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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Antwerpen (Motiv)"

1

Kaluža, Tine. "Smrt in ljubezen". Ars & Humanitas 17, n.º 2 (21 de dezembro de 2023): 183–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.17.2.183-213.

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V prispevku avtor analizira ikonografijo vanitas in memento mori v izdajah emblemske knjige Andree Alciatija Emblematum Liber. Osnovo pregledanega fonda predstavljajo temeljne latinske izdaje Alciatija (Augsburg 1531, Pariz 1534, Benetke 1546, Lyon 1547, Lyon 1551, Frankfurt 1567, Antwerpen 1577, Pariz 1583, Padova 1621), vendar se nezanemarljiva odstopanja v vsebini emblemov pojavljajo tudi v drugih dostopnih izdajah 16. in 17. stoletja (Pariz 1536, Pariz 1539, Pariz 1542, Lyon 1549, Lyon 1551, Lyon 1556, Frankfurt ob Majni 1566/67, Pariz 1584, Najera 1615, Ženeva/Köln 1615). Motivika minljivosti je v Alciatijevih emblemih spretno prepletena z motiviko ljubezni in prijateljstva, kar ob Alciatijevem črpanju navdiha iz grške in rimske antike v duhu renesančnega humanizma omogoča ustvarjanje izvirnih ikonografskih motivov in interpretacij. V slednjih je prav jukstapozicija motivike smrti in ljubezni izhodišče za oblikovanje novih vsebin v ikonografiji minljivosti. Prav emblemske knjige se zaradi moralno-didaktične in mestoma satirične naravnanosti zgodnjenovoveških emblemov izkažejo kot eden od ključnih medijev za razvoj in posredovanje tovrstnih vsebin. Prispevek poskuša na primeru ikonološke analize petih emblemov (Tumulus meretricis, Senex pulleam amans, De Morte & Amore, In Formosam fato praeraptam ter In mortem praeraptam) osvetliti slabo raziskano Alciatijevo inovativno interpretacijo in nadgradnjo motivike minljivosti. Ta je zaradi kombiniranja ustaljenih visokosrednjeveških makabrističnih ikonografskih motivov z alegorično govorico zgodnjenovoveških emblemov prežeta z motivi, ki se pred Alciatijevo knjigo niso mogli razviti.
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2

Krebber, G. B., e G. Kotting. "Jean Bellegambe en zijn Mystiek Bad voor Anchin". Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 104, n.º 3-4 (1990): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501790x00057.

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AbstractIt is not known where Jean Bellegambe, born circa 1470 in Douai, where he probably died in 1535/36, received his training. Artists in this region were exposed to influences from both Flanders and France. Bellegambe's stylistic development falls into two phases: the first (circa 1508 - circa 1 5 2 5) is rather archaistic, drawing on the school of Valenciennes (Marmion et al. and Provost); the second displays the more marked influence of Antwerp mannerism. The triptych discussed here, the Mystical Bath in Lille, made for the monastery at Anchin in view of the arms of the abbey and its abbot, Charles Coguin, on the wings, was only discovered in 1877. Comparison with Bellegambe's principal work, the polyptych The Holy Trinity, and the wings of the Immaculate Conception, both in Douai, has established it as his work. An examination of various published datings leads to the conclusion that this triptych is an example of the artist's second stylistic phase, which began in circa 1525, and was problably painted around that date. The association of the representation of 'Tons Pietatis' with the Office of the Holy Blood was based on the assumpion that the texts on Jean Bellegambe's Mystical Bath (a `Fons Pietatis' with bathing worshippers) derive from the Office ritual in Anchin. The texts however are literal quotations from the bible, the Office of the Holy Blood not being fixed in Bellgambe's day; the Anchin Office merits closer study. The idea that the cult of a relic of the Holy Blood in Anchin abbey may have influenced the iconography of at least the Mystical Bath is not supported by historical facts. Mâle's observation of a relationship between the Holy Blood cult and the representation of the 'Fons Pietatis' is thus reduced to a theologically underpinned assumption. Old and New Testament quotations with reference to the bible passages-not a new phenomenon as such may be connected with the renewed interest for the literal biblical text in the early sixteenth century. This suggests circa 1520 as the earliest date of the triptych. With his female figure of a repentant Mary Magdalene divesting herself of her garments and jewellery, Bellegambe introduces this theme into art. The motif and its combination with the `Fons Pietatis' motif seem to derive from religious drama, notably Jean Michel's Mystère de la Passion, performed in Mons in 1501. Although, in connection with the early sixteenth-century cult of Mary Magdalene, a revived interest in literal bible texts can be observed, it can not be demonstrated in Bellegambe's triptych. The fact that it was dccadcs before the jewellery-removing theme returned to art as an interior scene, may be due to Bellegambe's isolated position. The theological virtues and their attributes derive from a type developed in illuminated manuscripts of literary and philosophical texts, and may also have been inspired by the tableaux vivants enacted in Rouen and Amiens in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century. Coguin's contacts with the 'Clercs Parisiens' in Douai seem to be reflected in these iconographic details of the Mystical Bath. The representation is addressed to both the inmates of the abbey, who according to the rule of the order are speeding towards salvation, and the lay people, who could identify with the pseudo Mary Magdalene on the steps in front of the bath and a few non-clerical male figures. Owing to the lack of archive sources, the precise context of the piece cannot be ascertained.
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3

Guépin, J. P. "Hercules belegerd door de Pygmeeën, schilderijen van Jan van Scorel en Frans Floris naar een Icon van Philostratus". Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 102, n.º 2 (1988): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501788x00384.

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AbstractA lost painting by Jan van Scorel (1495-1562), Hercules besieged by the Pygmies, is reconstructed with the aid of epigrams by the brothers Nicolaus Grudius Nicolai ( 1504-70) and Hadrianus Marius Nicolai (1509-68) (see Note 1 and Appendix B) . The epigrams themselves are based on an Icon by the 2nd-century Greek writer Philostratus (see Appendix A). Van Scorel's painting gives a full representation of Philostratus' Icon, as does a painting by Frans Floris (1519/2O-70), now known from an engraving in reverse of 1563 by Cornelis Cort (Note 2). The famous member of the Nicolai family is a third brother, the Latin poet Janus Secundus (1511-36), but Grudius and Marius were good poets too. Van Scorel will have painted the Hercules picture for the collection of Grudius himself, who was a man of wealth and standing until 1554. After that he became involved in the financial scandal attendant on the reclamation of De Zijpe near Schoorl initiated by his friend, and was forced to flee in 1561, dying in penury in Venice in 1570 (Note 3). Van Scorel also painted two portraits of Secundus (Note 4), while Marius wrote epigrams on two pictures by Van Scorel. All these paintings are now lost (Note 5). Philostratus' descriptions convey much more than can ever been seen in a picture. Such descriptions were common in Antiquity (Note 7). In Grudius' epigram the actual description starts half way through the poem: Hercules was shown asleep on a green sward, while the dead Antaeus lay on yellow sand. Sleep is fanning the hero with his dark blue wings, his nebulous body veiled by a black robe. The Pygmies, of youthful appearance and in countless numbers, took advantage of Hercules' sleep to overcome him. Some tried to roll away his club, a scene shown in the foreground. Since Hercules will have had his club in his right hand, he must have lain with his head to the left and Antaeus with his to the right, i.e. the picture will have had the same composition as that by Floris (Fig. 5). It seems, then, that Grudius provided the scholarly initiative behind Van Scorel's painting, while Floris drew his inspiration either from the epigram or from the picture. Grudius knew Floris and wrote an epigram on a painting by him too (Note 8). Philostratus describes the Pygmies' attack as a well organized siege, but Van Scorel's painting showed, according to Grudius and Marius, an attack by unthinking, cowardly youth with no king to lead them; the Pygmies are as nervous as when the cranes, the 'birds of Palamedes', attack their country and destroy their harvest. The moral turns on Hercules' situation and is a warning never to rest on one's laurels. The combination of illustration with moralistic epigram derives from the emblem Hercules besieged by Pygmies by Alciati. His moral is directed to the Pygmies, 'who venture on something beyond their powers'. It could be more specifically related to the poor who rise against the powerful, or to fools who try to defame the reputation of the learned (Note 11). In the 1534 woodcut (Fig. 1), in which Hercules figures twice, he appears to let the Pygmies have their way. This momentarily good-natured aspect was imitated by Dosso and Battista Dossi in a painting made in about 1540 during the reign of Ercole 11 of Ferrara (Fig. 2, Note 12). Hercules exhibits the features of Ercole as the clement ruler, while the Pygmies, in contemporary costume, behave like harmless fools. Alciati taught in Ferrara from 1542 to 1546 and it will have been these Pygmies that inspired him to have depicted them as lansquenets in the new edition of his Emblemata published in Lyon in 1548 (Fig. 3, Note 13). In 1552 Lucas Cranach the Younger made two paintings on the subject on the basis of this woodcut (Note 14). Floris and Van Scorel were the only artists to follow Philostratus fully by including Antaeus and Sleep. Like Floris, Van Scorel will presumably have shown the Pygmies as small naked men rather than as misshapen dwarves. Some influence from Alciati's emblems can be detected: both painters show the rolling away of the club, an incident which can be detected in the 1534 woodcut, while Floris' painting has the tree in common with that of 1548. Grudius' poem shows the Pygmies in the usual unfavourable light, but his Hercules too falls prey to a moment of weakness. Grudius compares Hercules in this respect with Polyphemus. Such a comparison is also drawn in the emblem on Polyphemus in Sambucus' Emblemata, published in Antwerp in 1564 (Fig. 4, Note 15), where the text reveals that Hercules and Polyphemus stand for the good and the bad ruler. Grudius' comparison makes it clear how seriously Hercules' lapse must be taken. In Van Scorels case we have the meaning, but not the picture, in that of Floris, we know the painting, but not yet the detailed meaning. The engraving (Fig. 5) shows the beginning and end of the story as well as the main episode. Sleep here reveals himself by his bat wings and the strange snake growing out of one of them, cf. Floris' Battle against the Rebel Angels for a similar motif (Note 16). He is the Devil in disguise. Hercules lies in the seductive pose of Ariadne, or rather of Endymion visited by Sleep, as seen on a Roman sarcophagus (Fig. 6), which Floris could have studied while in Rome (Note 17). The tree under which Hercules lies has bare branches, while the part above his head looks like the head of an adder, symbols of his sinister situation. Antaeus lies with his arm on a root near a hollow tree from which a new shoot is sprouting, for Hercules has not conquered e v ilf or ever. Floris' Pygmies are naked, but they are not all youthful, like Van Scorel's. Nor are they all rash and unthinking. Admittedly one group swarming out of caves at bottom right and centre are foolishly trying to roll away the club with their bare hands and one is about to throw a stone, but the king leading out his orderly army appears to come from a well-run country, while gesticulating Pygmy philosophers have wisely decided that it is better not to fight the hero at all.
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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Antwerpen (Motiv)"

1

Lichtert, Katrien. "Port Cities and River Harbours: A Peculiar Motif in Antwerp Landscape Painting c. 1490–1530". In Medieval Urban Culture, 183–99. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.seuh-eb.5.114424.

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2

Tersteeg, Anouk K., e Ympkje Albeda. "Beyond the middle classes: Neighbourhood choice and satisfaction in the hyper-diverse contexts1". In Divercities, 187–210. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447338178.003.0009.

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This chapter studies neighbourhood choice and satisfaction, more specifically what attracts people to diverse and deprived urban areas, and how perceptions of local diversity play a role in this. The importance of diversity for neighbourhood choice and satisfaction has hardly been studied among non-middle-class residents. The chapter then presents a qualitative study of neighbourhood choice and satisfaction among residents of different social classes in highly diverse and disadvantaged neighbourhoods in Antwerp (Belgium) and Rotterdam (the Netherlands). The primary motive for choosing to live in a diverse neighbourhood is the availability of affordable housing. For poor residents and migrants, the presence of family and friends in the neighbourhood is also an important motive. Only for some interviewees, mostly of minority ethnic backgrounds, neighbourhood ethnic diversity is an important factor for their neighbourhood choice, mainly because they prefer to live in neighbourhoods that are not dominated by a majority group.
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