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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement"

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Wu, Chien-Huei. "Brexit in the Eyes of East: How Will It Reshape EU/UK Trade Relations with East Asia?" European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 3 (1 de setembro de 2020): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020028.

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Brexit reshapes not only the EU-UK relations but also impact their trade relations with Asia. This article explores possible directions of EU/UK trade relations with Asia, covering free trade agreements, bilateral investment treaty and the UK’s potential participation in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). This article argues that a sense of competitive liberalization motivates their pursuit for trade opportunities with East Asia. The EU has to prove its continuous relevance in the international economic relations as the Brexiters allege it as a constraint for the UK to pursue active and flexible trade relations. In contrast, the UK has to fulfill its promise of Global Britain by delivering measurable progress in trade negotiations instead of renegotiating back what it has already enjoyed under the EU free trade agreements (FTAs). Brexit, Global Europe, Global Britain, Free Trade Agreement, Bilateral Investment Treaty, Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-pacific Partnership, populism, disintegration
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Chia, Siow Yue. "The Emerging Regional Economic Integration Architecture in East Asia". Asian Economic Papers 12, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2013): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00179.

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This paper examines regional market integration through production networks and free trade agreements in East Asia and their attendant challenges and issues. It examines progress in the ASEAN Economic Community and in various ASEAN+1 free trade and economic integration agreements. It argues that there is a strong case for a region-wide agreement to maximize economic synergy and resolve emerging problems, including market fragmentation and the “noodle bowl” effect. It explores three possible paths to region-wide integration, namely, the East Asia Free Trade Area (encompassing ASEAN+3 [the People's Republic of China, Japan, and Korea]), the Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia (encompassing ASEAN+3 countries and Australia—New Zealand and India) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, currently involving nine negotiating countries in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. The paper explores the economic and political benefits and challenges of forming these three regionwide agreements.
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Czesław Kozłowski, Stanisław. "Economic and Strategic Determinants of The Trans-Pacific Partnership". Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, n.º 44 (31 de dezembro de 2014): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.06.

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This article provides an economic and political analysis of the past and current state of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) project. The TPP talks, which have been ongoing since March 2010 and now involve 12 nations (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States, and Vietnam), are aimed at lowering trade barriers across a much wider range of sectors than classical preferential trade agreements. Namely, it aims at not only removing tariffs on goods and services, but would also cover labor and the environment, intellectual property, government procurement and state- -owned enterprises. The latter are forced by the US as the cornerstone of the Obama Administration’s economic policy in the Asia Pacific. TPP is thus a vital part of a plan known as ‘Asia Pivot’ strategy and represents American attempts to re-engage Asia. If completed, TPP agreement could serve as a template for a future trade pact among 21 members of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation regional group.
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Oh, Eunjung. "Digital Trade Regulation in the Asia-Pacific: Where Does It Stand? Comparing the RCEP E-commerceChapter with the CPTPP and the JSI". Legal Issues of Economic Integration 48, Issue 4 (1 de outubro de 2021): 403–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2021032.

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Over the last two decades, the number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) including provisions on electronic commerce (e-commerce) or digital trade displayed explosive growth. This phenomenon was especially notable in the Asia-Pacific (APAC), a region that has demonstrated rapid development of e-commerce. This article provides an up-to-date review of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement, focusing on its e-commerce chapter (Chapter 12). By evaluating the change in trends and developments of APAC PTAs covering digital trade, it demonstrates where the RCEP stands. The RCEP E-Commerce chapter is compared to the one in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), to assess the scope of coverage along with points of convergence and divergence. The article also investigates the World TradeOrganization (WTO)’s Joint Statement Initiative on e-commerce (JSI) and how the provisions in the latest text being negotiated compare to the e-commerce chapters in the RCEP and CPTPP. The article assesses the RCEP’s key implications. Its core value lies on it being an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) - driven negotiation that encompasses the three digital powerhouses of Northeast Asia (China, Japan and South Korea), promoting regional economic integration by bringing together many members who did not have prior common commitments while providing a flexible approach, through variations in schedules and broad exceptions to cater for national sensitivities. Electronic Commerce, Digital Trade, Asia-Pacific, Preferential Trade Agreements, RCEP, CPTPP, World Trade Organization, Joint State Initiative on E-commerce
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Lodoidamba, Galbadrakh. "ASIA-PACIFIC FREE TRADE AGREEMENT, REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTEGRATION AND MONGOLIA". Citi Science 4, n.º 1 (20 de março de 2024): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.60167/csj/v4i1.2024.07.

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Mongolia is believed to have great potential for simultaneous integration in many fields. Our natural resources and geographical location, such as having only two neighbours, being in the middle of two large markets, and having no direct border with a third neighbour and landlocked situation, can be considered an opportunity. Mongolia's economy needs an easily accessible market to process and sell its natural resources, which are considered crucial in the near future. Interest in purchasing Mongolia's raw material wealth is not limited to the US and the EU. The most interesting sales market is that in the coming years, economic development growth will be higher than that of the USA and the EU. For us, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN countries, which are close by road and can be reached just around our "nose fence", and especially is a region that includes China. Another aspect is that Mongolia is geographically located in the centre of Northeast Asia, i.e. in the heart of it, which not only separates Russia's raw material and energy markets from China's production (China is now Russia's largest trade partner and (which is changing) is also geographically positioned as a bridge between China's industrialised northeastern provinces and the relatively less developed northwestern provinces. Of course, at the moment, Mongolia lacks the necessary funds to modernise and expand transportation and energy infrastructure. However, in the end, it leads to the conclusion that only regional integration will create significant real economic and political opportunities in the future of Mongolia.
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Xue, Hong. "The Newest UN Treaty to Facilitate Cross-Border Paperless Trade in Asia and the Pacific: An Insight Preview". Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 6 (1 de dezembro de 2017): 959–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017038.

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The Framework Agreement on Facilitation of Cross-border Paperless Trade in Asia and the Pacific (Framework Agreement) is a new United Nations (UN) treaty adopted at the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) in May 2016. It is now open for the signature of the ESCAP Member States till September 2017. As the most recent UN treaty on trade and development, the Framework Agreement will be an important development as well as a complement to the World Trade Organization Agreement on Trade Facilitation (WTO TFA), which is effective since February 2017. The Framework Agreement creates unprecedentedly the new multilateral legal framework for facilitation of crossborder paperless trade. While maintaining the balance between international trade efficiency, transparency, regulatory compliance and development stimulation, the Framework Agreement crafts the legal mechanisms to harmonize the Member States’ national paperless trade facilities through implementing a common set of the general principles and the relevant international standards and legal instruments. Most significantly, the Framework Agreement creatively enables cross-border mutual recognition of trade-related data and documents in electronic form through its institutional arrangement and supporting operational mechanisms. The Framework Agreement also provides a dedicated intergovernmental platform for capacity building and technical assistance to enable developing countries (including the least-developed countries and landlocked developing countries) to benefit from paperless trade facilitation. The Framework Agreement will open up the new possibilities for trade facilitation and is particularly important for the development of crossborder e-commerce and global digital economy. Its impact and influence will not only be felt in Asia-Pacific region but in the whole world. There has been very few substantive research on this newest treaty law. The Author who has been the primary legal advisor of UNESCAP for the initial research, drafting, negotiation and implementation of the Framework Agreement since 2011 is able to provide the insights on both the legal texts and the in-depth designs of the Agreement.
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Tomilov, Mikhail V. "Integration potential of megaregional trade agreements in Asia-Pacific Region". World of Economics and Management 20, n.º 2 (2020): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2542-0429-2020-20-2-84-103.

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Since the beginning of the XXI century, an increase in the number of new regional trade agreements has been recorded. At the same time, their quality content is changing significantly, which has led to the emergence of mega-regional trade agreements (MRTА). This process is particularly active in the fast-growing Asia-Pacific region (APR), where initiatives for the creation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Free Trade Area of Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) have emerged during this period. However, it is still difficult to assess their effectiveness in terms of obtaining potential positive economic results. The article's aim is to assess integration potential of APR MRTA within two stages. At the first stage, methods of econometric analysis were used to determine the economic proximity of their participants. At the second stage, a gravitational model of foreign trade was constructed to assess all trade barriers (tariff, non-tariff, etc.) within the group of integrating countries. Based on the results of integration potential assessment, the author defines the most promising existing multilateral integration associations in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as a hypothetical group of countries in the region, which will receive the greatest trade and economic effects as a result of integration under the assumptions adopted in the study. In addition, an approach to assessing the integration potential and determining the optimal composition of the countries participating in MRTA based on the criteria of proximity of their economic development levels and the size of trade barriers within the group is proposed, methodically justified and implemented.
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Tomilov, M. V. "Prospects for deepening of trade integration between the EAEU participants and the Asia-Pacific countries". POWER AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE EAST OF RUSSIA 92, n.º 3 (2020): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1818-4049-2020-92-3-32-43.

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Against the background of negotiations crisis within the World Trade Organization framework, as well as increasing competition in the world markets, an important element of the state's economic policy is the integration component. The Russian Federation has chosen the deepening of integration interactions within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a priority direction in this area. To improve the efficiency of trade integration, it is necessary to increase the total market size. Since the EAEU market has not yet reached the indicators of the other large integration associations (the European Union, etc.), the Union’s members need to conclude agreements with the third countries. The most interesting option in this regard is the rapidly developing Asia-Pacific region (APR). On the basis of results of the free trade agreement between the EAEU and Vietnam the article discusses the integration prospects of the Eurasian block and the Asia-Pacific countries. There are two scenarios: the conclusion of bilateral agreements with the individual regional states and negotiations with the regional integration associations. It was concluded that it is advisable to deepen the integration processes with the main trading partners in the Asia-Pacific region separately, or to conclude a general agreement with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), whose members are almost all the most important states for EAEU (in trade terms) in the region. However, in order to become a full-fledged participant in the negotiations, it is first necessary to sign such an agreement with the ASEAN countries. The results can be used in the economic model development of Russia's integration into the world system and in assessing the prospects for implementation of the national integration strategy.
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Chudinova, K. O. "THE IMPACT OF US POLICY ON ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN THE ASIA PACIFIC ON THE THRESHOLD OF THE THIRD DECADE OF THE 21ST CENTURY". International Trade and Trade Policy, n.º 2 (23 de junho de 2020): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-71-87.

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The Trump administration’s economic policy has led to increased uncertainty, disruption to global value chains, decline in trade in the Asia-Pacific region. Amid the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, revising NAFTA, imposing tariffs, decoupling from the Chinese economy, Japan, China and other economies in the Asia Pacific are trying to develop new mechanisms to increase stability in the region and protect their production networks. One way to improve the situation is to conclude intra-regional and inter-regional free trade agreements, the number of which is increasing. At present, there are two competing mega-FTA projects of China and Japan – the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. The United States is with moderate success developing its own format of a free and open Indo-Pacific, which is partly a counterbalance to the RCEP. The US also concludes bilateral agreements, such as first phases of trade deals with Japan and China. However, winning the negotiating table, the United States can seriously lose in competitiveness, as regional integration develops further and often without the participation of America.
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Tung, Genevieve. "International Trade Law and Information Policy: A Recent History". International Journal of Legal Information 42, n.º 2 (2014): 241–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500012051.

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In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”
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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement"

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Casas, González Núria. "Japan: The New Leader of Free Trade? Case-Study on Japan's Role in the CPTPP". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23288.

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This paper aims at contributing to the debate about Japan’s leadership capabilities. Lately, scholars from all around the world have referred to Japan as the “new leader of free trade”. This comes as a surprise, as the country has always been the archetype of a passive and mercantilist state. Therefore, what role is Japan playing in contemporary free trade agreements? What leadership style, if any, is the country exercising? What changes has Japanese leadership experienced in the last decades? Testing theories of this kind is challenging because there is limited information on the topic and most of it is only available in the language of the country in matter. Drawing on a case study based on the role of Japan in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership and analyzing it from Young’s framework on political leadership, this article concludes that Japan is exercising a leadership role in contemporary FTAs.
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Geffrault, Marion. "La recherche d'un équilibre entre promotion des valeurs et du libre-échange dans l'action extérieure de l'Union européenne en Asie-Pacifique". Thesis, Rennes 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020REN1G003.

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Le renouvellement et l’approfondissement des relations entre l’UE et les Etats d’Asie-pacifique, au cœur des dynamiques géoéconomiques et géopolitiques du XXIème siècle, constitue à la fois une opportunité et un défi pour l’organisation européenne, qui doit placer les valeurs au cœur de ce processus. L’UE entend s’imposer comme acteur global dont la politique étrangère serait fondée sur le respect et la promotion des valeurs fondamentales qui constituent la doctrine de son action extérieure : la gouvernance démocratique, la sécurité internationale, le développement économique, social et environnemental durable. Supports de la conditionnalité politique, les accords-cadres constituent le premier instrument de la promotion des valeurs en Asie-pacifique. Les instruments de financement de la coopération appliqués à l’Asie-pacifique font l’objet d’une programmation qui vient renforcer et compléter le contenu des accords-cadres. Ce constat doit être nuancé, au regard de la relative faiblesse de la coopération sécuritaire, et parce que la coopération paraît se focaliser sur les PED de l’ASEAN. Les accords de libre-échange conclus par l’Union européenne en Asie-pacifique sont également inclus dans le système de promotion des valeurs. D’une part, leur intégration au sein du schéma du double-accord permet d’armer la défense des valeurs par la menace de suspendre ou dénoncer leur application. Ce schéma est cependant sous-utilisé. D’autre part, les accords commerciaux conclus par l’UE assurent la promotion et la défense des normes environnementales et du travail au sein des chapitres « commerce et développement durable ». La contribution directe des ALE à la défense du développement durable inclusif est néanmoins perfectible. Si l’UE conforte en Asie-pacifique son rôle majeur dans la promotion et la défense des droits de l’homme, de la démocratie, de l’Etat de droit, ainsi que du développement durable, elle peine cependant à s’affirmer comme un acteur sécuritaire, aussi bien au sein de ses accords qu’au travers de sa coopération
The renewal and deepening of relations between the EU and Asia-Pacific, the latter being at the center of this century’s geopolitics and geoeconomics, represent challenges and opportunities for the European organization. The EU aims to establish itself as a global actor with a foreign policy grounded on the respect and promotion of fundamental values shaping its external action doctrine : democratic governance, international security, and sustainable development. Because they support political conditionality provisions, cooperation agreements appear as the first kind of instrument used by the EU to promote its values in Asia-Pacific. Through their programming, the instruments funding the Union’s cooperation are tailored in order to support and complement the cooperation agreements, albeit in a perfectible way. The free-trade agreements concluded by the EU in Asia-Pacific also play their part in promoting noncommercial values. First, they are integrated into a “double-agreement system”, in which non-respect of values promoted into cooperation agreements can lead to free-trade agreements being suspended or denounced. Second, they contain “trade and sustainable development” chapters, in which the EU aims at defending work and environmental standards. These chapters are however perfectible in their contents and effectiveness. Overall, the EU manages to bolster its role as a human rights, democracy and rule of law proponent in Asia-Pacific, as regarding sustainable development. In contrast, it struggles to assert itself as a significant security actor, in both its agreements and cooperation activities
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Huang, Hsuan-Yu, e 黃宣瑜. "A Study on Japan’s Diplomacy Strategy in Asia Pacific Region(2008-2014):A Case of Free Trade Agreement". Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/e8qqje.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
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Regional economic and trade issue has always been a popular subject in present international relations, especially some mega-FTAs that are growing in a flourishing scale in Asia-Pacific area. As one of the most important actors in Asia, Japan not only has the close relationship with the U.S. and China, but also possesses outstanding economic power. Therefore, there is no reason for Japan to be absent from the stage of the mega-FTAs. However, it seems that the regional economic interaction do not help to ease the conflicts around Japan. This situation casts doubts on whether liberalism could explain the action that a country takes in economic field. The rebalance strategy of the U.S. and the rising of China indicate that the offensive realism is still the main stream in the Asia-Pacific area and has impacted on the game of the brand new mega-FTAs nowadays. Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Japan-China-Republic of Korea FTA (JCK FTA) and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) are the mega-FTAs that are closely linked to Japan’s FTA policy. These three mega-FTAs have become a diplomatic tool for Japan to intesify its political and economic capability in Asia Pacific region. Further, using FTA as a diplomatic tool also helps Japan to enhance its international standing and prestige. In addition, acting as ‘buck-catcher’ in Asia helps Japan to strengthen the US-Japan alliance which enables Japan to compete with China and protect its own national interest. The findings in this thesis suggest that the power is still the basis of great power politics. Countries can nearly get rid of the prediction and pattern of offensive realism. The competition between the U.S. and China focuses on a wide range of aspects, which raises the tensions in Asia Pacific region. While enhancing the US-Japan relations, TPP dominates other members by high level regime and raises the tension between Japan and China. The cooperation between Japan, China and South Korea leads to the fear toward each other. In addition, three countries cannot be statisfied with the power distribution. RCEP also becomes the field which Japan and China strive for the power and leadership face to face. Accordingly, Japan now needs not only a positive and even aggressive leadership, such as Abe government, but also policies that would make an effort to the success of TPP and RCEP. The implementation of TPP and RCEP would lead to the Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific (FTAAP). Only in this circumstance could Japan ensure its national security and the national interest in this power game of the great nations.
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Livros sobre o assunto "Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement"

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Cho, Joong-Wan. The Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement: Promoting South-South regional integration and sustainable development. Bangkok, Thailand: United Nations ESCAP, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, 2016.

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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, ed. The U.S.-Singapore free trade agreement: An American perspective on power, trade, and security in the Asia Pacific. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2011.

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Pakistan Institute of Development Economics., ed. [PIDE/ESCAP/UNDP National Seminar on Networking of Trade-related Research Institutions in Asia-Pacific]. Islamabad, Pakistan: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1995.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific. The trans-pacific partnership: prospects for greater U.S trade: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, first session, March 4, 2015. Washington: U.S. Government Publishing Office, 2015.

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United Nations. Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, ed. Implications of General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) for Asia-Pacific economies: Report, studies and papers presented at a seminar held in Bangkok, 25-26 May 1998. New York: United Nations, 2000.

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Feridhanusetyawan. Preferential trade agreements in Asia-Pacific region. [Washington, D.C.]: International Monetary Fund, Policy Development and Review Dept., 2005.

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Dent, Christopher M. New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627918.

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Dent, Christopher M. New free trade agreements in the Asia-Pacific. Basingstoke [England]: Palgrave Macmillan/Economic & Social Research Council, 2006.

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1947-, Mohd Haflah Piei, e Pangestu Mari, eds. Trading with favourites: Free trade agreements in the Asia Pacific. Canberra: Australia-Japan Research Centre, 2003.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, ed. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement: Challenges and potential : joint hearing before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade and the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, second session, May 17, 2012. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2012.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement"

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Ahnlid, Anders. "The Trade Do-Gooder? Linkages in EU Free Trade Agreement Negotiations". In The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific, 201–21. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-4765-8_10.

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Dent, Christopher M. "Asia-Pacific FTAs: Country Profiles". In New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific, 63–149. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627918_2.

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Nakagawa, Junji. "Free Trade Agreements and Natural Resources". In Economics, Law, and Institutions in Asia Pacific, 185–210. Tokyo: Springer Japan, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-56426-3_8.

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Dent, Christopher M. "Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific: An Introduction". In New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific, 1–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627918_1.

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Dent, Christopher M. "New FTAs in the Asia-Pacific: Towards Lattice Regionalism?" In New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific, 203–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627918_4.

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Yamada, Atsushi. "Bilateral Trade Agreements and Human Security in Asia". In The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific, 157–74. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-4765-8_8.

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Fukunaga, Y. "Comment to Chapter “Free Trade Agreements and Natural Resources”". In Economics, Law, and Institutions in Asia Pacific, 211–18. Tokyo: Springer Japan, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-4-431-56426-3_9.

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Wan, Ming. "The Domestic Political Economy of China’s Preferential Trade Agreements". In The Political Economy of the Asia Pacific, 29–48. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-6833-3_2.

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Dent, Christopher M. "FTA Project Case Studies". In New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific, 150–202. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627918_3.

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Anuradha, R. V. "WTO to the TPP: Evolution of Environmental Provisions in Trade Agreements". In Economics, Law, and Institutions in Asia Pacific, 241–53. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6731-0_14.

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Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement"

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Imam, Muhammad, e Maddaremmeng A. Panennungi. "Conflict in the South China Sea and Exports to China Within the Asean-China Free Trade Agreement Framework". In Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities Universitas Indonesia Conference (APRISH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210531.066.

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Aathif, Nisrina Nur. "Influencing Factors of the United States Renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) under the Trump Administration". In Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities Universitas Indonesia Conference (APRISH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210531.023.

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Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement"

1

Park, Cyn-Young, Peter A. Petri e Michael G. Plummer. Economic Implications of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership for Asia and the Pacific. Asian Development Bank, outubro de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps210371-2.

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The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) presents strong potential to mold regional trade and investment patterns well into the future and to influence the direction of global economic cooperation at a challenging time. This paper evaluates the RCEP’s impact on global and regional incomes, trade, economic structure, factor returns, and employment using a computable general equilibrium model. The results suggest that the RCEP agreement could generate sizable global income gains. Together with the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement on Trans-Pacific Partnership, the RCEP will also strengthen the region’s manufacturing supply chains, raising productivity and increasing wages and employment.
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Wei, Shang-Jin, e Xinding Yu. Characterizing Regionalism in Asia: A Modern Global Supply Chain Perspective. Asian Development Bank, setembro de 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps220377-2.

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This paper quantifies economic interdependence among Asian economies and between Asia and the rest of the world using a modern global value chain decomposition framework. It shows that global value chain linkages in value-added terms across economies have grown faster than value-added linkages through final goods trade. Stronger value-added linkages between two economies tends to make it more likely for the pair to have membership in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership.
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Kuwayama, Mikio. Search for a New Partnership in Trade and Investment between Latin America and Asia-Pacific. Inter-American Development Bank, novembro de 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010390.

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Although interregional cooperation in trade and investment between Latin America and Asia-Pacific has been on the agendas of countries in both regions for some time, initiatives have been few, with meager results. The lack of tangible results is related to the economic asymmetries between the two regions and a purely inter-industrial nature of bi-regional trade. The incipient drive in bi-regional trade up to the Asian crisis was triggered by the economic boom of East Asia on the one hand, and growth recovery, economic reforms and integration, on the other. Now, coupled with the slowdown of the US economy and the standstill of Japanese economy, the sustained impulse of these factors is uncertain. The present economic relations between the two regions do not reflect the potential for interregional trade and investment that exists in an increasingly globalized world. The current low level of economic interaction, especially in the aftermath of the economic crises experienced in each region in recent years, calls for joint actions in the economic sphere. Given the embryonic stage and limited country coverage of ongoing consultations on bilateral free trade agreements, the recently created Forum for East-Asia Latin America Cooperation (FEALAC) should address the issues of market access and bi-regional economic integration, and promote concrete integration initiatives.
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Unlocking the Potential of Digital Services Trade in Asia and the Pacific. Asian Development Bank, novembro de 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/tcs220524-2.

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This book explains how rapid digitalization during COVID-19 has accelerated the growth of digital services trade in Asia and the Pacific, and provides analysis on the opportunities, challenges, and associated risks. It explores evolving trends and considers trade agreements, cybersecurity, and effective taxation. It outlines how a greater focus on developing human capital, connectivity, investment in information and communication technology, and a positive regulatory environment can help digital services thrive. By underscoring the principal drivers and policies, it aims to build a better understanding of digital services to guide policy makers as they undertake domestic reforms designed to reduce the digital divide.
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An Assessment of Rules of Origin in RCEP and ASEAN+1 Free Trade Agreements. Asian Development Bank, outubro de 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/tcs230396-2.

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This report analyzes how to detangle and simplify the complex product-specific rules of origin (PSRO) in free trade agreements in Asia and the Pacific and explores how technology can cut red tape and reduce inefficiencies impacting trade. It compares the leniency and stringency of PSROs under the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in terms of manufacturing requirements with those contained in ASEAN+1 free trade agreements. Assessing how companies could benefit from an actionable document showing convergence and leniency, it examines how RCEP can boost intra-regional trade with more with business-friendly PSROs and operational certification procedures.
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