The Cambridge History of Religions in the Ancient World, 54–83. Cambridge University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cho9781139600507.005.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

"14. Babylonian and Assyrian". In The Semitic Languages, 359–96. De Gruyter Mouton, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110251586.359.

Texto completo da fonte

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Assyrian and Babylonian literature"

Leibowitz, H. W., e D. A. Owens. "The moon illusion and relevant perceptual mechanisms". In Light and Color in the Open Air. Washington, D.C.: Optica Publishing Group, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/lcoa.1990.fa1.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

The larger apparent size of the moon when viewed near the horizon as compared to its appearance at higher altitudes is perhaps the oldest perceptual phenomenon in the literature. The earliest known reference is associated with the Assyrian king Assurbanipal (668-626 B.C.). In modern times, it has been a challenging phenomenon for behavioral as well as optical scientists. A recent book illustrates the diverse approaches to this challenging phenomenon (Hershenson, 1989).

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Masetti-Rouault, Maria Grazia, e Ilaria Calini. "What do you expect from your country? From the Sumerian King List to the Last Words of Assyrian Governors, before the End". In Le château de mon père – My home my castle. University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/zcu.2023.11672-83-99.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

The idea of crisis and apocalypses, represented both as catastrophic climatic events and as social and political upheavals, do generate the collapse of every feeling of security, in all times. Since the beginning of the second millennium, Mesopotamian culture has found in the assertion of the eternal continuity of kingship a way to reassure and to convince all the members of the society - at least the urban elites, but possibly a larger audience - to trust the state and its structures. People had to believe that kingship alone could establish a permanent relationship with the gods and other forces present in the world, the final condition to obtain all was need to survive and to get security and happiness: Atrahasis' deal with Enlil after the Flood is, in our perspective, one of the turning point of the Bronze Age. However, quite soon, other literary texts show the dissatisfaction of people facing death, war, illness and social disruption, even if the deal was there. The composition of Enuma Elish was undoubtedly an effort to tell a new story of the world and of men without Floods, under the firm control of the new king of the gods, a new cosmic kingship assuring the perfect balance of history. Iron Age II literature reveals the weakness of this model. Even if the creation of the last empires seems to document the installation of a period of security, prosperity and happiness for everyone accepting to be integrated into them, the final collapse of kingship, state, and all the structures promising security was near - and people knew that. That world, suddenly emptied, appears quickly under our eyes.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Yoskovich, Avraham. "Meshamdutho and Meshumad le-Teavon: Motivation of Evil Doers in Syriac-Aramaic and Hebrew Terminological-Conceptual Traditions". In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.1-7.

Texto completo da fonte

Resumo:

Language can mirror relationships throughout and between communities, while it enables connections and separation simultaneously. Jewish and Christian communities had a close but complicated relationship in the late antique-early Islamic period in Babylon (the fertile crescent). That relationship included similar dialects of Aramaic: Jewish Babylonian Aramaic and Christian Syriac Aramaic. My study describes changes and developments in the status of an apostate (Heb. Meshumad) in the Jewish literature of late antiquity, by examining terminological variations. In this presentation, I wish to present the Syriac developments and to compare the two, in order to better conceptualize the mutual process in one terminological and conceptual case. One such case is the defining of the apostate, not only by his apparent wrong doing, but also by seeking his motivation to act. According to that model, if an evil act originated from his desire or lewdness, he should be judged in a more containing manner than if it had originated by rage or theological purpose. This was phrased in Hebrew by the words Meshumad le-Teavon â€˜apostate out of desire.â€™ The second word le-Teavon (for (his) desire), is a predicate added to the basic ancient term Meshumad, â€˜apostate.â€™ This model and new phrasing are connected mainly with Rava, who was a prominent sage who lived in 4th century CE in Mehoza, close to Ctesiphon, the capitol of the Persian Sassanian dynasty. The Syriac word Shmad is well attested, and more so since the early testimonies of Syriac literature, in different forms, connected to the semantic field of curse, ban, and excommunication. Only in sources from the 5-6th centuries CE do we find a new form of that root Meshamdotho, which suggests â€˜lewdness,â€™ â€˜to be wanton.â€™ The new form changes the focus of the root from describing the wrongdoing and its social implication to describing the manner of doing, maybe even to the motive for his or her behavior. My presentation will raise the question of the connection between those almost parallel changes. Are they related to one another? In what way? What is similar and what are the differences? Can we explain the reason for raising a new paradigm in communal defining the apostates and wrong doers? I will examine some sources, Jewish and Christian, that relate to those terms and ideas.

Estilos ABNT, Harvard, Vancouver, APA, etc.

Oferecemos descontos em todos os planos premium para autores cujas obras estão incluídas em seleções literárias temáticas. Contate-nos para obter um código promocional único!