Artigos de revistas: "African American Studies / Political Science"

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Somerville, Carolyn. "Pensée 2: The “African” in Africana/Black/African and African American Studies". International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, n.º 2 (maio de 2009): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809090606.

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In Pensée 1, “Africa on My Mind,” Mervat Hatem questions the perceived wisdom of creating the African Studies Association (focused on sub-Saharan Africa) and the Middle East Studies Association a decade later, which “institutionalized the political bifurcation of the African continent into two academic fields.” The cleaving of Africa into separate and distinct parts—a North Africa/Middle East and a sub-Saharan Africa—rendered a great disservice to all Africans: it has fractured dialogue, research, and policy while preventing students and scholars of Africa from articulating a coherent understanding of the continent.

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Johnson, Kimberley S. "POLITICAL HAIR". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 8, n.º 2 (2011): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x11000415.

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AbstractThis article argues that African American hair is a political matter by examining the little-known role of state occupational licensing of African American hair care. By focusing on recent legal challenges and legislative battles over state regulation of hair-care provision for African Americans, the article traces state authorities' responses to struggles over market share between licensed, and often native-born, African American beauticians, and typically unlicensed, and often recent African immigrant, hair braiders. Hair braiders challenged state regulatory oversight by invoking racial deference claims, in which they argued that braiding was a “cultural practice” that should be exempt from state regulation. A statistical analysis of state regulatory decision making revealed that states varied widely in addressing the issue of African American hair care. While racial deference claims, in the form of legal cases, put pressure on states to exempt hair braiders from regulatory oversight, by and large, most states did not choose this path. For states that did choose to address the demands for market protection or market relief, the choices were mostly in the direction of enacting new regulations or actively incorporating hair braiders under existing regulations. Despite the invocation of racial deference claims, African American hair care was not freed from state oversight—state regulators became more flexible in their oversight of Black hair care rooted in their concerns over public safety as well as the demands from a variety of interest groups. The analysis reveals that when race/gender and state regulation intersect, traditional economic theories of occupational licensing are not sufficient; an intersectional approach can better explain policy outcomes.

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Hall, Perry A. "Introducing African American Studies". Journal of Black Studies 26, n.º 6 (julho de 1996): 713–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479602600604.

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Taylor, Ronald L. "Sociology and African-American Studies". Contemporary Sociology 28, n.º 5 (setembro de 1999): 517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654986.

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Niven, David. "Can Republican African Americans Win African American Votes? A Field Experiment". Journal of Black Studies 48, n.º 5 (5 de abril de 2017): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717701432.

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In the face of its 2012 defeat and looming demographic trends that did not bode well for the party’s future presidential candidates, the Republican National Committee officially declared its intention to recruit more African American candidates for office. But will fielding more African American candidates likely attract more African American votes for Republicans? Here, I employ a field experiment using real candidates and real votes cast in two down-ballot races featuring African American Republican candidates. Among voters who received mailings highlighting both race and party, African American voters responded primarily to party, in the process largely rejecting these two candidates. By contrast, African American voters responded more favorably when they learned the race, but not the party, of these candidates. The results here suggest something of a self-affirming political preference order in which African Americans felt affirmed by voting for a fellow African American, but only when they did not see that candidate as conflicting with a more central aspect of their political identity.

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Cook, William S. "Social Justice Applications and the African American Liberation Tradition". Journal of Black Studies 50, n.º 7 (20 de setembro de 2019): 651–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719875942.

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Social justice is amiable formal, informal interaction and the impartial distribution of resources for a community. Nondiscriminatory social practices and equitable resource distribution may minimize the mistreatment of African Americans who have endured the profuseness of social injustices in this country as exemplified by the Trayvon Martin incident and the numerous police killings of unarmed African Americans. Social justice is also the recognition, preservation of an ethnic group’s cultural identity, and it interrelates with the African American liberation tradition. This tradition began on the West African Coast where inhabitants resisted the European captivity system and its repercussions in the Americas that educators describe as Maafa or disaster. The resilience of Booker T. Washington, Marcus Garvey, Martin Luther King, Huey P. Newton, Bobby Seale, and Molefi Asante’s Afrocentric theory characterizes social justice applications of economic, political, cultural strategies within the context of the African American liberation tradition.

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Outlaw, Lucius. "African-American philosophy: social and political case studies". Social Science Information 26, n.º 1 (março de 1987): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901887026001005.

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Badas, Alex, e Katelyn E. Stauffer. "Michelle Obama as a Political Symbol: Race, Gender, and Public Opinion toward the First Lady". Politics & Gender 15, n.º 03 (10 de janeiro de 2019): 431–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000922.

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AbstractPopular commentary surrounding Michelle Obama focuses on the symbolic importance of her tenure as the nation's first African American first lady. Despite these assertions, relatively few studies have examined public opinion toward Michelle Obama and the extent to which race and gender influenced public evaluations of her. Even fewer studies have examined how the intersection of race and gender influenced political attitudes toward Michelle Obama and her ability to serve as a meaningful political symbol. Using public opinion polls from 2008 to 2017 and data from the Black Women in America survey, we examine public opinion toward Michelle Obama as a function of respondents’ race, gender, and the intersection between the two. We find that African Americans were generally more favorable toward Michelle Obama than white Americans, with minimal differences between men and women. Although white women were no more likely than white men to view Michelle Obama favorably, we find that they were more likely to have information on Michelle Obama's “Let's Move” initiative. Most importantly, we find that Michelle Obama served as a unique political symbol for African American women and that her presence in politics significantly increased black women's evaluation of their race-gender group.

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Davis, Patrick Edward. "Painful Legacy of Historical African American Culture". Journal of Black Studies 51, n.º 2 (4 de fevereiro de 2020): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719896073.

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African Americans continue to experience significant difficulty integrating into mainstream American society. Research literature demonstrates that after decades of legislation designed to address African American socialization issues, African Americans continue to seem to be unable to pull many of their communities out of academic disparities, high unemployment, crippling poverty, and endemic crime. There appears to be historical ramifications and etiological determinants that explicate the challenges that confront African American communities. However, few researchers seem to understand the actual culture of African Americans. As such, counselors, educators, and policymakers are seemingly unable to devise and implement effective intervention strategies that appropriately attend to these endemic challenges. Thereby, explication of the historical “roots” and legacy of African American culture seems critical.

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Robnett, Belinda, e James A. Bany. "Gender, Church Involvement, and African-American Political Participation". Sociological Perspectives 54, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2011): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.4.689.

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While numerous studies discuss the political implications of class divisions among African-Americans, few analyze gender differences in political participation. This study assesses the extent to which church activity similarly facilitates men's and women's political participation. Employing data from a national cross-sectional survey of 1,205 adult African-American respondents from the 1993 National Black Politics Study, the authors conclude that black church involvement more highly facilitates the political participation of black men than black women. Increasing levels of individual black church involvement and political activity on the part of black churches increases the gender gap in political participation and creates a gender participation gap for some political activities. These findings suggest that while institutional engagement increases political participation, the gendered nature of the institutional context also influences political engagement outcomes.

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Harbeson, John W. "Area Studies and the Disciplines: A Rejoinder". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, n.º 1 (1997): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502480.

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Robert Bates’ letter entitled “Area Studies and the Discipline” (American Political Science Association, Comparative Politics 1, Winter 1996, pp. 1-2) uses the occasion of the SSRC’s abolishing of area committees to announce that “within the academy, the consensus has formed that area studies has failed to generate scientific knowledge.” As someone who has done some of his most important work on African development issues, Bates deplores declining investment in area studies as a “loss to the social sciences, as well as to the academy,” at an inopportune moment, “just when our [political science] discipline is becoming equipped to handle area knowledge in a rigorous fashion.”

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Clapham, Christopher. "Decolonising African Studies?" Journal of Modern African Studies 58, n.º 1 (20 de fevereiro de 2020): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000612.

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AbstractInsistent calls to ‘decolonise’ African studies beg the question of what this quest actually involves. If it refers to an attempt to understand the continent's diverse and complex societies that builds on their indigenous structures and values, this was a task initiated during the decolonisation era of the 1950s and early 1960s. Led by historians and drawing heavily on insights from anthropology, it led to a revolution in the understanding of Africa, which nonetheless failed to maintain its impetus as a result of the political authoritarianism and economic decay of the post-independence period, which had a particularly damaging impact on Africa's universities. Of late, however, the phrase has come to refer to developments notably in North America and Europe, which in subordinating the study of Africa to agendas in the global North may appropriately be described not as decolonisation but as recolonisation. A genuine decolonisation of knowledge production for Africa must rest on a return to its roots within the continent itself.

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Yerima-Avazi, Dina, e Chinonye Ekwueme-Ugwu. "Negotiating Black Identity". Matatu 52, n.º 2 (20 de outubro de 2022): 368–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05202007.

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Abstract This paper interrogates location as a fulcrum for hybrid identity creation for African characters in Africa, African Americans and African characters in the Diaspora. Over time, identity has been negotiated on the basis of race, ethnicity and religion. These are often linked to a specific place and find expression in definitions of culture, suggesting location as a necessary component of culture and, by extension, a major influence on identity. Conceptual notions of diaspora and hybridity, as explored within the postcolonial theory, serve as the framework which research uses to comparatively query the negotiation of hybrid identity as given in Roots by Alex Haley and Homegoing by Yaa Gyasi. These two texts represent African American and African characters’ experiences, respectively. The study aims to reveal that regardless of regional difference and other nuances in the experiences of African American and African characters, hybrid identity creation for both African American and African characters, is tied to location—which, in this case, is Africa.

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Spaulding, Jay, Kwame Anthony Appiah e Henry Lewis Gates. "Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African-American Experience". International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, n.º 1 (2001): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097294.

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McClendon, John H. "Materialist Philosophical Inquiry and African American Studies". Socialism and Democracy 25, n.º 1 (março de 2011): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2011.559699.

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Livingston, Jonathan N., Kristen Bell Hughes, Danyelle Dawson, Ariel Williams, Jessica A. Mohabir, Akaosa Eleanya, George Cliette e Dwayne Brandon. "Feeling No Ways Tired". Journal of Black Studies 48, n.º 3 (8 de fevereiro de 2017): 279–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717690526.

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A considerable amount of the literature on African American activism has been focused on the mainstream political participation and the civil rights and Black Power movements. Subsequent research in this era has primarily focused on the church and post–civil war reconstruction efforts. Few contemporary studies have assessed activist efforts among African Americans and the factors that may influence their involvement. The current study investigates what factors are related to activism among African American church members. To better understand the factors that influence activism, 187 African American church members from two Midwestern cities were sampled. Employing Pearson correlations and hierarchical regression analysis revealed that racial centrality, psychological empowerment, and activism each significantly influence activist behavior among African Americans. Given the zeitgeist of the times (i.e., Ferguson, Eric Garner, and the Black Lives Matter movement), further research is needed to understand what factors may encourage African Americans to become involved and effectuate change in their respective communities.

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Mars, Perry. "Caribbean influences in African-American political struggles". Ethnic and Racial Studies 27, n.º 4 (julho de 2004): 565–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01491987042000216717.

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Taylor, Steven. "The Political Influence of African American Ministers". Journal of Black Studies 37, n.º 1 (setembro de 2006): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934705282192.

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Stone, Leonard. "African American Consciousness". Journal of African American Studies 24, n.º 1 (23 de janeiro de 2020): 96–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12111-020-09459-6.

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Kopkin, Nolan, e Erin N. Winkler. "Naming Black Studies: Results From a Faculty Opinion Survey". Journal of Black Studies 50, n.º 4 (15 de abril de 2019): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719842444.

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The ongoing debate about nomenclature has been part of the discourse in Black Studies since the late 1960s, yet there remains no consensus on an ideal name. The existing literature ties specific name choices to political, ideological, and paradigmatic approach; regional focus; and/or institutional and market pressure. In this study, we augment the literature with survey data on the opinions of Black Studies scholars. Our findings show “Africana Studies” is most often chosen as the ideal name, followed by “Black Studies,” “African Diaspora Studies,” “African American Studies” and “Pan-African Studies,” “Africology,” and “African Studies,” and that trends for positive and negative connotations follow a somewhat similar pattern. Just as the literature ties specific name choices to political, ideological, and paradigmatic approach; regional focus; and/or institutional and market pressure, so too do our respondents. It is our hope these results add to the ongoing scholarly discussion around nomenclature in Black Studies.

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Newman, Richard. "Early Black Thought Leaders and the Reframing of American Intellectual History". Journal of the Early Republic 43, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2023): 631–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a915166.

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Abstract: This essay examines the broad impact of African American thought leadership on early American intellectual history. Though marginalized in many mainstream histories of American intellectual life–which often focus on the emergence of Black philosophers and Black professional historians later in the 19th century -- early national Black thinkers helped shape public understanding of critical ideas in American society and politics, including the meaning of citizenship and civil rights, emancipation and equality, and racial justice. African Americans also influenced public discourses on other key topics in American intellectual life, including the nature of human dignity and spiritual redemption in the Second Great Awakening, the meaning of Romanticism and Transcendentalism in American reform culture, and the authority of science and technology in antebellum society. Using the concept of thought leadership as a framing device to understand the power and impact of early Black ideas, I follow recent trends in the field of African American intellectual history that focus on that way that African American men and women became public authorities on key ideas and issues in American culture between the American Revolution and Civil War. Though they did not often occupy positions of educational, institutional, or legal power (the main provinces of intellectual leadership), Black thought leaders had a significant impact on early American intellectual history.

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Reid-Merritt, Patricia. "Temple University’s African American Studies PhD Program @ 30: Assessing the Asante Affect". Journal of Black Studies 49, n.º 6 (18 de julho de 2018): 559–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718786221.

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Temple University’s Department of Africology and African American Studies is celebrating its 30th year of operation as a PhD program. Since its inception in l988, the doctoral program at Temple has attracted and produced world-class scholars in the discipline of Africology. Initially started by students at San Francisco State University in l968 as Black Studies, the field has been called by many names, including Afro-American Studies, African American Studies, African World Studies, Africana Studies, Pan African Studies, and Africology. As this modern-day field of study marks its 50th anniversary, it is important that we examine the impact of the 30-year history of the establishment of the first PhD program in Black Studies in the nation, founded at Temple University in the City of Philadelphia. This article offers a preliminary assessment of the far-reaching impact of Temple’s academic leadership in establishing a fundamental base for innovative scholarship and the maturing of the discipline of Africology. More specifically, it focuses on Molefi Kete Asante’s influence, his vision for the discipline, and his extraordinary impact on the field of Africology.

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Musanga, Terrence, e Theophilus Mukhuba. "Toward the Survival and Wholeness of the African American Community: A Womanist Reading of Alice Walker’s The Color Purple (1982)". Journal of Black Studies 50, n.º 4 (15 de março de 2019): 388–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719835083.

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This article attempts a womanist reading of Alice Walker’s The Color Purple. Walker provides a gendered perspective of what it means to be “black,” “ugly,” “poor,” and a “woman” in America. This perspective is ignored in the majority of male-authored African American texts that privilege race and class issues. Being “black,” “poor,” “ugly,” and a “woman,” underscores the complexity of the African American woman’s experience as it condemns African American women into invisibility. However, Walker’s characters like Celie, Sofia, Shug, Mary Agnes, and Nettie fight for visibility and assist each other as African American women in their quest for freedom and independence in a capitalist, patriarchal, and racially polarized America. This article therefore maps out Celie’s evolution from being a submissive and uneducated “nobody” (invisible/voiceless) to a mature and independent “someone” (visibility/having a voice). Two important womanist concepts namely “family” and “sisterhood” inform this metamorphosis as Walker underscores her commitment to the survival and wholeness of African American people.

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Doster, Dennis A. "“This Independent Fight We Are Making Is Local”: The Election of 1920 and Electoral Politics in Black Baltimore". Journal of Urban History 44, n.º 2 (2 de janeiro de 2018): 134–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217746163.

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In 1920, William Ashbie Hawkins, an esteemed lawyer and veteran of the struggle for civil rights, became the first African American to run for the U.S. Senate in Maryland. Hawkins’s independent campaign reflected a growing political insurgency among African Americans in the local Republican Party which built upon a longer tradition of independent political action with roots in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. For black Baltimoreans, this movement was part of a plan to force white Republicans to acquiesce to black demands revealing fluidity in political activity on the local level. Although African Americans may have identified and registered as Republicans, party affiliation did not prevent them from building and sustaining independent political movements on the local level to advance a civil rights agenda.

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Spurgeon, Shawn L., e Jane E. Myers. "African American Males". Journal of Black Studies 40, n.º 4 (19 de março de 2008): 527–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934708315153.

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Holosko, Michael J., Harold E. Briggs e Keva M. Miller. "Do Black Lives Really Matter—To Social Work? Introduction to the Special Edition". Research on Social Work Practice 28, n.º 3 (17 de maio de 2017): 272–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049731517706551.

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This article presents and summarizes the special issue entitled: Practice, Research, and Scholarship on African American. The authors examine the professions’ contradictory actions in partnering with African American scholars, communities, and people to achieve its social justice and civil rights mission. It reintroduces the reader of this collection to June Gary Hopps who originally rung the clarion call to action about the profession’s waffling nature regarding African Americans. The authors overview the collection, which depicts the professions’ lack of focus on issues of race, African American well-being, and oppression experiences. This issue unravels the role played by social work in its meager attention to the plight of African American leaders and faculty, their achievements, and challenges. It also conveys the realities of too few research studies on key issues impacting African Americans. This article concludes with a nudge to the reader to weigh the evidence contained in this serial.

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Peterson, Steven A., e Shaun L. Gabbidon. "Stressful Life Events and African American Political Participation". Journal of Black Studies 38, n.º 2 (19 de março de 2007): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934705283885.

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Stanley, Ben Jamieson, Desiree Lewis e Lynn Mafofo. "South African Food Studies". Matatu 54, n.º 1 (29 de novembro de 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05401001.

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Abstract Introducing a special issue of Matatu titled “South African Food Studies,” this essay argues for the importance of food as a lens for understanding contemporary culture and society. More specifically, the essay advocates for recentring Global South contexts—in this case South Africa—in a ‘food studies’ conversation that has often been dominated by the American academy; it also underscores the vitality of the humanities, qualitative social sciences, and creative arts for transcending reductive ‘food security’ paradigms often applied in the Global South. The essay first examines the short story “Water No Get Enemy” by South African writer Fred Khumalo, introducing how a focus on food and eating can illuminate globalisation, xenophobia, resource conflict, and environmental change. From here, the authors introduce the evolving field of ‘food studies,’ then outline the eight academic, personal, and creative pieces that constitute this special issue, all authored by contributors from the African continent. Issues raised include the gendered and queer politics of food, breastmilk, and soil; the ongoing coloniality of neoliberal approaches to food inequality; the burdening of Black bodies; the role of so-called ‘ethnic restaurants’ in building transnational and multi-ethnic communities; and the heightened stakes of food access during the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Babcock, Julia C., e Josilyn C. Banks. "Interobserver agreement and the effects of ethnicity on observational coding of affect". Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 36, n.º 9 (7 de outubro de 2018): 2842–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265407518803474.

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Objectives: The Specific Affect Coding System (SPAFF) is a reliable system for coding observed affect but few studies have tested its generalizability and susceptibility to bias. Methods: The current study compared highly trained African American and Caucasian coders’ scores when coding the same videos of African American and Caucasian American couples. Results: While it was hypothesized that Caucasian Americans may code African America couples as being more aggressive and less positive based on stereotypes, results revealed a significant Ethnicity of Coder × Ethnicity of Couple interaction on the “neutral” code only. Both African American and Caucasian coders tended to rate out-group couples as being less neutral and showing less interest than in-group couples. No other emotion was identified as being over-coded in lieu of neutral, however. Conclusion: Results suggest a subtle bias in SPAFF coding. Adding a diversity component to the SPAFF training and recruiting diverse coders is recommended.

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Fagan, Brian, e Theresa Singleton. ""I, Too, Am American": Archaeological Studies of African American Life". International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, n.º 2 (2000): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220718.

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Baugh, John. "IT AIN'T ABOUT RACE: Some Lingering (Linguistic) Consequences of the African Slave Trade and Their Relevance to Your Personal Historical Hardship Index". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 3, n.º 1 (março de 2006): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x06060103.

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While most Americans agree that government officials failed to act promptly to provide food, water, shelter, and other relief to the victims of Hurricane Katrina, they disagree about the racial relevance of this negligence. Nevertheless, the unavoidable images of the storm's disproportionately high number of African American victims among those unable to flee a foretold disaster brought into view the specter of racial inequality. While most theorists and commentators have used race and poverty as the primary lenses through which to view Katrina's human toll, this paper utilizes linguistic rubrics and relative immigration status to address inequities globally suffered by people of African descent. In the case of American Blacks, our emphasis is on Blacks with ancestral ties to enslaved Africans, since those who suffered most in the wake of Katrina were not merely Black, but also direct descendants of American slaves of African origin. Framing the discussion in terms of linguistic ancestry, its relationship to slavery, and instances of (c)overt social and educational apartheid born of statutory racial segregation, I develop aHistorical Hardship Indexas an alternative way to advance equality in the period after the end of African slave trade. The proposed Historical Hardship Index can be applied—with slight regional modifications—to anyone, anywhere, without reference to race.

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Matthewson, Timothy, e Katherine Harris. "African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa". Journal of the Early Republic 6, n.º 1 (1986): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3122679.

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Sullivan, Jo, e Katherine Harris. "African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa". International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, n.º 1 (1987): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219309.

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Adom Getachew. "Interview with Nadia Nurhussein Black Land: Imperial Ethiopianism in African America". Ethiopian Journal of the Social Sciences and Humanities 17, n.º 1 (3 de março de 2022): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejossah.v17i1.7.

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In October 2020, Adom Getachew interviewed Nadia Nurhussein about her recent book “Black Land: Imperial Ethiopianism and African America” published by Princeton University Press in 2019. Black Land delves into nineteenth- and twentieth-century African American artistic and journalistic depictions of Ethiopia, illuminating the increasing tensions and ironies behind cultural celebrations of an African country asserting itself as an imperial power. Nurhussein navigates texts by Walt Whitman, Paul Laurence Dunbar, Pauline Hopkins, Harry Dean, Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, George Schuyler, and others, alongside images and performances that show the intersection of African America with Ethiopia during historic political shifts. From a description of a notorious 1920 Star Order of Ethiopia flag-burning demonstration in Chicago to a discussion of the Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie as Time magazine’s Man of the Year for 1935, Nurhussein illuminates the growing complications that modern Ethiopia posed for American writers and activists who wrestled with Pan-African ideal and the reality of Ethiopia as an imperialist state. Black Land was Winner of the MSA Book Prize, from the Modernist Studies Association, finalist for the Pauli Murray Book Prize from the African American Intellectual History Society and shortlisted for the MAAH Stone Book Award from the Museum of African American History.

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Young, Alford A. "UNEARTHING IGNORANCE: Hurricane Katrina and the Re-Envisioning of the Urban Black Poor". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 3, n.º 1 (março de 2006): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x06060139.

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This essay explores some social ramifications of two portraits of low-income African American New Orleanians that proliferated throughout the country since the arrival of Hurricane Katrina on the Gulf Coast. The dissemination of these portraits reveals much about America's cultural understandings of African Americans and urban poverty. Some recent ethnographic and qualitative-methodological work has striven to create new depictions of this constituency, but a divide persists between general-public readings of the African American urban poor and those of liberal-minded field researchers who have studied this population. This essay concludes with some reflection on issues concerning the potential for this research to bridge the divide, given the power of mainstream media outlets to construct and promote certain images of disadvantaged and disenfranchised social groups relative to the social power of academic scholarship to achieve the same end.

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Higgs, Catherine, e Steven D. Gish. "Alfred B. Xuma: African, American, South African". International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, n.º 2 (2001): 452. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097517.

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Simien, Evelyn M., e Sarah Cote Hampson. "Black Votes Count, But Do They Matter? Symbolic Empowerment and the Jackson-Obama Mobilizing Effect on Gender and Age Cohorts". American Politics Research 48, n.º 6 (13 de janeiro de 2020): 725–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19898665.

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Using data from the 1984–1988 National Black Election Studies as well as the 2008 and 2012 American National Election Studies, we provide a comprehensive study of African American political behavior with support for Barack Obama and Jesse Jackson serving as explanatory variables alongside other sources of variation—gender and age cohorts. Results show that African American voters who preferred Jackson and Obama in the 1984 and 2008 Democratic nominating contests were more likely to proselytize, attend a campaign rally or political meeting, donate money, and wear a campaign button. While opposition to Ronald Reagan and George Bush, church membership, involvement in Black political organizations were also linked to behavior, racial group identification (linked fate) had a less consistent effect. Both Obama’s candidacy like that of Jackson’s had an empowering effect on African American women—particularly, those of the civil rights generation—as was the case for Obama supporters of a younger cohort.

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Fullerton, Andrew S., e Michael J. Stern. "Racial Differences in the Gender Gap in Political Participation in the American South, 1952–2004". Social Science History 37, n.º 2 (2013): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010622.

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The integration of women and African Americans into the politically active southern electorate in the 1960s and the 1970s was a turning point in the rise of the “New South” and essential to the establishment of a democratic political process in the region. Whereas there are numerous studies of the reenfranchisement of African Americans in the South in the literature, temporal changes in the gender gap in southern political participation have received less attention. Gender inequality in voting has historically been greatest in the South and was more resistant to change over time. This study is the first to examine the intersection of gender and racial inequality in political participation in the South over a period spanning several decades. Building on previous theories of political participation, including the civic voluntarism model and the strategic mobilization perspective, we develop and test a conceptual model based on the interplay between individual characteristics and the broader institutional context. Using data from the American National Election Studies, we examine racial differences in the gender gap in southern political participation over time using hierarchical age-period-cohort analysis. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical implications for the study of gender and racial inequality in political participation.

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Schollenberger, Janet, Jacquelyn Campbell, Phyllis W. Sharps, Patricia O’Campo, Andrea Carlson Gielen, Jacqueline Dienemann e Joan Kub. "African American HMO Enrollees". Violence Against Women 9, n.º 5 (maio de 2003): 599–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801202250451.

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Turner, William L., e Beverly Wallace. "African American Substance Use". Violence Against Women 9, n.º 5 (maio de 2003): 576–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801202250452.

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Hazzard-Gordon, Katrina. "African-American Vernacular Dance". Journal of Black Studies 15, n.º 4 (junho de 1985): 427–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193478501500405.

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Plass, Peggy S. "African American Family Homicide". Journal of Black Studies 23, n.º 4 (junho de 1993): 515–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479302300406.

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Mitchell, Elise A. "Black and African American". Journal of the Early Republic 43, n.º 1 (março de 2023): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.0005.

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Gibson, James L. "Being Free in Obama's America: Racial Differences in Perceptions of Constraints on Political Action". Daedalus 141, n.º 4 (outubro de 2012): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00177.

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Many studies of interracial differences in rates of political participation pay too little attention to African Americans' perceptions of whether they can freely participate in politics. Survey evidence collected over the last several decades has consistently shown that black Americans perceive much less political freedom available to them than do white Americans. The gap in perceived freedom has narrowed somewhat in recent years but remains large. Following the empowerment hypothesis of Lawrence Bobo and Franklin Gilliam, black perceptions of freedom increased with the election of Barack Obama to the American presidency. But perhaps unexpectedly, the empowerment bonus has not persisted, especially among conservative and fundamentalist blacks. Because African Americans do not perceive that their government would permit various types of political action, it is likely that substantial interracial differences exist in non-voting types of political participation, especially political action directed against governmental authority.

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Wyche, Karen Fraser. "Teaching the Psychology of Women Courses in Another Discipline". Psychology of Women Quarterly 22, n.º 1 (março de 1998): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1998.tb00142.x.

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A survey of course titles in African American Studies departments and programs was conducted to examine the course offerings on the psychology of women, the psychology of African American women, and other areas of psychology as well as courses on gender from other disciplines. A total of 82 programs or departments of African American Studies and 182 courses were listed. The course discipline was stated in the majority of courses, with psychology having the most courses. Only a small percentage of the psychology courses listed gender in addition to race in the title. Of those courses listed in psychology, the majority were in social, developmental, or clinical psychology. The disciplines of English, sociology, history, and political science had listings of courses with both gender and race titles. This small survey indicates that the psychology of women has not had much influence on the curriculum of African American Studies. Possible reasons for this are discussed, as are solutions to this problem.

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Abarry, Abu. "The African-American Legacy in American Literature". Journal of Black Studies 20, n.º 4 (junho de 1990): 379–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479002000401.

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Anthony, David Henry. "Max Yergan, Marxism and Mission during the Interwar Era". Social Sciences and Missions 22, n.º 2 (2009): 257–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12537778667273.

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AbstractFrom 1922 through 1936 Max Yergan, an African-American graduate of historically Black Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina represented the North American YMCA in South Africa through the auspices of the Student Christian Association. A student secretary since his sophomore year in 1911, with Indian and East African experience in World War One, Yergan's star rose sufficiently to permit him entry into the racially challenging South Africa field after a protracted campaign waged on his behalf by such interfaith luminaries as Gold Coast proto nationalist J.E.K. Aggrey and the formidable Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois. Arriving on the eve of the Great Rand Mine Strike of 1922, Yergan's South African years were punctuated by political concerns. Entering the country as an Evangelical Pan-Africanist influenced by the social gospel thrust of late nineteenth and early twentieth century American Protestantism that reached the YMCA and other faith-friendly but nondenominational organizations, Yergan became favorably disposed to Marxist and Marxist-Leninist doctrine in the course of his South African posting. Against the backdrop of the labor agitation of the post World War One era and the expansion and transformation of the South African Communist Party that occurred during the mid to late nineteen twenties, Yergan's response to what he termed "the appeal of Communism" made him an avatar of a liberation theology fusing Marxist revolution and Christianity. This paper details some of the trajectory of that momentous and profound personal evolution.

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Watson-Singleton, Natalie N., Ivonne Andrea Florez, Amber M. Clunie, Andrew L. Silverman, Sarah E. Dunn e Nadine J. Kaslow. "Psychosocial Mediators Between Intimate Partner Violence and Alcohol Abuse in Low-Income African American Women". Violence Against Women 26, n.º 9 (10 de junho de 2019): 915–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801219850331.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) exposure can increase alcohol use. Although African Americans use less alcohol compared with European Americans, African American women experience disparate rates of IPV, potentially intensifying their alcohol abuse. We used data from 171 African American women to test if IPV was related to alcohol abuse and if psychosocial factors—loneliness, embarrassment, fear of harm, hope, social support, childcare needs, and finances—mediated this link. IPV and alcohol abuse were related, and several factors were related to either IPV or alcohol abuse. Social support was related to both, and it mediated the IPV–alcohol abuse link, explaining women’s alcohol abuse relating to IPV.

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Alamo, Carlos. "DISPATCHES FROM A COLONIAL OUTPOST". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 9, n.º 1 (20 de outubro de 2011): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x11000312.

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AbstractOver the last few decades social movements and race scholars have begun to uncover and critically examine the social, economic, and political linkages shared between Puerto Ricans and African Americans. Much of this literature has focused exclusively on the period of the Civil Rights Movement with particular emphasis on the Young Lords and Black Panthers. Despite this rich and informative literature, we know very little of the connective social histories and relationships between African Americans and Puerto Ricans that preceded these later social movements. This article traces the historically contingent and multifaceted ways in which African American journalists, between 1942 and 1951, found new political meanings in Puerto Rico as the island underwent a massive economic and social transformation, and how they used that knowledge to reconceptualize challenges to Black personhood in the United States. Examining the Black popular press in Puerto Rico during this period reveals that Black journalists took an active interest in the island because it represented a useful point of comparison for understanding the internal colonial model of social inequality hampering the U.S. African American community during the first half of the twentieth century. The racialized nature of U.S. colonialism experienced by the island, the sociopolitical and economic effects of its monocultural sugar economy, and the second-class citizenship of Puerto Ricans were among the most salient factors that led African American journalists to a broader anti-imperialist understanding of racism, illuminating the lack of civil and economic rights Blacks experienced within the United States.

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Horne, Gerald, e Bernard Makhosezwe Magubane. "The Ties That Bind: African-American Consciousness of Africa". International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, n.º 1 (1990): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219994.

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