Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Art therapy for children South Australia"

Despite efforts to scale up access to antiretroviral therapy (ART), particularly at primary health care (PHC) facilities, antiretroviral therapy (ART) continues to be out of reach formany human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)-positive children in sub-Saharan Africa. In resource limited settings decentralisation of ART is required to scale up access to essential medication. Traditionally, paediatric HIV care has been provided in tertiary care facilities which have better human and material resources, but limited accessibility in terms of distance for caregivers of HIV-positive children. The focus of this article is on the experiences of caregivers whilst accessing ART for HIV-positive children at PHC (decentralised care) facilities in Nelson Mandela Bay (NMB) in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. A qualitative, explorative, descriptive and contextual research design was used. The target population comprised caregivers of HIV-positive children. Data were collected by means of indepth individual interviews, which were thematically analysed. Guba's model was usedto ensure trustworthiness. Barriers to accessing ART at PHC clinics for HIV-positive children included personal issues, negative experiences, lack of support and finance, stigma and discrimination. The researchers recommend standardised programmes be developed and implemented in PHC clinics to assist in providing treatment, care and support for HIV positive children.

Background As financial constraints can be a barrier to accessing HIV antiretroviral therapy (ART), we argue for the removal of copayment requirements from HIV medications in South Australia. Methods: Using a simple mathematical model informed by available behavioural and biological data and reflecting the HIV epidemiology in South Australia, we calculated the expected number of new HIV transmissions caused by persons who are not currently on ART compared with transmissions for people on ART. The extra financial investment required to cover the copayments to prevent an HIV infection was compared with the treatment costs saved due to averting HIV infections. Results: It was estimated that one HIV infection is prevented per year for every 31.4 persons (median, 24.0–42.7 interquartile range (IQR)) who receive treatment. By considering the incremental change in costs and outcomes of a change in program from the current status quo, it would cost the health sector $17 860 per infection averted (median, $13 651–24 287 IQR) if ART is provided as a three-dose, three-drug combination without requirements for user-pay copayments. Conclusions: The costs of removing copayment fees for ART are less than the costs of treating extra HIV infections that would result under current conditions. Removing the copayment requirement for HIV medication would be cost-effective from a governmental perspective.

Background: Adherence to antiretroviral therapy (ART) is a principal determinant of virologic suppression. A variety of factors: including formulation of medicine, dose frequencing, drug toxicities, child’s age, as well as psychosocial, behavioral, and sociodemographic characteristics of children and caregivers have been associated with nonadherence. Still no consistent predictors of either good or poor adherence in children have been consistently identified.Methods: Data was collected from the ART Centre. Record based data from the year 2008 to 2018 April of pediatric age group i.e. from 0-18 years. All the cases registered at the center whose data were available were included for the study. Adherence was assessed calculating the average monthly consumption of ARV assessed by pill count as per NACO guidelines.Results: At the ART Centre, 139 (73.5%) were on treatment i.e. 75.7% of boys registered and 70.9% of registered girls. Average monthly adherence and treatment interruptions among the 73 children alive on ART, majority i.e. 90.4% were on good adherence with 8.2% on less than 80% adherence.Conclusions: Overall a good adherence indicates efficient functioning of the programme and determined efforts from the ART Centre.

In South Africa, abacavir (ABC) is currently recommended as part of first- and second-line antiretroviral therapy (ART) for HIV-positive paediatric patients. Concerns about overprescribing of the drug, particularly to adults, led to an analysis of ABC use in public sector ART programmes. We investigated current prescription of the drug to adults and children accessing ART in 4 public sector programmes across Gauteng Province, South Africa. ABC was almost exclusively prescribed to children initiating ART and adults requiring regimen changes due to drug toxicities. Patterns of ABC use among HIV-positive paediatric patients followed national ART treatment guidelines on the application of the drug. Although ABC is commonly used in the private sector for adults, the current national ART treatment guidelines for adults and adolescents should include ABC as an alternative to standard first- or second-line ART.

Background. Although subSaharan Africa faces the world’s largest paediatric HIV epidemic, only 1 in 4 children has access to combination antiretroviral therapy (ART). A decentralised approach to HIV care is advocated, but programmes in resource-limited settings encounter many challenges to community-initiated paediatric ART implementation. Methods. A retrospective cohort analysis of 613 children receiving ART between 2004 and 2009 was performed in seven physician-run primary healthcare (PHC) clinics in Cape Town. Baseline characteristics, serial CD4+, viral load (VL) levels and status at study closure were collected. Results. Two subgroups were identified: children who were initiated on ART in a PHC clinic (n=343) and children who were down-referred from tertiary hospitals (n=270). The numbers of children initiated on ART in PHC increased sevenfold over the study period. Down-referred children were severely ill at ART initiation, with higher VLs, lower CD4+ counts and higher rates of tuberculosis co-infection (25.3% v. 16.9%; p=0.01). Median time to virological suppression was 29 weeks in PHC-ART initiates and 44 weeks in children down-referred (p<0.0001). Children down-referred to PHC either maintained or gained virological suppression. Longitudinal cohort analysis demonstrated sustained VL suppression >80%, high rates of immune reconstitution and low mortality.Conclusions. Increasing numbers of children are initiated on ART in PHC settings and achieve comparable immunological, virological and survival outcomes, suggesting successful decentralisation of paediatric HIV care. Down-referral of children with adherence-related virological failure may assist with attainment of virological suppression and sparing use of second-line medications.

SUMMARYSouth Africa's paediatric antiretroviral therapy (ART) programme is managed using a monitoring and evaluation tool known as TIER.Net. This electronic system has several advantages over paper-based systems, allowing profiling of the paediatric ART programme over time. We analysed anonymized TIER.Net data for HIV-infected children aged <15 years who had initiated ART in a rural district of South Africa between 2005 and 2014. We performed Kaplan–Meier survival analysis to assess outcomes over time. Records of 5461 children were available for analysis; 3593 (66%) children were retained in care. Losses from the programme were higher in children initiated on treatment in more recent years (P < 0·0001) and in children aged ≤1 year at treatment initiation (P < 0·0001). For children aged <3 years, abacavir was associated with a significantly higher rate of loss from the programme compared to stavudine (hazard ratio 1·9, P < 0·001). Viral load was suppressed in 48–52% of the cohort, with no significant change over the years (P = 0·398). Analysis of TIER.Net data over time provides enhanced insights into the performance of the paediatric ART programme and highlights interventions to improve programme performance.

Background: Cardiovascular abnormalities are not much reported among human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infected children especially in Africa where there is high HIV disease. In addition, the use of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) in such children may have a protective effect on the cardiovascular system. Methods: Cross-sectional study of randomly selected eighty HIV infected and 80 aged matched non- HIV-infected chil- dren were used. HIV-infected children were on HAART for more than 5years and had steadily received the treatment for 6 months prior to the time of the tests. Heights and weights were measured and body mass index calculated. Cardiac indi- ces evaluated were heart rate (HR), PR interval, QRS duration, QT/QTC Interval, P/QRS/T Axis, RV5/SV1 voltage and RV5+SV1 voltage. Results: The average heart rate was significantly higher among HIV infected children on HAART than their non-infected counterparts (P= 0.019). At 0.05 significance level, their PR interval was significantly higher than those in the control group (P=0.050). The average QRS duration result also showed a significant difference between that of test and control subjects (P = 0.022) Conclusion: The HAART usage possibly improved the cardiovascular functioning in the infected children but the protective effects diminish with increase age and longer exposure. Keywords: HIV; cardiovascular; children; HAART.

Introduction: With the large volumes of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) positive patients in South Africa, one clinical management strategy has been to task shift. This means that previously hospi-centric HIV services have devolved to primary health care (PHC) clinics. The referral pattern is true for paediatric patients as well. With the added complexity of managing children, there was a concern in the research district that children were not being optimally managed at PHC level. Method: A quality improvement project was initiated to assess HIV-positive children’s management at PHC clinics and to implement an intervention to improve this care. Results: The initial audits of 624 children in the district revealed that only 66.6% of children had undetectable viral loads (VLs). Other poor indicators were lack of regular blood results, omission of prophylactic isoniazide (INH) and cotrimoxazole etc. Documents were disorganised and not standard across the district. The intervention sought to place the local clinic doctor as the champion in each clinic. A reorganised file was planned where all the care elements would be clearly present. Conclusion: Post intervention, it was clear that where individual doctors took on the challenge of quality improvement there were significant process changes. Results are discussed in detail. (Full text of the research articles are available online at www.medpharm.tandfonline.com/ojfp) S Afr Fam Pract 2017; DOI: 10.1080/20786190.2016.1254928

We used a grounded theory approach to explore how a sample of caregivers of children on antiretroviral treatment (ART) experience HIV disclosure to their infected children. This paper explores caregivers' barriers to disclosing HIV to infected children. Caregivers of children aged 6–13 years who were receiving ART participated in four focus-group interviews. Three main themes, caregiver readiness to tell, right time to tell, and the context of disclosure, emerged. Disclosure was delayed because caregivers had to first deal with personal fears which influenced their readiness to disclose; disclosure was also delayed because caregivers did not know how to tell. Caregivers lacked disclosure skills because they had not been trained on how to tell their children about their diagnosis, on how to talk to their children about HIV, and on how to deal with a child who reacts negatively to the disclosure. Caregivers feared that the child might tell others about the diagnosis and would be discriminated and socially rejected and that children would live in fear of death and dying. Health care providers have a critical role to play in HIV disclosure to infected children, considering the caregivers' expressed desire to be trained and prepared for the disclosure.

Antibiotic therapy may have important side effects. Guidelines recommend the administration of specific probiotics to reduce the risk of antibiotic-associated diarrhoea (AAD). The rates and determinants of antibiotics and co-prescription of probiotics in children remain poorly known in Asia-Pacific countries, which are very heterogenous in terms of economic development, health care organization and health policies. A survey among general practitioners (GPs) and paediatricians was performed in seven countries of the Asia-Pacific area (Australia, Japan, Indonesia, India, China, Singapore, and South Korea). Physicians completed an online questionnaire that explored their current habits and the determinants for prescribing antibiotics and probiotics. For the 731 physicians who completed the questionnaire (390 paediatricians and 341 GPs), 37% of all consultations for a child led to the prescription of antibiotics (ranging from 17% in Australia to 47% in India). A large majority of physicians (84%) agreed that antibiotics disrupted gut microbiota and considered probiotics an effective intervention to prevent AAD (68%). However, only 33% co-prescribed probiotics with antibiotics (ranging from 13% in Japan to 60% in South Korea). The main reasons for prescribing probiotics were previous episodes of AAD (61%), presence of diarrhoea (55%), prolonged antibiotic treatment (54%) or amoxicillin-clavulanic acid therapy (54%). Although current local guidelines recommend the use of selected probiotics in children receiving antibiotics in Asia-Pacific area, the rates of antibiotics and probiotics prescription significantly vary among countries and are deeply affected by country-related cultural and organisational issues.

Background Discussion is currently taking place among international HIV/AIDS groups around increasing HIV testing and initiating earlier use of antiretroviral therapy (ART) among people diagnosed with HIV as a method to reduce the spread of HIV. In this study, we explore the expected epidemiological impact of this strategy in a small population in which HIV transmission is predominantly confined to men who have sex with men (MSM). Methods: A deterministic mathematical transmission model was constructed to investigate the impacts of strategies that increase testing and treatment rates, and their likely potential to mitigate HIV epidemics among MSM. Our novel model distinguishes men in the population who are more easily accessible to prevention campaigns through engagement with the gay community from men who are not. This model is applied to the population of MSM in South Australia. Results: Our model-based findings suggest that increasing testing rates alone will have minimal impact on reducing the expected number of infections compared to current conditions. However, in combination with increases in treatment coverage, this strategy could lead to a 59–68% reduction in the number of HIV infections over the next 5 years. Targeting men who are socially engaged with the gay community would result in the majority of potential reductions in incidence, with only minor improvements possible by reaching all other MSM. Conclusions: Investing in strategies that will achieve higher coverage and earlier initiation of treatment to reduce infectiousness of HIV-infected individuals could be an effective strategy for reducing incidence in a population of MSM.

Background and Objective: Over the past 15 years, there have been three major updates to the South African national guidelines for the management of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) in children. The purpose of this study is to describe the clinical characteristics of children who were initiated on antiretroviral therapy (ART) in Bloemfontein, South Africa, following these national treatment guidelines. Methods: Clinical information during initiation of ART in children aged 0-13 years was obtained from five HIV clinics in Bloemfontein from 2004 to 2019 as part of the establishment of an antiretroviral (ARV) pediatric registry at the University of the Free State. Data were analyzed for patient demographics, clinical presentation (World Health Organization (WHO) HIV-staging, growth rate and comorbid conditions), types of investigations done, and medicines prescribed. Results: The number of children initiated on ART increased from 168 in the period 2004-2009 to 349 (107.8%) in 2010-2014, and then dropped to 162 in the period 2015-2019. The increase in 2010-2014 was mainly in the <2 years age group by 54.8%, and in the 5 to 10 years age group by 344.4%. In the same period, the number of children with severe illness (WHO HIV-stage 4) decreased by 20.7%, while those with mild to moderate illness (WHO HIV-stage 2 and 3) increased by 17.3%. HIV infection was more severe in children under two years as more patients in this age group presented with WHO HIV-stages 3 and 4, severe underweight (below 3rd percentile), severely suppressed CD4 count (< 25%), and a high viral load (> 1000 copies/ml). There was increased use of ABC/3TC/LPVr in the < 3-year age group and ABC/3TC/EFV in the > 3-year age group. There was reduced use of the stavudine and other regimens. Conclusion and Global Health Implications: More children were started on ART and safer ARV drugs. Children under 2 years were the most debilitated by HIV, and there was an increase in HIV prevalence among children > 5 years. New strategies for the prevention and management of HIV among children in these two age groups are needed. Copyright © 2021 Walubo et al. Published by Global Health and Education Projects, Inc. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0) which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work, first published in this journal, is properly cited.

Background:Antiretroviral Therapy(ART) remarkably reduced HIV-1 infection-related mortality in children. The efficacy and safety of different ART regimen in pediatric age groups remained issues of debates and available evidence were scarce especially among children taking the of one the two prototypes (NVP or EFV) Non-Nucleoside Reverse Transcriptase Inhibitor(NNRTI) as backbone of ART regimen.Therefore, the objective of this study was to compare clinical, immunological and virological responses of zidovudine-lamivudine-nevirapine (AZT+3TC+ NVP)versuszidovudine-lamivudine-efavirenz (AZT+3TC+EFV) ART regimen among HIV-1 infected children.Methods:A retrospective cross-sectional study was done by reviewing medical records of the patients to evaluate clinical, immunological and virological outcomes of NVP+AZT+3TCversusEFV+AZT+3TC ART regimen among HIV-1 infected children. Data were entered into Epi-info version 7.2.2 for clean up and exported to SPSS version 17 for analysis. Paired and Independent t-tests were used to compare the CD4 cell count, weight and virologic level at six months with corresponding baseline value; and the mean weight, CD4 gain and viral suppression across the two ART regimens at six months of ART respectively.Results:Medical records of 122 patients from NVP-based regimen and 61 patients from EFV group were reviewed. After six months of NVP+AZT+3TC treatment, the mean CD4 cell count difference from baseline was 215(95% CI, 175.414-245.613, p<0.001). From EFV+AZT+3TC group, the mean CD4 cell count difference from baseline was 205(95% CI 155.404-235.623, p< 0.001). The mean CD4 count difference between the two regimens was comparable (p 0.145). Similarly, optimal viral suppression was achieved in 82% (100/122) of NVP+AZT+3TC regimen and 83% (44/61) of EFV+AZT+3TC regimen which was still comparable across the two groups.Conclusion:There was no difference in clinical, immunological and virological outcomes among patients taking NVP+AZT+3TC or EFV+AZT+3TC ART regimen.

Rural families can find it difficult to access mental health treatment for children’s conduct problems. The current program was designed to provide immediate assistance to families who faced extended waiting times in the south-eastern region of South Australia. In this collaborative project, a primary care professional delivered a telephone-guided version of a clinically based parent training program (Barkley’s Defiant Children) with program support from mental health services. The 12-week trial included 29 children aged 2–12 years who were referred for disruptive behaviour, attention-deficit hyperactivity and learning difficulties. Children were randomised to either a parent training group or a waiting list control group. Parents in the training program were generally satisfied (Therapy Attitude Inventory overall rating = 4.3 measured on a 5-point Likert scale). The main behavioural measure showed significantly better outcomes for the training program (Eyberg Child Behaviour Inventory (ECBI): Intensity scale (F1,27 = 11.39, P < 0.01) and Problem scale (F1,27 = 11.64, P < 0.01). For the parent training group, the mean score for the ECBI Intensity scale was reduced from above the clinical cut-off before treatment to below the cut-off after treatment. The effect sizes were 0.45 for the ECBI Intensity scale and 0.31 for the ECBI Problem scale. This suggests that the Defiant Children parent training can be adapted successfully for use by primary care professionals.

This paper describes caregiver-reported patterns of mental health service use for 347 pre-adolescent children in foster and kinship care in New South Wales (NSW), Australia. Children’s mean time in care and mean time with their present caregivers were 4.3 and 3.3 years respectively. Forty-four percent of children received individual therapy or counselling, 45% received interventions in the form of clinical guidance for their caregivers, and 31% received both forms of service. Among children scoring in the clinical range on any CBCL sub-scale ( N = 191), equivalent rates of mental health service use were 60%, 55% and 41% respectively. Although not directly comparable, these findings describe a higher rate of service use than that reported for children in care elsewhere. While children with more complex and severe difficulties had higher rates of service use, there was no evidence of variable access for treatment of different types of disorder. Predictors of service use are reported and contrasted with previous findings. The paper considers several features of the NSW child welfare, health and education systems that may account for the relatively high rate of service use.

Some communities have peripheral zones inhabited by persons with a different culture than the majority of the general population, such as the Aboriginals in Australia, the Native Americans in the U.S. and Canada, the Eskimos in Lapland, and the Bedouins in Israel. These citizens are not receiving the same medical or rehabilitation services as the citizens of the metropolitan areas due to the fact that health and welfare programs are not adapted to their unique needs. At the Soroka University Medical Center in Beer-Sheva, Israel, the health and rehabilitation services have a very large and heterogeneous catch-up population serving most of the south of Israel. The purpose of this study was to look at the utilization and the number of appointments for child rehabilitation services by the Bedouin population compared to the general population in the south of Israel at the Zusman Child Development Center (CDC).The records of appointments to the CDC between the years 1995–1999 inclusive were studied and we randomly chose to limit the study to January, April, July, and October of each year, and randomly chose the daily records of nine therapists, three from each discipline (occuptional therapy [OT], physical therapy [PT], and speech and language therapy [SLT]). There were 8,504 appointments during these 4 months of the years 1995–1999, 2,255 of which were for Bedouin and 6,249 for Jewish children. Noncompliance with therapy appointments (NCTA) for the same period for both the Bedouins (31%) and Jewish children (26%), with a significant difference between the two populations, was noted. Of all the Jewish childrens’ appointments, the percentage of all three services was similar: 33% to PT, 38% to OT, and 29% to SLT, but for the Bedouin children, the percentage between the three services was significantly different: 62% to PT, 34% to OT, and 3% to SLT. These results seem to indicate that the Bedouin families prefer the PT and OT over the SLT. Our results enhanced the need for planning a model for supplying health services adapted to clients coming from different cultures. According to this model, we need to take into consideration the cultural differences, the accessibility to rehabilitation services, and the economical impact on the family; all in all, to give a better solution to the patient with special needs.

Background The effect of the period before a mother’s death on child survival has been assessed in only a few studies. We conducted a comparative investigation of the effect of the timing of a mother’s death on child survival up to age five years in rural South Africa. Methods We used discrete time survival analysis on data from two HIV-endemic population surveillance sites (2000–2015) to estimate a child’s risk of dying before and after their mother’s death. We tested if this relationship varied between sites and by availability of antiretroviral therapy (ART). We assessed if related adults in the household altered the effect of a mother’s death on child survival. Findings 3,618 children died from 2000–2015. The probability of a child dying began to increase in the 7–11 months prior to the mother’s death and increased markedly in the 3 months before (2000–2003 relative risk = 22.2, 95% CI = 14.2–34.6) and 3 months following her death (2000–2003 RR = 20.1; CI = 10.3–39.4). This increased risk pattern was evident at both sites. The pattern attenuated with ART availability but remained even with availability at both sites. The father and maternal grandmother in the household lowered children’s mortality risk independent of the association between timing of mother and child mortality. Conclusions The persistence of elevated mortality risk both before and after the mother’s death for children of different ages suggests that absence of maternal care and abrupt breastfeeding cessation might be crucial risk factors. Formative research is needed to understand the circumstances for children when a mother is very ill or dies, and behavioral and other risk factors that increase both the mother and child’s risk of dying. Identifying families when a mother is very ill and implementing training and support strategies for other members of the household are urgently needed to reduce preventable child mortality.

IntroductionChildren with cerebral palsy (CP) participate in leisure-time physical activities (PA) less often, with less intensity and reduced diversity than their typically developing peers. Participation in leisure-time physical activities may be an important source of habitual physical activity (HPA) for children with CP, who as a group have lower levels of HPA and increased sedentary time compared with their typically developing peers. The proposed study aims to compare the efficacy of a participation focused therapy (ParticiPAte CP) to usual care in a pragmatic, randomised waitlist controlled trial.Methods and analysisThirty-six children with CP (18 in each group), classified as Gross Motor Function Classification System levels I to III, aged between 8 and 12 years will be recruited across South East Queensland, Australia. Children will be randomised to receive either ParticiPAte CP or waitlist usual care using concealed allocation. ParticiPAte CP is an individually tailored, goal-directed intervention model of pragmatic participation-focused therapy using a toolbox of evidence-based strategies in the treatment of children with CP. This will include goal-setting; identification of barriers and facilitators to participation goals, strategy formation and planning and communication guided by principles of Self-Determination Theory using strategies of Motivational Interviewing. The intervention comprises 8 weekly sessions of 1 hour duration conducted by a physiotherapist in the child's home or community.Trial registration numberACTRN12615001064594.

The objective of this study was to investigate stakeholders’ views on the feasibility and acceptability of a pilot speech pathology teletherapy program for children attending schools in rural New South Wales, Australia. Nine children received speech pathology sessions delivered via Adobe Connect® web-conferencing software. During semi-structured interviews, school principals (n = 3), therapy facilitators (n = 7), and parents (n = 6) described factors that promoted or threatened the program’s feasibility and acceptability. Themes were categorised according to whether they related to (a) the use of technology; (b) the school-based nature of the program; or (c) the combination of using technology with a school-based program. Despite frequent reports of difficulties with technology, teletherapy delivery of speech pathology services in schools was highly acceptable to stakeholders. However, the use of technology within a school environment increased the complexities of service delivery. Service providers should pay careful attention to planning processes and lines of communication in order to promote efficiency and acceptability of teletherapy programs.

SUMMARYAims - To examine earlier uses and abuses of artworks by individuals living with severe mental illnesses, and particularly schizophrenia by both the psychiatric and arts communities and prevailing stereotypes associated with such practices. Further, to explore alternative constructions of the artworks and roles of the artist with schizophrenia and other severe mental illnesses, which may be more consistent with amore contemporary recovery orientation, encompassing their potentials for empowerment, social inclusion as citizens and legitimacy of their cultural role in the community. Results - Earlier practices with regardto the artworks of captive patients of psychiatrists, psychotherapists, art therapists, occupational and diversional therapists, often emphasised diagnostic or interpretive purposes, or were used to gauge progress or exemplify particular syndromes. As artists and art historians began to take an interest in such artworks, they emphasised their expressive, communicative and aesthetic aspects, sometimes in relation to primitive art. These efforts to ascribe value to these works, while well-meaning, were sometimes patronising and vulnerable to perversion by totalitarian regimes, which portrayed them as degenerate art, often alongside the works of mainstream modernist artists. This has culminated in revelations that the most prominent European collection of psychiatric art still contains, and appears to have only started to acknowledge since these revelations, unattributed works by hospital patients who were exterminated in the so-called “euthanasia” program in the Nazi era. Conclusions - Terms like Psychiatric Art, Art Therapy, Art Brut and Outsider Art may be vulnerable to abuse and are a poor fit with the aspirations of artists living with severe mental illnesses, who are increasingly exercising their rights to live and work freely, without being captive, or having others controlling their lives, or mediating and interpreting their works. They sometimes do not mind living voluntarily marginal lives as artists, but they prefer to live as citizens, without being involuntarily marginalised by stigma. They also prefer to live with culturally valued roles which are recognised as legitimate in the community, where they are also more likely to heal and recover.Declaration of Interest: This paper was completed during a Visiting Fellowship, Department of Social Medicine, School of Public Health, & Department of Medical Anthropology, Faculty of Arts & Sciences, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass, USA. A condensed version of this paper is published in “For Matthew & Others: Journeys with Schizophrenia”, Dysart, D, Fenner, F, Loxley, A, eds. Sydney, University of New South Wales Press in conjunction with Campbelltown Arts Centre & Joan Sutherland Performing Arts Centre, Penrith, 2006, to accompany with a large exhibition of the same name, with symposia & performances, atseveral public art galleries in Sydney & Melbourne, Australia. The author is also a printmaker, partly trained at Ruskin School, Oxford, Central St. Martin's School, London, and College of Fine Arts, University of New South Wales, Sydney.

The etiology of multifactorial morbidities such as undernutrition and anemia in children living with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (HIV+) on antiretroviral therapy (ART) is poorly understood. Our objective was to examine associations of HIV and iron status with nutritional and inflammatory status, anemia, and dietary intake in school-aged South African children. Using a two-way factorial case-control design, we compared four groups of 8 to 13-year-old South African schoolchildren: (1) HIV+ and low iron stores (inflammation-unadjusted serum ferritin ≤ 40 µg/L), n = 43; (2) HIV+ and iron sufficient non-anemic (inflammation-unadjusted serum ferritin > 40 µg/L, hemoglobin ≥ 115 g/L), n = 41; (3) children without HIV (HIV-ve) and low iron stores, n = 45; and (4) HIV-ve and iron sufficient non-anemic, n = 45. We assessed height, weight, plasma ferritin (PF), soluble transferrin receptor (sTfR), plasma retinol-binding protein, plasma zinc, C-reactive protein (CRP), α-1-acid glycoprotein (AGP), hemoglobin, mean corpuscular volume, and selected nutrient intakes. Both HIV and low iron stores were associated with lower height-for-age Z-scores (HAZ, p < 0.001 and p = 0.02, respectively), while both HIV and sufficient iron stores were associated with significantly higher CRP and AGP concentrations. HIV+ children with low iron stores had significantly lower HAZ, significantly higher sTfR concentrations, and significantly higher prevalence of subclinical inflammation (CRP 0.05 to 4.99 mg/L) (54%) than both HIV-ve groups. HIV was associated with 2.5-fold higher odds of iron deficient erythropoiesis (sTfR > 8.3 mg/L) (95% CI: 1.03–5.8, p = 0.04), 2.7-fold higher odds of subclinical inflammation (95% CI: 1.4–5.3, p = 0.004), and 12-fold higher odds of macrocytosis (95% CI: 6–27, p < 0.001). Compared to HIV-ve counterparts, HIV+ children reported significantly lower daily intake of animal protein, muscle protein, heme iron, calcium, riboflavin, and vitamin B12, and significantly higher proportions of HIV+ children did not meet vitamin A and fiber requirements. Compared to iron sufficient non-anemic counterparts, children with low iron stores reported significantly higher daily intake of plant protein, lower daily intake of vitamin A, and lower proportions of inadequate fiber intake. Along with best treatment practices for HIV, optimizing dietary intake in HIV+ children could improve nutritional status and anemia in this vulnerable population. This study was registered at clinicaltrials.gov as NCT03572010.

Abstract Background: In pediatric arterial ischemic stroke (AIS) clinical treatment trials are lacking and treatment practices variable. Factors determining treatment selection and outcomes are important to delineate. Objective: We aimed to (1) describe acute treatments and outcomes in childhood AIS, and (2) test putative variables for treatment selection, and outcome in a prospective-retrospective multicenter international study. Methods: We evaluated treatments and early outcomes of children enrolled in the International Pediatric Stroke Study with AIS diagnosed at &gt;28 days and &lt;18 years of age from 2003 to 2007. Putative predictor variables for antithrombotic treatment selection included age, clinical AIS subtypes, geographic region (Asia, Australia, Canada, Europe, South America, and U.S.), and diagnosis pre- versus post-2004 (when pediatric AIS guidelines published). Results: Among 676 children with acute AIS, anticonvulsants and antibiotics were administered acutely in 57% and 40%, respectively; use of each decreased with age (P&lt;0.001). Acute anticoagulants (AAC; with/without concomitant anti-platelet therapy) were selected more frequently than either acute anti-platelet agents (AAP) alone or no acute antithrombotic treatment (NAAT) (43% AAC vs. 28% AAP alone and 29% NAAT). NAAT decreased with increasing age. AAC was most frequent in cerebral/cervical arterial dissection (n=52; 75% AAC vs. 6% AAP) and least frequent with moyamoya syndrome (n=72; 31% AC vs. 43% AAP). AAC was most common in Europe and Canada, AAC vs. AAP relatively balanced in the U.S., and AAP most common in Asia and South America. AAC use was similar pre- versus post-2004. At hospital discharge 71% had neurological deficits independent of age, subtype, or geographical region. Mortality at discharge was 3%. Conclusions: Acute anticoagulation is frequently but not uniformly employed in childhood AIS. With current treatment, the prevalence of neurological deficit at hospital discharge is high. These findings reflect disparity in published guidelines and highlight the need for clinical trials to reduce adverse outcomes. Figure 1. Acute antithrombotic therapy in childhood AIS, by geographic region. Figure 1. Acute antithrombotic therapy in childhood AIS, by geographic region.

Background: The lack of representative data on causes of death in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) hampers our understanding of the regional burden of HIV and impact of interventions. In spite of the roll-out of antiretroviral therapy (ART) programs, HIV-infected individuals are still dying from complications of AIDS in SSA. We reviewed autopsy findings in SSA to observe whether the prevalence of 14 AIDS-defining illnesses changed from the pre-ART era to the post-ART era. Methods: We conducted a systematic review of autopsy findings in SSA using Medline, CINAHL, Evidence Based Medicine, EMBASE, Scopus, Web of Science, and abstracts from the Conference on Retroviruses and Opportunistic Infections, for literature published between January 1, 1990 and September 30, 2018. We focused on 14 AIDS-defining illnesses as causes of death. Results: In total, 33 studies were identified, including 9 from South Africa, 4 from the Ivory Coast, and the rest from eastern regions of sub-Saharan Africa. Of these, 18 studies were included in the meta-analyses for each of the AIDS-defining illnesses for adults. A ‘mixed group’ of studies that included adults and children was used for separate meta-analyses. Most opportunistic infections (OIs) showed a decrease in prevalence, with the notable exception of tuberculosis (TB), which showed a 13% increase in adult deaths and a 5% increase in mixed population group deaths. Kaposi’s sarcoma and non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma both showed a notable increase in prevalence, and liver disease showed a 10% increase in prevalence in the adult group. Conclusions: Even though ART has reduced the contribution of OIs to causes of death for people infected with HIV in SSA, targeted and strategic efforts are needed in order to strengthen existing prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of TB. More research is required to understand the complex role ARTs have on liver and kidney diseases.

Abstract Background Human immunodeficiency virus/ acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) constitutes a major global public health concern. There are an estimated 237,000 people living with HIV in Myanmar with prevalence of 0.57%, the fourth highest in South East Asia region. Specialist Hospital Waibargi (SHW) is one of the 3 main hospitals in Myanmar for HIV care and support with a cohort of nearly 2000 patients. This study was performed in SHW to evaluate the pattern and hospital outcome of various opportunistic infections (OI) in HIV-infected patients which are the principal cause of morbidity and mortality. Methods We conducted a retrospective records review study involving 370 HIV-infected patients hospitalized from October 2018 to September 2019 (1-year period). Disseminated tuberculosis (TB) was defined by concurrent involvement in at least two noncontiguous organs or miliary TB in a chest radiograph. Suggested Mycobacterium avium complex (MAC) was defined by the presence of prolonged fever not responding to anti-TB treatment and presence of generalized lymphadenopathy, hepatosplenomegaly, and pancytopenia in patients with CD4 &lt;50 cells/mm3. Invasive fungal infection was defined by the presence of diffuse infiltrates on chest radiograph and/or generalized lymphadenopathy, hepatosplenomegaly, and pancytopenia with a response to antifungal therapy. Frequencies of individual OI were expressed as percentages. Results Among 370 patients, antiretroviral therapy (ART) was initiated in 150 patients during admission, 153 patients were already on ART (first-line/second-line/third-line/ default and restart patients), 67 were about to be initiated at a follow-up visit and 9 were defaulters. The mean age was 38.2 ± 11 years, 224 male and 146 female patients were admitted (ratio 1.5:1). Mean CD4 is 111 cells/mm3 (range 4–627 cells/mm3). In total, 322 patients (87%) had CD4 &lt;350 cells/mm3. A total of 823 OI occurred in 370 patients. One hundred and twenty-nine patients had ≥ 2 OI. Among 823 episodes, pulmonary TB accounted 32.8% (270 patients) with 13% confirmed cases including 12 multi-drug-resistant cases. Extrapulmonary TB was 22% including 48 TB meningitis cases. Disseminated TB was found in 15.3%. The rest were sepsis (19.6%), acute gastroenteritis (4%), cryptococcal meningitis/cryptococcaemia (3%), Pneumocystis jiroveci pneumonia (PCP) (3.2%), skin fungal infection (4%), invasive fungal infection (4%), esophageal candidiasis (2.3%), Cytomegalovirus retinitis (0.6%), suggested MAC (1.7%), cerebral toxoplasmosis (0.7%), progressive multifocal leukoencephalopathy (0.8%), encephalitis (0.7%), Herpes zoster infection (0.6%). Eighty-six hospitalized patients died with a mortality rate of 23.2% mostly due to disseminated TB or fungal infection, PCP, sepsis, cryptococcal meningitis, and immune reconstitution inflammatory syndrome. The mean duration of hospitalization was 14 ± 11 days. Sixteen children (age 12–22 years) with CD4 &lt;350 cells/mm3 were included, half were infected congenitally and mortality was 50% mostly due to disseminated TB and sepsis. Conclusion Even in the test and treat era of ART, most HIV-infected patients in the study were late presenters with advanced disease. It highlights the importance of increasing testing awareness in the community and eliminating mother to child transmission. TB was the commonest OI among HIV-infected patients and early TB diagnosis, anti-TB treatment, good adherence, and latent TB prophylaxis are the major tools to improve HIV/TB-related morbidity and mortality.

Introduction: Anemia affects a third of the world's population with the heaviest burden borne by women and children. Anemia leads to preventable impaired development in children, as well as high morbidity and early mortality among sufferers. Inherited hemoglobin (Hb) disorders, such as sickle cell disease (SCD), are associated with chronic hemolytic anemia causing high morbidity and mortality. Anemia and SCD are inherently associated and are both prevalent in the same regions of the world including sub-Saharan Africa, India, and south-east Asia. Anemia and SCD-related complications can be mitigated by screening, early diagnosis followed by timely intervention. Anemia treatment depends on the accurate characterization of the cause, such as inherited Hb disorders. Meanwhile, Hb disorders or SCD treatments, such as hydroxyurea therapy, requires close monitoring of blood Hb level and the patient's anemia status over time. As a result, it is crucially important to perform integrated detection and monitoring of blood Hb level, anemia status, and Hb variants, especially in areas where anemia and inherited Hb disorders are the most prevalent. Blood Hb level (in g/dL) is used as the main indicator of anemia, while the presence of Hb variants (e.g., sickle Hb or HbS) in blood is the primary indicator of an inherited disorder. The current clinical standards for anemia testing and Hb variant identification are complete blood count (CBC) and High-Performance Liquid Chromatography (HPLC), respectively. State-of-the-art laboratory infrastructure and trained personnel are required for these laboratory tests. However, these resources are typically scarce in low- and middle-income countries, where anemia and Hb disorders are the most prevalent. As a result, there is a dire need for high accuracy portable point-of-care (POC) devices to perform integrated anemia and Hb variant tests with affordable cost and high throughput. Methods: In 2019, the World Health Organization (WHO) listed Hb electrophoresis as an essential in vitro diagnostic (IVD) technology for diagnosing SCD and sickle cell trait. We have leveraged the common Hb electrophoresis method and developed a POC microchip electrophoresis test, Hemoglobin Variant/Anemia (HbVA). This technology is being commercialized under the product name "Gazelle" by Hemex Health Inc. for Hb variant identification with integrated anemia detection (Fig. 1A&B). We hypothesized that computer vision and deep learning will enhance the accuracy and reproducibility of blood Hb level prediction and anemia detection in cellulose acetate based Hb electrophoresis, which is a clinical standard test for Hb variant screening and diagnosis worldwide (Fig. 1C). To test this hypothesis, we integrated, for the first time, a new, computer vision and artificial neural network (ANN) based deep learning imaging and data analysis algorithm, to Hb electrophoresis. Here, we show the feasibility of this new, computer vision and deep learning enabled diagnostic approach via testing of 46 subjects, including individuals with anemia and homozygous (HbSS) or heterozygous (HbSC or Sβ-thalassemia) SCD. Results and Discussion: HbVA computer vision tracked the electrophoresis process real-time and the deep learning neural network algorithm determined Hb levels which demonstrated significant correlation with a Pearson Correlation Coefficient of 0.95 compared to the results of reference standard CBC (Fig.1D). Furthermore, HbVA demonstrated high reproducibly with a mean absolute error of 0.55 g/dL and a bias of -0.10 g/dL (95% limits of agreement: 1.5 g/dL) according to Bland-Altman analysis (Fig. 1E). Anemia determination was achieved with 100% sensitivity and 92.3% specificity with a receiver operating characteristic area under the curve (AUC) of 0.99 (Fig. 1F). Within the same test, subjects with SCD were identified with 100% sensitivity and specificity (Fig. 1G). Overall, the results suggested that computer vision and deep learning methods can be used to extract new information from Hb electrophoresis, enabling, for the first time, reproducible, accurate, and integrated blood Hb level prediction, anemia detection, and Hb variant identification in a single affordable test at the POC. Disclosures An: Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties. Hasan:Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties. Ahuja:Genentech: Consultancy; Sanofi-Genzyme: Consultancy; XaTec Inc.: Consultancy; XaTec Inc.: Research Funding; XaTec Inc.: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Genentech: Honoraria; Sanofi-Genzyme: Honoraria. Little:GBT: Research Funding; Bluebird Bio: Research Funding; BioChip Labs: Patents & Royalties: SCD Biochip (patent, no royalties); Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties: Microfluidic electropheresis (patent, no royalties); NHLBI: Research Funding; GBT: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Gurkan:Hemex Health, Inc.: Consultancy, Current Employment, Patents & Royalties, Research Funding; BioChip Labs: Patents & Royalties; Xatek Inc.: Patents & Royalties; Dx Now Inc.: Patents & Royalties.

Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. Acknowledgements We want to acknowledge our GCSL cohort of school leaders who have supported us in the development of Kanne Lobal as a conceptual framework. A huge kommol tata to our friends: Joana, Rosana, Loretta, Jellan, Alvin, Ellice, Rolando, Stephen, and Alan. References Benson, C. (2002). Preface. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. Benson (Eds.), Tree of Opportunity: re-thinking Pacific Education (p. iv). Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific, Institute of Education. Bessarab, D., Ng’andu, B. (2010). Yarning about yarning as a legitimate method in indigenous research. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies, 3(1), 37-50. Fa’avae, D., Jones, A., & Manu’atu, L. (2016). Talanoa’i ‘a e talanoa - talking about talanoa: Some dilemmas of a novice researcher. AlterNative: An Indigenous Journal of Indigenous Peoples,12(2),138-150. Heine, H. C. (2002). A Marshall Islands perspective. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. 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Background: The human immunodeficiency virus and/or acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) pandemic continues to increase in prevalence worldwide, particularly in South Africa, and includes the often overlooked paediatric population. The provision of paediatric antiretroviral treatment (ART) is as essential for children as for adults, and has numerous obstacles, not least of which is lack of decentralisation of facilities to provide essential treatment. Optimising ART, care and support for HIV-positive children, and their caregivers, at public sector primary health care (PHC) clinics is crucial to improve morbidity and mortality rates in children.Aim: To explore the experiences of health care professionals regarding the provision of ART for children at PHC clinics.Setting: The study was conducted in six PHC clinics in Nelson Mandela Bay Health District, Eastern Cape, South Africa.Methodology: The researchers used a qualitative, explorative, descriptive and contextual research design with in-depth interviews. We used non-probability purposive sampling. Data collected were thematically analysed using Creswell’s data analysis spiral. We used Lincoln and Guba’s model to ensure trustworthiness. Ethical standards were applied.Results: Health care professionals experienced numerous challenges, such as lack of resources, need for training, mentoring and debriefing, all related to providing decentralised ART for HIV-positive children at the PHC level.Conclusion: Capacitation of the health care system, integration of services, competent management and visionary leadership to invoke a collaborative interdisciplinary team approach is required to ensure that HIV is treated as a chronic disease at the PHC clinic level.

Abstract Background Children living with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (CLHIV) receiving antiretroviral therapy (ART) in resource-limited settings are susceptible to high rates of acquired HIV drug resistance (HIVDR), but few studies include children initiating age-appropriate World Health Organization (WHO)-recommended first-line regimens. We report data from a cohort of ART-naive South African children who initiated first-line ART. Methods ART-eligible CLHIV aged 0–12 years were enrolled from 2012 to 2014 at 5 public South African facilities and were followed for up to 24 months. Enrolled CLHIV received standard-of-care WHO-recommended first-line ART. At the final study visit, a dried blood spot sample was obtained for viral load and genotypic resistance testing. Results Among 72 successfully genotyped CLHIV, 49 (68.1%) received ABC/3TC/LPV/r, and 23 (31.9%) received ABC/3TC/EFV. All but 2 children on ABC/3TC/LPV/r were &lt;3 years, and all CLHIV on ABC/3TC/EFV were ≥3 years. Overall, 80.6% (58/72) had at least one drug resistance mutation (DRM). DRMs to nonnucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitors (NNRTIs) and nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitors (NRTIs) were found among 65% and 51% of all CLHIV, respectively, with no statistical difference by ART regimen. More CLHIV on ABC/3TC/EFV, 47.8% (11/23), were found to have 0 or only 1 effective antiretroviral drug remaining in their current regimen compared to 8.2% (4/49) on ABC/3TC/LPV/r. Conclusions High levels of NNRTI and NRTI DRMs among CLHIV receiving ABC/3TC/LPV/r suggests a lasting impact of failed mother-to-child transmission interventions on DRMs. However, drug susceptibility analysis reveals that CLHIV with detectable viremia on ABC/3TC/LPV/r are more likely to have maintained at least 2 effective agents on their current HIV regimen than those on ABC/3TC/EFV.

Background: The increasing access to antiretroviral therapy (ART) and survival of HIV- infected children has posed challenges to caregivers on disclosing the HIV diagnosis to children. Objectives: The objectives of this study was to determine the reasons of caregivers for the disclosure and non-disclosure of the HIV diagnosis to children on ART and to determine the caregivers’ perceptions of children’s reaction to disclosure. Method: A cross-sectional study was conducted amongst 149 caregivers of children between 4–17 years who receive ART from a district hospital in South Africa. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used in the analysis of data. Results: The prevalence of disclosure was 40% and the mean age of disclosure was 9.3 years. Reasons for disclosure included that the child was not adhering to treatment (n = 59; 39%); the child was consistently asking questions about the treatment and nature of the disease (n = 59; 39%). Reasons for non-disclosure were that the child was too young (n = 90; 72%); the child would tell others about diagnosis (n = 90; 21.1%); the child would be socially rejected (n = 90; 18.6%); fear of negative consequences for the child (n = 90; 13.3%); and caregivers do not know how to tell or approach disclosure (n = 90; 8.9%). Conclusion: Caregivers disclosed the diagnosis so that their child would adhere to ART medication; non-disclosing caregivers delayed disclosure because their children were too young to understand the HIV diagnosis. Disclosure of HIV to children should be integrated into regular discussions with caregivers of children in ART settings to improve their knowledge and skills to manage disclosure.

Abstract Provision of high-quality care and ensuring retention of children on antiretroviral therapy (ART) are essential to reduce human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)-associated morbidity and mortality. Virological non-suppression (≥1000 viral copies/ml) is an indication of suboptimal HIV care and support. This retrospective cohort study included ART-naïve children who initiated first-line ART between July 2015 and August 2017 in Johannesburg and rural Mopani district. Of 2739 children started on ART, 29.5% (807/2739) were lost to care at the point of analysis in August 2018. Among retained children, overall virological non-suppression was 30.2% (469/1554). Virological non-suppression was associated with higher loss to care 30.3% (229/755) compared with suppressed children (9.7%, 136/1399, P < 0.001). Receiving treatment in Mopani was associated with virological non-suppression in children under 5 years (adjusted odds ratio (aOR) 1.7 (95% confidence interval (CI) 1.1–2.4), 5–9 years (aOR 1.8 (1.1–3.0)) and 10–14 years (aOR 1.9 (1.2–2.8)). Virological non-suppression was associated with lower CD4 count in children 5–9 years (aOR 2.1 (1.1–4.1)) and 10–14 years (aOR 2.1 (1.2–3.8)). Additional factors included a shorter time on ART (<5 years aOR 1.8–3.7 (1.3–8.2)), and male gender (5–9 years, aOR1.5 (1.01–2.3)), and receiving cotrimoxazole prophylaxis (10–14 years aOR 2.0 (1.2–3.6)). In conclusion, virological non-suppression is a factor of subsequent programme loss in both regions, and factors affecting the quality of care need to be addressed to achieve the third UNAIDS 90 in paediatric HIV.

Abstract Background The NEVEREST-3 (South Africa) and MONOD-ANRS-12206 (Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso) randomized trials found that switching to efavirenz (EFV) in human immunodeficiency virus–infected children &gt;3 years old who were virologically suppressed by ritonavir-boosted lopinavir (LPV/r) was noninferior to continuing o LPV/r. We evaluated the cost-effectiveness of this strategy using the Cost-Effectiveness of Preventing AIDS Complications–Pediatric model. Methods We examined 3 strategies in South African children aged ≥3 years who were virologically suppressed by LPV/r: (1) continued LPV/r, even in case of virologic failure, without second-line regimens; continued on LPV/r with second-line option after observed virologic failure; and preemptive switch to EFV-based antiretroviral therapy (ART), with return to LPV/r after observed virologic failure. We derived data on 24-week suppression (&lt;1000 copies/mL) after a switch to EFV (98.4%) and the subsequent risk of virologic failure (LPV/r, 0.23%/mo; EFV, 0.15%/mo) from NEVEREST-3 data; we obtained ART costs (LPV/r, $6–$20/mo; EFV, $3–$6/mo) from published sources. We projected discounted life expectancy (LE) and lifetime costs per person. A secondary analysis used data from MONOD-ANRS-12206 in Côte d’Ivoire. Results Continued LPV/r led to the shortest LE (18.2 years) and the highest per-person lifetime cost ($19 470). LPV/r with second-line option increased LE (19.9 years) and decreased per-person lifetime costs($16 070). Switching led to the longest LE (20.4 years) and the lowest per-person lifetime cost ($15 240); this strategy was cost saving under plausible variations in key parameters. Using MONOD-ANRS-12206 data in Côte d’Ivoire, the Switch strategy remained cost saving only compared with continued LPV/r, but the LPV/r with second-line option strategy was cost-effective compared with switching. Conclusion For children ≥3 years old and virologically suppressed by LPV/r-based ART, preemptive switching to EFV can improve long-term clinical outcomes and be cost saving. Clinical Trials Registration NCT01127204

Abstract Background A large number of HIV-infected children continue to die despite reported scale-up of paediatric HIV services. Aim The trend in attrition among children enrolled in an anti-retroviral therapy (ART) programme was evaluated. Methods This was a retrospective review of children enrolled into NAUTH ART programme between 2003 and 2019. Results 1114 children < 15 years at enrolment were studied. The male: female ratio was 1:1 while median age at enrolment was 4.3 years. About two-thirds had WHO stage 3 or 4 disease at enrolment. The rate of loss to follow-up (LTFU) and death were 41.0 and 8.4%, respectively, with overall attrition incidence of 108/1000PY. Despite the downward trend, spikes occurred among those enrolled in 2008 to 2011 and in 2017. The trend in 6-, 12-, 24- and 36-months attrition varied similarly with overall rates being 20.4, 27.7, 34.3 and 37.3%, respectively. Among those on ART, > 50% of attrition was recorded within 6 months of care. Advanced WHO stage, young age, non-initiation on ART or period of enrolment (P < 0.001), and caregiver (p = 0.026) were associated with attrition in bivariate analysis. Apart from caregiver category, these factors remained significant in multivariate analysis. Most LTFU could not be reached on phone. Among those contacted, common reasons for being lost to follow-up were financial constraints, caregiver loss, claim to divine healing, family disharmony/child custody issues and relocation of family/child. Conclusion/recommendation Attrition rate was high and was mostly due to LTFU. Predictors of attrition were late presentation, young age, delay in ART initiation and financial constraints. Efforts should be intensified at early diagnosis, linkage to care and implementation of “test and treat” strategy. Innovative child centered approaches should be adopted to enable the HIV-infected children remain in care despite challenges which can truncate treatment.

Background: Child development monitoring and screening have been mandated as a national health service worldwide, including Indonesia; however, a recent study found that Indonesian community health nurses experienced difficulties detecting and stimulating a child suspected of a developmental delay.Objective: To explore and provide an example of how Australian community health nurses, along with other professionals, contribute to a Universal child and family health service (UCFHS), a similar programme name in Indonesia is child developmental stimulating, detecting monitoring and early intervention programme or SDIDTK.Case study: This is a case study of a young Australian boy (4 years old) whom the mother reported that her son has unclear speech and he was not speaking as much as other children at his age. The researcher, as a nurse, delivered the child developmental assessment and play skills assessment and found that the child has subtle developmental gaps and was at risk for developmental delay. Several goal setting and programming ideas have been developed to meet the child developmental milestones. These include goals in fine motor skills, communication, problem-solving and personal-social skills which have been regarded as early intervention for the child. Together with the therapy from a Speech Pathologist, these goal settings and programming ideas have been collaborated with the kindergarten teachers and the family as well as the UCFHS nurses as part of the child developmental monitoring programme.Conclusion: Developmental delays can be detected through developmental and play assessments and can be followed by developmental stimulation and early intervention programme by developing goal settings and programming ideas around the delays or gaps in play or development.Funding: This study was funded by Australian Award Scholarship and Islamic State University UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Indonesia.

Abstract Background Loss to follow-up after a positive infant HIV diagnosis negates the potential benefits of robust policies recommending immediate triple antiretroviral therapy initiation in HIV positive infants. Whilst the diagnosis and follow-up of HIV positive infants in urban, specialized settings is easier to institutionalize, there is little information about access to care amongst HIV positive children diagnosed at primary health care clinic level. We sought to understand the characteristics of HIV positive children diagnosed with HIV infection at primary health care level, across all provinces of South Africa, their attendance at study-specific exit interviews and their reported uptake of HIV-related care. The latter could serve as a marker of knowledge, access or disclosure. Methods Secondary analysis of data gathered about HIV positive children, participating in an HIV-exposed infant national observational cohort study between October 2012 and September 2014, was undertaken. HIV infected children were identified by total nucleic acid polymerase chain reaction using standardized procedures in a nationally accredited central laboratory. Descriptive analyses were conducted on the HIV positive infant population, who were treated as a case series in this analysis. Data from interviews conducted at baseline (six-weeks post-delivery) and on study exit (the first visit following infant HIV positive diagnosis) were analysed. Results Of the 2878 HIV exposed infants identified at 6 weeks, 1803 (62.2%), 1709, 1673, 1660, 1680 and 1794 were see at 3, 6, 9, 12, 15 and 18 months respectively. In total, 101 tested HIV positive (67 at 6 weeks, and 34 postnatally). Most (76%) HIV positive infants were born to single mothers with a mean age of 26 years and an education level above grade 7 (76%). Although only 33.7% of pregnancies were planned, 83% of mothers reported receiving antiretroviral drugs to prevent MTCT. Of the 44 mothers with a documented recent CD4 cell count, the median was 346.8 cell/mm3. Four mothers (4.0%) self-reported having had TB. Only 59 (58.4%) HIV positive infants returned for an exit interview after their HIV diagnosis; there were no statistically significant differences in baseline characteristics between HIV positive infants who returned for an exit interview and those who did not. Amongst HIV positive infants who returned for an exit interview, only two HIV positive infants (3.4%) were reportedly receiving triple antiretroviral therapy (ART). If we assume that all HIV positive children who did not return for their exit interview received ART, then ART uptake amongst these HIV positive children < 18 months would be 43.6%. Conclusions Early ART uptake amongst children aged 15 months and below was low. This raises questions about timely, early paediatric ART uptake amongst HIV positive children diagnosed in primary health care settings. Qualitative work is needed to understand low and delayed paediatric ART uptake in young children, and more work is needed to measure progress with infant ART initiation at primary care level since 2014.

Abstract Background Opportunities for physical activity within out of school hours care (OSHC) are not well documented in Australia. This study explored factors associated with children (5–12 years) meeting 30 min of moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA) while attending OSHC in the afternoon period. Methods A cross-sectional study, conducted in 89 OSHC services in New South Wales, Australia, serving 4,408 children. Each service was visited twice between 2018–2019. Physical activity promotion practices were captured via short interviews and System for Observing Staff Promotion of Physical Activity and Nutrition (SOSPAN). Physical activity spaces was measured (m2) and physical activity of 3,614 child days (42% girls), were collected using Acti-Graph accelerometers. Association between program practices and children accumulation of MVPA was tested using mixed effects logistic regression, adjusted by OSHC service and child. Results Twenty-six percent of children (n = 925) accumulated 30 min or more of MVPA. Factors associated with children reaching MVPA recommendations included: services scheduling greater amounts of child-led free play, both 30–59 min (OR 2.6, 95%CI 1.70, 3.98) and ≥ 60 min (OR 6.4, 95%CI 3.90, 10.49); opportunities for staff-led organised play of ≥ 30 min (OR 2.3, 95%CI 1.47, 3.83); and active games that engaged the majority of children (OR 1.7, 95%CI 1.11, 2.61). Children were less likely to meet MVPA recommendations if services played games with elimination components (OR 0.56, 95%CI 0.37, 0.86). Conclusion Improvements to service-level physical activity promotion practices, specifically the type of physical activity scheduled and the structure of games, may be an effective strategy to increase MVPA of children attending OSHC afterschool in NSW, Australia.

Australia — Australia Ends Ban on Embryo Cloning for Research. Australia — Australia Government Allocates A$500 million for Science. Australia — Gardasil Immunization Program in Australia from Next Year. China — AIDS Patients to be Compensated for Blood Infection. China — New AIDS Therapy More Effective. China — Changzhou National Hi-Tech District Creates Alliance with Samara Province in Russia For Joint Construction Of Science & Technology Park. Hong Kong — New CRO in Hong Kong to Feed China. Hong Kong — Botanical Medicine Company Chi-Med Collaborates with Merck. India — Indian Pharmaceuticals Agree to Supply Cheaper Drugs for Children with AIDS. India — British Pharmacopoeia Officials to Hold Talks with Indian officials. India — Indian Government to Set Up Five Institutes to Boost Pharma R&D. South Korea — South Korea Reports on its Second Outbreak of Bird Flu. Singapore — Scientists will Perform Research Work on New Stem Cell Bank. Singapore — Scientists Discover New Path for Malaria Drug. Singapore — Singapore's Fusionopolis Phase 2A Sells Out. Singapore — Singapore Ministries to Tackle Rise in AIDS Number. Singapore — A*STAR-Karolinska Symposium on Immunology. Singapore — Singapore to Set Up Two Biomed R&D Centers. Singapore — Human Embroynic Stem Cells Research in Singapore. Thailand — Thai Health Ministry To Issue Compulsory License For Merck's HIV/AIDS Drug Efavirenz. Others — Gardisil Research in Britain. Others — World Bank Says More Funding Needed to Fight Bird Flu.

Abstract Background Dolutegravir (DTG)-based antiretroviral therapy (ART) is highly effective and well-tolerated in adults and is rapidly being adopted globally. We describe the design of the ODYSSEY trial which evaluates the efficacy and safety of DTG-based ART compared with standard-of-care in children and adolescents. The ODYSSEY trial includes nested pharmacokinetic (PK) sub-studies which evaluated pragmatic World Health Organization (WHO) weight-band-based DTG dosing and opened recruitment to children < 14 kg while dosing was in development. Methods ODYSSEY (Once-daily DTG based ART in Young people vS. Standard thErapY) is an open-label, randomised, non-inferiority, basket trial comparing the efficacy and safety of DTG + 2 nucleos(t) ides (NRTIs) versus standard-of-care (SOC) in HIV-infected children < 18 years starting first-line ART (ODYSSEY A) or switching to second-line ART (ODYSSEY B). The primary endpoint is clinical or virological failure by 96 weeks. Results Between September 2016 and June 2018, 707 children weighing ≥14 kg were enrolled; including 311 ART-naïve children and 396 children starting second-line. 47% of children were enrolled in Uganda, 21% Zimbabwe, 20% South Africa, 9% Thailand, 4% Europe. 362 (51%) participants were male; median age [range] at enrolment was 12.2 years [2.9–18.0]. 82 (12%) children weighed 14 to < 20 kg, 135 (19%) 20 to < 25 kg, 206 (29%) 25 to < 35 kg, 284 (40%) ≥35 kg. 128 (18%) had WHO stage 3 and 60 (8%) WHO stage 4 disease. Challenges encountered include: (i) running the trial across high- to low-income countries with differing frequencies of standard-of-care viral load monitoring; (ii) evaluating pragmatic DTG dosing in PK sub-studies alongside FDA- and EMA-approved dosing and subsequently transitioning participants to new recommended doses; (iii) delays in dosing information for children weighing 3 to < 14 kg and rapid recruitment of ART-naïve older/heavier children, which led to capping recruitment of participants weighing ≥35 kg in ODYSSEY A and extending recruitment (above 700) to allow for ≥60 additional children weighing between 3 to < 14 kg with associated PK; (iv) a safety alert associated with DTG use during pregnancy, which required a review of the safety plan for adolescent girls. Conclusions By employing a basket design, to include ART-naïve and -experienced children, and nested PK sub-studies, the ODYSSEY trial efficiently evaluates multiple scientific questions regarding dosing and effectiveness of DTG-based ART in children. Trial registration NCT, NCT02259127, registered 7th October 2014; EUDRACT, 2014–002632-14, registered 18th June 2014 (https://www.clinicaltrialsregister.eu/ctr-search/trial/2014-002632-14/ES); ISRCTN, ISRCTN91737921, registered 4th October 2014.

The South African prevention of mother to child transmission programme has made excellentprogress in reducing vertical HIV transmission, and paediatric antiretroviral therapyprogrammes have demonstrated good outcomes with increasing treatment initiation inyounger children and infants. However, both in South Africa and across sub-Saharan African,lack of boosted peri-partum prophylaxis for high-risk vertical transmission, loss to followup,and failure to initiate HIV-infected infants on antiretroviral therapy (ART) before diseaseprogression are key remaining gaps in neonatal HIV-related care. In this issue of the Southern African Journal of HIV Medicine, experts provide valuable recommendations for addressingthese gaps. The present article highlights a number of areas where evidence is lacking toinform guidelines and programme development for optimal neonatal HIV-related care.

Abstract Background Attrition threatens the success of antiretroviral therapy (ART). In this cohort study, we examined outcomes of people living with human immunodeficiency virus (PLHIV) who were lost to follow-up (LTFU) during 2014–2017 at ART programs in Southern Africa. Methods We confirmed LTFU (missed appointment for ≥60 or ≥90 days, according to local guidelines) by checking medical records and used a standardized protocol to trace a weighted random sample of PLHIV who were LTFU in 8 ART programs in Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, 2017–2019. We ascertained vital status and identified predictors of mortality using logistic regression, adjusted for sex, age, time on ART, time since LTFU, travel time, and urban or rural setting. Results Among 3256 PLHIV, 385 (12%) were wrongly categorized as LTFU and 577 (17%) had missing contact details. We traced 2294 PLHIV (71%) by phone calls, home visits, or both: 768 (34% of 2294) were alive and in care, including 385 (17%) silent transfers to another clinic; 528 (23%) were alive without care or unknown care; 252 (11%) had died. Overall, the status of 1323 (41% of 3256) PLHIV remained unknown. Mortality was higher in men than women, higher in children than in young people or adults, and higher in PLHIV who had been on ART &lt;1 year or LTFU ≥1 year and those living farther from the clinic or in rural areas. Results were heterogeneous across sites. Conclusions Our study highlights the urgent need for better medical record systems at HIV clinics and rapid tracing of PLHIV who are LTFU.

Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. 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McGrath, Pat. “Racing Victoria Got $16.6 Million in Emergency COVID Funding: Then Online Horse Racing Gambling Revenue Skyrocketed.” ABC News 3 Nov. 2020. 8 Mar. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-11-03/racing-victoria-emergency-coronavirus-COVID-funding/12838012>. McRobbie, Angela. The Aftermath of Feminism: Gender, Culture and Social Change. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2009. Madden, Helena. “Lebron James’s Suite in the NBA Bubble Is Fit for a King.” Robb Report 16 Sep. 2020. 8 Mar. 2021 <https://robbreport.com/travel/hotels/lebron-james-nba-bubble-suite-1234569303>. Maguire, Joseph. “Sportization.” The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. Ed. George Ritzer. Oxford: Blackwell, 2007. 4710–11. Mathieson, Craig. “Michael Jordan Pierces the Bubble of Elite Sport in Juicy ESPN Doco.” Sydney Morning Herald. 13 May 2020. 8 Mar. 2021 <https://www.smh.com.au/culture/tv-and-radio/michael-jordan-pierces-the-bubble-of-elite-sport-in-juicy-espn-doco-20200511-p54rwc.html>. 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Visual research methods reduce reliance on verbal communication and offer an avenue for non-verbal storytelling. Body mapping is a visual arts-based research method with its origins in art therapy and community development. It has been successfully used to explore embodied experiences of marginalised social groups. Participants engage in sensory and multimodal storytelling by tracing a life-size body outline and adorning it with fabrics, drawings and images to symbolise their views during a guided interview. This approach was used in research to explore birth family contact experiences in New South Wales, where children have ongoing direct contact with birth relatives in long-term care, guardianship and open adoption. Twelve mothers of children in permanent care took part in body mapping to explore their feelings about contact and the support they need to nurture a relationship with their children. Immersion in the artistic process of bringing a representational body to life granted these mothers access to hidden memories about their experience of child removal. They used evocative images to depict system violence and their fight against the erasure of their mother identity as well to envision a positive future relationship with their children. Body mapping potently revealed that traumatic loss resides in the body and resurfaces in encounters with child welfare systems. This has important policy and practice implications, highlighting a need for post-removal therapeutic services to process trauma and sensitive casework to rebuild parent trust and to help carers respond with empathy to their child’s mother at contact. This lends support to the usefulness of body mapping not only for research with vulnerable parents, but to its enormous potential as a creative engagement tool for child welfare practitioners.

Background: Accurate record-keeping is important for continuity and quality of care. Completing a child’s Road-to-Health Booklet (RTHB), or the older, less detailed, Road-to-Health Card/Chart (RTHC), immediate interpretation thereof and appropriate action facilitates comprehensive care, which could contribute to a decline in child morbidity and mortality.Objective: This study aimed to assess the extent to which healthcare personnel working in catchment clinics of Kalafong Provincial Tertiary Hospital (KPTH), Tshwane district, South Africa, complete HIV-related, sociodemographic, neonatal, growth and immunisation information in the RTHC and/or RTHB.Methods: A cross-sectional, quantitative record review was conducted. Data were extracted from 318 RTHCs and/or RTHBs of children attending KPTH for paediatric care. Data extraction focused on six main areas, namely documentation of HIV-related, neonatal, sociodemographic, anthropometric, immunisation and vitamin A-related information. During data analysis, age-appropriate completeness scores were generated for each area and completeness of documentation in the RTHB and RTHC was assessed.Results: Data demonstrate significantly less unrecorded HIV-related information (maternal HIV status, timing of maternal HIV testing, timing of maternal antiretroviral therapy [ART] initiation, current maternal ART use and infant feeding decisions) in RTHBs compared with RTHCs (p < 001). Despite this, 24% of all RTHBs had no record of maternal HIV status and 67% of RTHBs from documented HIV-exposed infants had no record of maternal ART duration. Neonatal information completeness was similar between RTHBs and RTHCs, but socio-demographic completeness was significantly better in RTHBs compared with RTHCs (p = 0.006). Growth (especially weight), immunisation and vitamin A completeness was > 80% and similar between RTHBs and RTHCs. Length-for-age, weight-for-length and head circumference were plotted in < 5% of RTHBs and none of the RTHCs.Conclusion: Although completeness of key HIV-related information was better in RTHBs compared with RTHCs, RTHB completeness was suboptimal. Healthcare personnel need reminders to utilise the RTHB optimally to improve continuity and quality of child healthcare.

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The term “coffee palace” was primarily used in Australia to describe the temperance hotels that were built in the last decades of the 19th century, although there are references to the term also being used to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (Denby 174). Built in response to the worldwide temperance movement, which reached its pinnacle in the 1880s in Australia, coffee palaces were hotels that did not serve alcohol. This was a unique time in Australia’s architectural development as the economic boom fuelled by the gold rush in the 1850s, and the demand for ostentatious display that gathered momentum during the following years, afforded the use of richly ornamental High Victorian architecture and resulted in very majestic structures; hence the term “palace” (Freeland 121). The often multi-storied coffee palaces were found in every capital city as well as regional areas such as Geelong and Broken Hill, and locales as remote as Maria Island on the east coast of Tasmania. Presented as upholding family values and discouraging drunkenness, the coffee palaces were most popular in seaside resorts such as Barwon Heads in Victoria, where they catered to families. Coffee palaces were also constructed on a grand scale to provide accommodation for international and interstate visitors attending the international exhibitions held in Sydney (1879) and Melbourne (1880 and 1888). While the temperance movement lasted well over 100 years, the life of coffee palaces was relatively short-lived. Nevertheless, coffee palaces were very much part of Australia’s cultural landscape. In this article, I examine the rise and demise of coffee palaces associated with the temperance movement and argue that coffee palaces established in the name of abstinence were modelled on the coffee houses that spread throughout Europe and North America in the 17th and 18th centuries during the Enlightenment—a time when the human mind could be said to have been liberated from inebriation and the dogmatic state of ignorance. The Temperance Movement At a time when newspapers are full of lurid stories about binge-drinking and the alleged ill-effects of the liberalisation of licensing laws, as well as concerns over the growing trend of marketing easy-to-drink products (such as the so-called “alcopops”) to teenagers, it is difficult to think of a period when the total suppression of the alcohol trade was seriously debated in Australia. The cause of temperance has almost completely vanished from view, yet for well over a century—from 1830 to the outbreak of the Second World War—the control or even total abolition of the liquor trade was a major political issue—one that split the country, brought thousands onto the streets in demonstrations, and influenced the outcome of elections. Between 1911 and 1925 referenda to either limit or prohibit the sale of alcohol were held in most States. While moves to bring about abolition failed, Fitzgerald notes that almost one in three Australian voters expressed their support for prohibition of alcohol in their State (145). Today, the temperance movement’s platform has largely been forgotten, killed off by the practical example of the United States, where prohibition of the legal sale of alcohol served only to hand control of the liquor traffic to organised crime. Coffee Houses and the Enlightenment Although tea has long been considered the beverage of sobriety, it was coffee that came to be regarded as the very antithesis of alcohol. When the first coffee house opened in London in the early 1650s, customers were bewildered by this strange new drink from the Middle East—hot, bitter, and black as soot. But those who tried coffee were, reports Ellis, soon won over, and coffee houses were opened across London, Oxford, and Cambridge and, in the following decades, Europe and North America. Tea, equally exotic, entered the English market slightly later than coffee (in 1664), but was more expensive and remained a rarity long after coffee had become ubiquitous in London (Ellis 123-24). The impact of the introduction of coffee into Europe during the seventeenth century was particularly noticeable since the most common beverages of the time, even at breakfast, were weak “small beer” and wine. Both were safer to drink than water, which was liable to be contaminated. Coffee, like beer, was made using boiled water and, therefore, provided a new and safe alternative to alcoholic drinks. There was also the added benefit that those who drank coffee instead of alcohol began the day alert rather than mildly inebriated (Standage 135). It was also thought that coffee had a stimulating effect upon the “nervous system,” so much so that the French called coffee une boisson intellectuelle (an intellectual beverage), because of its stimulating effect on the brain (Muskett 71). In Oxford, the British called their coffee houses “penny universities,” a penny then being the price of a cup of coffee (Standage 158). Coffee houses were, moreover, more than places that sold coffee. Unlike other institutions of the period, rank and birth had no place (Ellis 59). The coffee house became the centre of urban life, creating a distinctive social culture by treating all customers as equals. Egalitarianism, however, did not extend to women—at least not in London. Around its egalitarian (but male) tables, merchants discussed and conducted business, writers and poets held discussions, scientists demonstrated experiments, and philosophers deliberated ideas and reforms. For the price of a cup (or “dish” as it was then known) of coffee, a man could read the latest pamphlets and newsletters, chat with other patrons, strike business deals, keep up with the latest political gossip, find out what other people thought of a new book, or take part in literary or philosophical discussions. Like today’s Internet, Twitter, and Facebook, Europe’s coffee houses functioned as an information network where ideas circulated and spread from coffee house to coffee house. In this way, drinking coffee in the coffee house became a metaphor for people getting together to share ideas in a sober environment, a concept that remains today. According to Standage, this information network fuelled the Enlightenment (133), prompting an explosion of creativity. Coffee houses provided an entirely new environment for political, financial, scientific, and literary change, as people gathered, discussed, and debated issues within their walls. Entrepreneurs and scientists teamed up to form companies to exploit new inventions and discoveries in manufacturing and mining, paving the way for the Industrial Revolution (Standage 163). The stock market and insurance companies also had their birth in the coffee house. As a result, coffee was seen to be the epitome of modernity and progress and, as such, was the ideal beverage for the Age of Reason. By the 19th century, however, the era of coffee houses had passed. Most of them had evolved into exclusive men’s clubs, each geared towards a certain segment of society. Tea was now more affordable and fashionable, and teahouses, which drew clientele from both sexes, began to grow in popularity. Tea, however, had always been Australia’s most popular non-alcoholic drink. Tea (and coffee) along with other alien plants had been part of the cargo unloaded onto Australian shores with the First Fleet in 1788. Coffee, mainly from Brazil and Jamaica, remained a constant import but was taxed more heavily than tea and was, therefore, more expensive. Furthermore, tea was much easier to make than coffee. To brew tea, all that is needed is to add boiling water, coffee, in contrast, required roasting, grinding and brewing. According to Symons, until the 1930s, Australians were the largest consumers of tea in the world (19). In spite of this, and as coffee, since its introduction into Europe, was regarded as the antidote to alcohol, the temperance movement established coffee palaces. In the early 1870s in Britain, the temperance movement had revived the coffee house to provide an alternative to the gin taverns that were so attractive to the working classes of the Industrial Age (Clarke 5). Unlike the earlier coffee house, this revived incarnation provided accommodation and was open to men, women and children. “Cheap and wholesome food,” was available as well as reading rooms supplied with newspapers and periodicals, and games and smoking rooms (Clarke 20). In Australia, coffee palaces did not seek the working classes, as clientele: at least in the cities they were largely for the nouveau riche. Coffee Palaces The discovery of gold in 1851 changed the direction of the Australian economy. An investment boom followed, with an influx of foreign funds and English banks lending freely to colonial speculators. By the 1880s, the manufacturing and construction sectors of the economy boomed and land prices were highly inflated. Governments shared in the wealth and ploughed money into urban infrastructure, particularly railways. Spurred on by these positive economic conditions and the newly extended inter-colonial rail network, international exhibitions were held in both Sydney and Melbourne. To celebrate modern technology and design in an industrial age, international exhibitions were phenomena that had spread throughout Europe and much of the world from the mid-19th century. According to Davison, exhibitions were “integral to the culture of nineteenth century industrialising societies” (158). In particular, these exhibitions provided the colonies with an opportunity to demonstrate to the world their economic power and achievements in the sciences, the arts and education, as well as to promote their commerce and industry. Massive purpose-built buildings were constructed to house the exhibition halls. In Sydney, the Garden Palace was erected in the Botanic Gardens for the 1879 Exhibition (it burnt down in 1882). In Melbourne, the Royal Exhibition Building, now a World Heritage site, was built in the Carlton Gardens for the 1880 Exhibition and extended for the 1888 Centennial Exhibition. Accommodation was required for the some one million interstate and international visitors who were to pass through the gates of the Garden Palace in Sydney. To meet this need, the temperance movement, keen to provide alternative accommodation to licensed hotels, backed the establishment of Sydney’s coffee palaces. The Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company was formed in 1878 to operate and manage a number of coffee palaces constructed during the 1870s. These were designed to compete with hotels by “offering all the ordinary advantages of those establishments without the allurements of the drink” (Murdoch). Coffee palaces were much more than ordinary hotels—they were often multi-purpose or mixed-use buildings that included a large number of rooms for accommodation as well as ballrooms and other leisure facilities to attract people away from pubs. As the Australian Town and Country Journal reveals, their services included the supply of affordable, wholesome food, either in the form of regular meals or occasional refreshments, cooked in kitchens fitted with the latest in culinary accoutrements. These “culinary temples” also provided smoking rooms, chess and billiard rooms, and rooms where people could read books, periodicals and all the local and national papers for free (121). Similar to the coffee houses of the Enlightenment, the coffee palaces brought businessmen, artists, writers, engineers, and scientists attending the exhibitions together to eat and drink (non-alcoholic), socialise and conduct business. The Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace located in York Street in Sydney produced a practical guide for potential investors and businessmen titled International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney. It included information on the location of government departments, educational institutions, hospitals, charitable organisations, and embassies, as well as a list of the tariffs on goods from food to opium (1–17). Women, particularly the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) were a formidable force in the temperance movement (intemperance was generally regarded as a male problem and, more specifically, a husband problem). Murdoch argues, however, that much of the success of the push to establish coffee palaces was due to male politicians with business interests, such as the one-time Victorian premiere James Munro. Considered a stern, moral church-going leader, Munro expanded the temperance movement into a fanatical force with extraordinary power, which is perhaps why the temperance movement had its greatest following in Victoria (Murdoch). Several prestigious hotels were constructed to provide accommodation for visitors to the international exhibitions in Melbourne. Munro was responsible for building many of the city’s coffee palaces, including the Victoria (1880) and the Federal Coffee Palace (1888) in Collins Street. After establishing the Grand Coffee Palace Company, Munro took over the Grand Hotel (now the Windsor) in 1886. Munro expanded the hotel to accommodate some of the two million visitors who were to attend the Centenary Exhibition, renamed it the Grand Coffee Palace, and ceremoniously burnt its liquor licence at the official opening (Murdoch). By 1888 there were more than 50 coffee palaces in the city of Melbourne alone and Munro held thousands of shares in coffee palaces, including those in Geelong and Broken Hill. With its opening planned to commemorate the centenary of the founding of Australia and the 1888 International Exhibition, the construction of the Federal Coffee Palace, one of the largest hotels in Australia, was perhaps the greatest monument to the temperance movement. Designed in the French Renaissance style, the façade was embellished with statues, griffins and Venus in a chariot drawn by four seahorses. The building was crowned with an iron-framed domed tower. New passenger elevators—first demonstrated at the Sydney Exhibition—allowed the building to soar to seven storeys. According to the Federal Coffee Palace Visitor’s Guide, which was presented to every visitor, there were three lifts for passengers and others for luggage. Bedrooms were located on the top five floors, while the stately ground and first floors contained majestic dining, lounge, sitting, smoking, writing, and billiard rooms. There were electric service bells, gaslights, and kitchens “fitted with the most approved inventions for aiding proficients [sic] in the culinary arts,” while the luxury brand Pears soap was used in the lavatories and bathrooms (16–17). In 1891, a spectacular financial crash brought the economic boom to an abrupt end. The British economy was in crisis and to meet the predicament, English banks withdrew their funds in Australia. There was a wholesale collapse of building companies, mortgage banks and other financial institutions during 1891 and 1892 and much of the banking system was halted during 1893 (Attard). Meanwhile, however, while the eastern States were in the economic doldrums, gold was discovered in 1892 at Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in Western Australia and, within two years, the west of the continent was transformed. As gold poured back to the capital city of Perth, the long dormant settlement hurriedly caught up and began to emulate the rest of Australia, including the construction of ornately detailed coffee palaces (Freeman 130). By 1904, Perth had 20 coffee palaces. When the No. 2 Coffee Palace opened in Pitt Street, Sydney, in 1880, the Australian Town and Country Journal reported that coffee palaces were “not only fashionable, but appear to have acquired a permanent footing in Sydney” (121). The coffee palace era, however, was relatively short-lived. Driven more by reformist and economic zeal than by good business sense, many were in financial trouble when the 1890’s Depression hit. Leading figures in the temperance movement were also involved in land speculation and building societies and when these schemes collapsed, many, including Munro, were financially ruined. Many of the palaces closed or were forced to apply for liquor licences in order to stay afloat. Others developed another life after the temperance movement’s influence waned and the coffee palace fad faded, and many were later demolished to make way for more modern buildings. The Federal was licensed in 1923 and traded as the Federal Hotel until its demolition in 1973. The Victoria, however, did not succumb to a liquor licence until 1967. The Sydney Coffee Palace in Woolloomooloo became the Sydney Eye Hospital and, more recently, smart apartments. Some fine examples still survive as reminders of Australia’s social and cultural heritage. The Windsor in Melbourne’s Spring Street and the Broken Hill Hotel, a massive three-story iconic pub in the outback now called simply “The Palace,” are some examples. Tea remained the beverage of choice in Australia until the 1950s when the lifting of government controls on the importation of coffee and the influence of American foodways coincided with the arrival of espresso-loving immigrants. As Australians were introduced to the espresso machine, the short black, the cappuccino, and the café latte and (reminiscent of the Enlightenment), the post-war malaise was shed in favour of the energy and vigour of modernist thought and creativity, fuelled in at least a small part by caffeine and the emergent café culture (Teffer). Although the temperance movement’s attempt to provide an alternative to the ubiquitous pubs failed, coffee has now outstripped the consumption of tea and today’s café culture ensures that wherever coffee is consumed, there is the possibility of a continuation of the Enlightenment’s lively discussions, exchange of news, and dissemination of ideas and information in a sober environment. 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